[pt] A presente dissertação tem por tema a espacialidade da cidade como uma política de segregação pública que engendra a política de segurança pública. Para tanto, pretende-se compreender de que forma a produção do espaço social e da cidade está intimamente relacionada ao modelo econômico adotado e como as tensões entre grupos sociais etnograficamente diferentes se reproduzem no espaço geográfico e na cidade. Assim, a presente dissertação se subdivide em: (a) compreensão da cidade como espaço de disputa; (b) compreensão da cidade como uma reprodução do capitalismo global; (c) as políticas de (re)planejamento urbano, visando o mercado mundial de cidades, que culminam em reproduções de segregações baseadas em classe e raça; (d) a análise do Rio de Janeiro como cidade global e o (re)planejamento urbano ocorrido em vista dos megaeventos, em conjunto com a segregação do Rio de Janeiro; (e) a análise da necroespacialidade que culmina na necropolítica da Segurança Pública. / [en] This dissertation has as its theme the spatiality of the city as a public segregation policy that engenders public security policy. Therefore, we intend to understan how the production of social space and the city is closely related to the economic model adopted and how the tensions between ethnographically diferente social groups are reproduced in the geographical space and in the city. Thus, this dissertation is subdivides into: (a) understanding of the city as a space of dispute; (b) understanding of the city as a reproduction of global capitalismo; (c) urban (re)planning policies, targeting the world city Market, which culminates i the reproduction of segregations based on class and race; (d) the analysis of Rio de Janeiro as a global city and the urban (re)planning that took place in view of the megaeven, together with the segregation of Rio de Janeiro; (e) the analysis of necrospace that culminates in the necropolitics of Public Security.

<p dir="ltr">Violent death that violates the ontological dignity of the body and the disappeared corpse often results in a crisis of mourning for those left behind, with the matter made all the more complicated when it comes to instances of politically motivated violence in the context of war. What follows such death/disappearance are issues of identification, collection of remains and, ultimately, an inability to enact necessary death rituals such as washing, shrouding and burial, leading to a separation between the dislocated soul and the corporeal form on part of the dead and the issue of incomplete mourning on part of the bereaved. Both the living and the dead, thus, come to occupy a liminal space (<i>barzakh</i>) where the boundaries between past/present, human/non-human, and dead/alive fall away. This paper argues that this in-between state helps the mourner gain access to a radical state of bearing witness outside of the oppressive binaries of the modern world. This work makes use of Middle Eastern (Iraq, Palestine, Egypt) and South Asian (Kashmir) literatures dealing with dehumanization and violent death in the context of what Achille Mbembe refers to as “death-worlds,” inhabitants of which are deemed “living-dead.”</p>

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[pt] A presente dissertação busca contribuir para desvelar a racionalidade colonialista da guerra às drogas que tem orientado a política de segurança pública do estado do Rio de Janeiro desde o fim do regime militar. Trata-se de uma pesquisa com natureza teórica que mobiliza diferentes fontes: bibliográficas, estatísticas, legislativas e, ocasionalmente, jornalísticas. Sua base epistemológica é o conceito de necropolítica, entendido como centro gravitacional de uma reflexão mais ampla desenvolvida por Achille Mbembe sobre o mundo contemporâneo. Considerando o recorte temporal que vai de 1988 a 2018, demonstra-se que a guerra às drogas fluminense faz parte de uma engrenagem racista que, respaldada pela branquitude e impulsionada pela violência estatal própria do neoliberalismo, perpetua sofisticadamente o processo secular de extermínio da população pobre e negra, moradora de favelas e periferias. Essa guerra move e legitima, nos territórios urbanos pauperizados, uma gestão governamental pelo terror, praticada mediante o rompimento de limites ao exercício do poder de matar, direta ou indiretamente, os corpos julgados descartáveis e hostis, inimigos do projeto civilizatório brasileiro, agora encampados na imagem racializada do traficante. A prisão e a vala são tomadas, aqui, como duas expressões fundamentais dessa dinâmica genocida. Este trabalho ainda ressalta a importância de um outro modo de lidar com a questão das drogas, distinto do proibicionismo de guerra, sem deixar de lado a necessidade de uma crítica radical da própria lógica bélico-colonial que o sustenta, o que exige colocar na ordem do dia o questionamento tanto da hegemonia neoliberal quanto da conservação histórica de privilégios brancos no Brasil. / [en] This dissertation is aimed at unveiling the colonialist rationality of the war on drugs that has informed public security policy in the state of Rio de Janeiro since the end of the military regime. It is a theoretical study based on bibliographic, statistical, legislative, and, occasionally, journalistic sources. Its epistemological foundation is the concept of necropolitics, which Achille Mbembe developed as the gravitational center of a more comprehensive reflection on the modern world. Considering the period between 1988 and 2018, we demonstrate that the war on drugs in Rio de Janeiro is part of a racist mechanism that, backed by whiteness and propelled by the state violence typical of neoliberalism, sophisticatedly perpetuates the secular process of extermination of the poor and black people who live in the favelas and outskirts. This war moves and legitimizes, in impoverished urban areas, a governmental management through terror by exceeding the limits of power in order to kill, directly or indirectly, bodies deemed disposable and hostile, enemies of the Brazilian civilizing project, now embodied in the racially constructed image of the drug dealer. Prison and mass grave are seen as two basic manifestations of this genocidal dynamic in this context. This study further points to the importance of another way to deal with the drug issue, one that is different from war prohibitionism, without leaving aside the necessity of a radical critique of the war-like rationale that sustains it, which demands questioning both the neoliberal hegemony and the historical preservation of white privilege in Brazil.

[pt] O título desta dissertação Um novo momento para narrativas plurais é inspirado nas questões que envolvem a obra literária da autora nigeriana Chimamanda Adichie “O perigo de uma história única”. O livro surgiu de uma palestra dada pela autora nigeriana que viralizou em plataformas digitais de vídeo, em redes sociais do mundo inteiro e se transformou em obra literária traduzida para diversos idiomas. Esse fenômeno guiou a temática desta pesquisa que busca entender como as narrativas do feminismo negro contemporâneo repercutem na construção social da realidade, provocando uma aproximação dos discursos de empoderamento nas mídias sociais, dando maior visibilidade para mulheres negras no mercado editorial. Este estudo traz considerações sobre o movimento feminista negro e propõe uma reflexão sobre o mercado editorial a partir desta perspectiva. Para isso, coloca em diálogo os conceitos de violência, necropolítica, biopoder e sociedade de rede com as questões que permeiam as lutas contra o machismo e o racismo. Tendo como conteúdo de pesquisa as trajetórias profissionais de Chimamanda Adichie, Conceição Evaristo e Djamila Ribeiro. A pesquisa também aponta questões sobre a diáspora africana, as tecnologias digitais no campo da arte e da literatura, apresentando eixos do mercado editorial, empreendedorismos possíveis e reflexões acerca das oportunidades para a diversidade. / [en] The title of this dissertation A new moment for plural narratives is inspired by the questions surrounding the literary work of the Nigerian author Chimamanda Adichie The danger of a unique story. The book emerged from a lecture given by the Nigerian author that went viral on digital video platforms, on social networks around the world and became a literary work translated into several languages. This phenomenon guided the theme of this research that seeks to understand how the narratives of contemporary black feminism have an impact on the social construction of reality, causing an approximation of empowerment discourses on social media, giving greater visibility to black women in the publishing market. This study brings considerations about the black feminist movement and proposes a reflection on the publishing market from this perspective. To this end, it puts the concepts of violence, necropolitics, biopower and network society into dialogue with the issues that permeate the struggles against chauvinism and racism. Having as research content the professional trajectories of Chimamanda Adichie, Conceição Evaristo and Djamila Ribeiro. The research also points out questions about african diaspora, digital technologies in the field of art and literature, presenting axes of the publishing market, possible entrepreneurship and reflections on opportunities for diversity.

[pt] Receber, triar, higienizar, armazenar, despachar, descartar. Esses eram alguns dos verbos usados para conjugar as milhares de vidas que chegavam nos ventres pútridos dos navios negreiros ao Brasil. Caso chegassem vivos, e se o seu destino fosse o porto do Rio de Janeiro, entre 1771 e 1833, os homens e mulheres africanos continuariam a sua trajetória de sobrevivência no mercado do Valongo, onde eram preparados e expostos à venda pública, — transformados em objeto, mercadoria e moeda — negociados incansavelmente nos vários barracões espalhados pela bucólica vila de casinhas brancas com telhados vermelhos na freguesia de Santa Rita. Amparado por um sistema necropolítico que tinha a normatização da violência e a produção da morte, física e social, como modos de exercício da soberania, o Valongo constituiu-se espacialmente como um conjunto de equipamentos urbanos que funcionavam de modo integrado na tarefa de produção e distribuição da mão de obra escrava para diversas partes do continente. Tendo este cenário como ponto de partida, o presente trabalho se desenvolve como uma investigação dos processos sociais, políticos e culturais que conduziram a consolidação espacial do Valongo como um complexo comercial, buscando em sua expressão material e simbólica as bases para forjar um novo conceito que abarque a função necropolítica dos ambientes construídos: a necroarquitetura. / [en] Receive, triage, sanitize, store, dispatch, discard. These were some of the verbs used to conjugate the thousands of lives that came in the putrid womb of the slave ships to Brazil. If they arrived alive, and if their destination was Rio de Janeiro s harbor, between 1771 and 1833, African men and women would continue their survival path in the Valongo market, where they were prepared and exposed to public sale, - transformed into object, commodity and currency - tirelessly negotiated in the various barracks scattered in the bucolic village of white houses with red roofs in the parish of Santa Rita. The Valongo, supported by a necropolitic system that had the normatization of violence and the production of death, physical and social, as means of exercising sovereignty, constituted itself spatially as a set of urban equipment that functioned in an integrated way in the task of production and distribution of slave labor to various parts of the continent. Taking this scenario as a starting point, the present work develops as an investigation of the social, political and cultural processes that led the spatial consolidation of Valongo as a commercial complex, seeking in its material and symbolic expression the bases for forging a new concept that encompasses the necropolitic function of constructed environments: the necroarchitecture.

A dominant trend in cyberpunk scholarship draws from Fredric Jameson's diagnosis of postmodernism as the logic of late capitalism, using Jameson's spatial pastiche, schizophrenic temporality, and waning of affect, along with Jameson's characterization of Baudrillard's simulacrum to interpret postmodern cultural artifacts. For many cultural critics, the city of cyberpunk is thoroughly postmodern because parallels can be drawn between the cyberpunk city and the postmodern condition. However, very little work has considered the ways in which cyberpunk can defamiliarize the necro-spatial and necro-temporal logic of neoliberalism. This project moves away from more traditional disciplinary aesthetic methods of analyzing power and urban systems, such as interpretation and representation. And, it problematizes the biopolitical present in three different ways. First, by weaving in and out of an analysis of the narratives, discourses, and spatio-temporalities of cyberpunk and neoliberalism, I seek to produce epistemological interferences within these genres/disciplines, and thus, to disrupt the conceptual and lived biopolitical status-quo of late-capitalism. The goal is to open the door for discomfort with and a critical awareness of the necrotic conditions of competition by highlighting the fictive nature of neoliberalism. Second, this study problematizes accelerationism as a viable alternative to leftist politics and suggests in the end that accelerationism is a form of neoliberal resilience. It does this through an analysis of the biohacker that reframes this subject in terms of accelerationism and the logic of intensity. I argue that the biohacker is the accelerationist subject Alex Williams and Nick Srnicek advocate for in their "Accelerationist Manifesto," suggesting that this accelerationist subject is, in the end, a neoliberal subject that fits easily within the conditions of competition. This study argues that the biohacker in its numerous forms reflects an underlying pure neoliberalism at work within accelerationism and its neoliberal governmentalities. I suggest that far from being an alternative to leftist politics, accelerationism may further the goals of neoliberalism in its desire to accelerate to a purified market space. And, finally, this study works towards offering a biopolitics that theorizes death in terms of ordinariness and suggests that biopolitics is still a useful analytic within neoliberalism. In other words, Foucault's biopolitics can do more than theorize a genealogy of biological racism and genocide. Rather than advocate for moving beyond biopolitics, this study argues instead that neoliberal biopolitics can still be understood in terms of Foucault's analytic, and that perhaps, we need to disentangle Foucault's work from Achille Mbembe's "Necropolitics." / Doctor of Philosophy / A dominant trend in cyberpunk scholarship draws from Fredric Jameson’s diagnosis of postmodernism as the logic of late capitalism, using Jameson’s spatial pastiche, schizophrenic temporality, and waning of affect, along with Jameson’s characterization of Baudrillard’s simulacrum to interpret postmodern cultural artifacts. For many cultural critics, the city of cyberpunk is thoroughly postmodern because parallels can be drawn between the cyberpunk city and the postmodern condition. However, very little work has considered the ways in which cyberpunk can defamiliarize the necro-spatial and necro-temporal logic of neoliberalism. This project moves away from more traditional disciplinary aesthetic methods of analyzing power and urban systems, such as interpretation and representation. It problematizes the biopolitical present in three different ways. First, by weaving in and out of an analysis of the narratives, discourses, and spatio-temporalities of cyberpunk and neoliberalism, I seek to produce epistemological interferences within these genres/disciplines, and thus, to disrupt the conceptual and lived biopolitical status-quo of late-capitalism. Second, this study problematizes accelerationism as a viable alternative to leftist politics and suggests in the end that accelerationism is a form of neoliberal resilience. And, finally, this study works towards offering a biopolitics that theorizes death in terms of ordinariness and suggests that biopolitics is still a useful analytic within neoliberalism. Methodologically, the project utilizes an interdisciplinary approach, pulling from political theory, genre studies, discourse analysis, and digital ethnographic research. Professionals and scholars interested in contesting neoliberalism will benefit from this study as it offers ways to problematize neoliberalism’s reality construction.

Our western society and lifestyle is to a considerable extent depended on the way we perceive and treat our co-existing non-human species. Industrial farming, vivisection, sports, circuses etcetera are just a few examples of how human use and exploit animal bodies for own gain. A phenomenon that in many ways, is perceived, as natural and normal, and therefore seldom discussed. The thesis purpose is to problematize this phenomenon by examine, what I call “The Speciesism Gaze”, through analysis of posters that promote animal rights, selected online, through the search domain Google. The theoretical framework used, are theories focusing on intersectionality, derived within postcolonial-, eco-critical and new materialist feminism. A brief introduction of animal right movements, its linking to feminism activism and theories derived within affect theory is presented as background for the analysis. As method, I use critical discourse analysis, focusing on intertextuality of the posters context. Asking what discourses emerge, challenging the anthropocentric and androcentric western dualistic hierarchy, whilst displaying mutually reinforced structures of sexism, racism and speciesism? I discuss the western historical and cultural human idea that the human species is separated from nature and animal, and where the “right” human subject standard is perceived as male, white, heterosexual and western in the Anthropocene age. I found that, this standard is displayed, played on, and questioned in the posters selected, in relation to animal materiality, grievability, killability, species necropolitics, sexism and racism. I discuss in my conclusion that oppression based on speciesism is not a power relation discussed in society today to the same extent as expressions of sexism and racism are. It is however an oppression that we all take part in every day and that affect all of us, despite species belonging. In that context, I hope the theorization and meaning of the speciesism gaze will have significance within the field of feminist theorizations and practices.

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While the (re)conquest of Arabia as manifest in 2003 Iraq, and 2006 Lebanon, were respectively Act I and II accenting sovereign figures exercising necropower by adjudicating (il)legal doctrines (i.e., pre-emptive defense strategy) legalizing extrajudicial techniques of violence founded on discursive technologies of racism, I argue that the “Islamist Winter” – temporarily dubbed the “Arab Spring” in 2011 – is Act III reifying similar legal doctrines (i.e., Bethlehem Legal Principles) and a (secular) linear temporal perception of time seeking to implement a New Middle East (NME) that is no longer “resistant to Latin-European modernity” but amenable to such inclusive exclusion historicist telos. The importance of “creative anarchy” as a positivist legal technique in producing chaotic developments such as carnage and a “crisis” or “emergency” of displacement – with sovereign members of jus gentium authorizing agents of terror (i.e., death squads/war-machines) – is that it reveals the deadly technologies of racism and relations of enmity inherent in sovereignty as a positivist juridical concept endowing sovereign figures with the power to formulate legal doctrines that ultimately subjugate Arab life to the power of death (necropower). Therefore, one of the main questions orbiting the writing of this dissertation is interested in deconstructing and critiquing jus gentium – by adopting a Third World Approach to International Law (TWAIL) in tandem with necropolitics and biopolitics as paradigms of analysis – to disclose that it is because jus gentium valorizes positivist jurisprudent scholastics postulating an unbridgeable cultural gap between an Athenian mode of Being as a universal sovereign subject, and a Madīnian mode of Being as the particular object denied sovereignty, that leads ratiocinative sovereign figures to legally exercise necropower on the Arab body. Therefore, the following chapters seek to go beyond the limited (post-colonial) idea asserting that the problem with international law is that it is primarily “Eurocentric” since the simple solution to such a claim would be to include the non-European body in International Law. Rather, the primary question constellating this monograph is: what are the experienced consequences of being temporally included and what are the experienced consequences of being temporally excluded from a legal regime (i.e., jus gentium) reifying a Latin-European philosophical theology universalizing a particular set of liberal-secular cultural mores as a “cultural benchmark” (i.e., purity-metric) in order to be-come imagined as temporally “inside” jus gentium? / Thesis / Doctor of Social Science