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The purpose of this dissertation was to provide knowledge of how issues of social work policy and practice are being raised in the responses to the Scottish Government’s public consultation ‘Review of the Gender Recognition Act 2004’ from 2017. Further, the purpose was to understand how sex and gender were described in the responses, and how these descriptions may relate to concepts of power and discourse in regards to social work practice. The dissertation is based on the 32 opposing organisational responses to the public consultation. The material was processed through a qualitative content analysis, generating ten categories that this dissertation labels as (1) sex as a biological reality, (2) on the post-structuralist view of gender, (3) gender mainstreaming, (4) the magnitude of the decision and regret,(5) diagnosis criteria as a quality assurer for trans care, (6) trans people without gender affirming surgery, (7) the challenge for professionals, (8) biological males, single-sex spaces and the risk for exploitation, (9) cis women’s rights and (10) cis women’s vulnerability. The categories were later condensed into three themes labelled as (1) understanding gender identities and self-declaration, (2) the shift towards self-declaration and (3) the threat to cis women. The themes and categories were analysed through the theoretical framework of Judith Butler’s queer theory. The analysis was followed by a discussion that integrated the theoretical framework with previous research, aiming to enhance the applicability of the findings to the dissertation's purpose and the future of social work research. The findings of the dissertations show that the opposing organisation’s often described sex and gender using biological essentialist discourse, perceiving sex and gender as an innate biological feature that cannot be changed. Further, the findings show little mention of issues of social work in the organisation's responses to the public consultation. Drawing from previous research, the dissertation critiques this by arguing that civil society organisations should pay attention to discourse around legal gender recognition and its implications for the shaping of social work since they are key stakeholders for the development of social work policy and practice. / Syftet med denna uppsats var att bidra till kunskap om hur frågor kring socialt arbete lyfts fram i remissvaren till den skotska regeringens remiss ‘Review of the Gender Recognition Act 2004’ från 2017. Syftet var vidare att förstå hur begreppen kön och genus beskrivs i remissvaren, samt hur dessa beskrivningar relaterar till begreppen diskurs och makt i förhållande till socialt arbete. Uppsatsen baseras på 32 remissvar från de organisationer som motsatte sig den skotska regeringens syn på juridisk könstillhörighet. Materialet bearbetades genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys vilket genererade tio kategorier som i denna uppsats benämns (1) kön som en biologisk verklighet, (2) om den poststrukturalistiska synen på genus, (3) genus-mainstreaming, (4) beslutets magnitud och ånger, (5) diagnoskriterier som kvalitetsgaranti för transvård, (6) transpersoner utan könsbekräftande kirurgi, (7) utmaningen för yrkesverksamma, (8) biologiska män, separatistiska utrymmen och risken för exploatering, (9) ciskvinnors rättigheter och (10) ciskvinnors sårbarhet. Kategorierna kondenserades sedan till tre teman som i denna uppsats benämns (1) förståelsen av könsidentiteter ochsjälvbestämmande, (2) övergången till självbestämmande och (3) fara för ciskvinnor. Temana och kategorierna analyserades med hjälp av Judith Butlers queerteori. Analysen följdes av en diskussion som integrerade det teoretiska ramverket med tidigare forskning, med avsikten att öka tillämpbarheten av resultaten för uppsatsens syfte och den framtida forskningen inom socialt arbete. Uppsatsens resultat visar att organisationerna ofta beskrev kön och genus med hjälp av en könsdeterministisk diskurs, som förstår kön och genus som inneboende biologiska egenskaper som inte kan förändras. Resultatet visar vidare att frågor kring socialt arbete lyfts fram i låg utsträckning i organisationernas remissvar. Uppsatsen kritiserar detta genom att argumentera för att civilsamhällesorganisationer bör uppmärksamma remissen simplikationer för utformningen av socialt arbete i relation till frågan om juridisk könstillhörighet eftersom civilsamhällesorganisationer är viktiga aktörer för utvecklingen av socialt arbete.

Many accounts, both ancient and modern, have maintained that the Julio- Claudian women had unprecedented influence in their spheres. This dissertation attempts to determine the degree of autonomy and influence that the Julio-Claudian women had and to examine the factors that may have contributed to their exceptional influence. In trying to establish the extent and nature of the influence of the Julio- Claudian women, the ancient sources (literary, documentary and iconographic), in conjunction with modern scholarly views, were critically examined throughout. In attempting to determine the factors that influenced such weight and autonomy as these women had, the dissertation looks at the influences on women of earlier times, in particular the late Roman Republic, from a legal and a socio-historical angle. Whether the Julio-Claudian women could be considered, for example, to have been part of a “super-elite” in comparison with aristocratic women of earlier, and even later, times, was discussed and evaluated. On the surface the Julio-Claudian women did seem to enjoy a wider range of freedoms, power and influence than their counterparts, or the Roman women before or after them. Yet it is clear from the sources that these women also had restrictions laid upon them and that the patriarchal framework still curtailed their influence. When they over-stepped the accepted bounds, they were invariably vilified by the ancient historians, and often came to be negatively portrayed by subsequent generations. Whether these women truly deserved their vilification, or whether it can simply be ascribed to the bias of the ancient writers, was also explored throughout. / Classics & World Languages / M.A. (Classical Studies)

本論文研究渥雷‧索因卡《死亡與國王的侍衛長》一劇，以及本劇對約魯巴（Yoruba）人孤注一擲抵制西化卻徒勞無功的境遇所做的關注。本劇改編真實歷史，重演一九四五年在奈及利亞奧約（Oyo）城發生的動亂。當時應舉行侍衛長（Horseman）自殺儀式，然而英國殖民者以武力中斷。本劇一方面解釋這個儀式在約魯巴社會的重要性，另一方面揭露侍衛長心不甘情不願了結生命，並斷言活人獻祭這類殘忍的傳統必然要革除，特別是在因英國殖民而致的動盪時刻。 / 論文分為四個章節，依據米哈依爾‧巴赫汀（Mikhail Bakhtin）的時空型（chronotope）理論，探究《死亡與國王的侍衛長》其社會歷史背景與戲劇表演手法。第一章介紹作者和劇本，並回顧評論，以及說明接下來討論的議題和理論架構。第二章分析文本與現實世界相互輝映的關係。艾瑞克‧霍布斯邦（Eric Hobsbawm）在〈發明傳統〉（"Inventing Traditions"）的見解用以闡明傳統是因時制宜的產物。比爾‧阿希克洛夫特（Bill Ashcroft）等三人提出的後殖民典型，有助於瞭解約魯巴人為了阻擋外來影響竭力奮戰，儘管殖民政府的干預相當強勢。第三章詮釋劇中人物的性格特徵，以弗朗茲‧法農（Frantz Fanon）告誡不可畫地自限的觀點為鑑。無法順應社會變異因此冥頑不靈的人，失去了看世界的洞察力。而那些猶豫不決者，為了遵從老一套的價值觀，受煎熬得筋疲力盡。第四章總結本文，認為本劇主張靈活性和果斷力以進行改變。 / This thesis studies Wole Soyinka's Death and the King's Horseman and its concerns for the Yoruba people's desperate but futile resistance to Westernization. Adapted from a real historical event, this play reenacts the disturbance in the Oyo city of Nigeria in 1945, when the ritual of the Horseman's suicide was interrupted by the British colonial force. While the play explains the importance of the ritual in the Yoruba society, it reveals the Horseman's reluctance to end his life and asserts that cruel tradition like human immolation must be reformed especially at the fluctuating moment caused by the British colonization. / Consisting of four chapters, this thesis relies on Mikhail Bakhtin's chronotope to explore the socio-historical context and theatrical representation of Death and the King's Horseman. Chapter one introduces the dramatist and the play, reviews critical opinions, and illustrates the purpose and theoretical framework of the following discussion. Chapter Two, which analyzes the interrelationship between textual and actual worlds, adopts Eric Hobsbawm's "Inventing Traditions" to clarify tradition as produced according to specific circumstances. The postcolonial models proposed by Ashcroft et al helps understand the Yoruba people's struggle for no foreign impact despite powerful intervention by the colonial government. Chapter Three interprets the roles' characterization with the aid of Frantz Fanon's warning of self-confinement. Unable to adjust to social variances, the obstinate people blind their vision of the world, while those procrastinating become dead exhausted by difficult conformity to old values. Chapter Four concludes that this play argues for resilience and resolution to make difference.

MRŇKA, Jaromír: Proměny společnosti v pohraničí českých zemí na příkladu okresů Šumperku a Zábřeh 1945-1960. (Social Transformation of the Czech Borderlands as Illustrated by Districts Šumperk and Zábřeh 1945-1960). Master Thesis. Prague: Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Philosophy and Arts, Institute of Economic and Social History, 2013, 195 p. Based on research into regional context, the thesis "Social Transformation of the Czech Borderlands as Illustrated by Districts Šumperk and Zábřeh 1945-1960" contributes to a deeper understanding of the process of constituting a new society in the Czech borderlands. The research field is defined on the one hand by the structural aspects of demographic changes following the Second World War (the forced expulsion of the German population, the impact and consequences of unorganized and organized colonization process), on the other by the constitution and transformation of the communist rule, including the deep crisis from 1953 to 1957. In observing the changes of dominant and authoritative discourses on the one hand and the language of the acteurs on the other, the thesis identifies core values and images which contributed to the stabilization or destabilization of communist rule. The shared vision, enabling the mobilization of the society, was the...

This thesis looks at the relevance of ideology to the emergence of capitalist social formation in Ruperts Land and the North West between 1852 and 1885 in two contexts: 1) as a mechanism of transforming the mercantilist social formation - the economy, state, and society - that arose to oversee the fur trade in Ruperts Land and the Indian Territory between 1670 and 1870; and 2) its role in establishing capitalist social formation in the North West up to 1885. I focus on the social processes by which ideology is transmitted and its significance to the emerging formation. I attempt to explain how a diverse group of politicians, bankers, investors, merchants, and industrialists took control of vast, resource-rich, and occupied territories like Ruperts Land and the North West and completely transformed the existing social arrangements according to their worldview. This thesis engages Marxist theory to examine the ideas of John A. Macdonald, Alexander Mackenzie, and Edward Blake as heads of the eastern polity, state, central government, and official opposition, and the representatives of commercial, financial, and industrial factions of the bourgeoisie. Over six hundred primary samples of their discourses in the form of political speeches, historical debates, and personal correspondence were reviewed in this research. The major themes emerging from the analysis pertain to the ideological underpinnings of a capitalist worldview in terms of the relevance of law and Christianity to the colonization and civilization of emigrant and indigenous peoples in the North West. It was also found that while politicians disseminate the worldview of their class and faction, they rely significantly on the support of capital and the producing classes to implement their ideas and establish, legitimize, and reproduce the conditions and relations of capitalism. When Macdonald and Mackenzie failed to rally consent for capitalism among local peoples in the North West, ideological coercion became the means of transforming the necessary social, economic, and political structures. I suggest that the use of force (rather than cooperation) to organize agricultural society in Saskatchewan has had long-term consequences for emigrant and indigenous peoples alike.

This thesis looks at the relevance of ideology to the emergence of capitalist social formation in Ruperts Land and the North West between 1852 and 1885 in two contexts: 1) as a mechanism of transforming the mercantilist social formation - the economy, state, and society - that arose to oversee the fur trade in Ruperts Land and the Indian Territory between 1670 and 1870; and 2) its role in establishing capitalist social formation in the North West up to 1885. I focus on the social processes by which ideology is transmitted and its significance to the emerging formation. I attempt to explain how a diverse group of politicians, bankers, investors, merchants, and industrialists took control of vast, resource-rich, and occupied territories like Ruperts Land and the North West and completely transformed the existing social arrangements according to their worldview. This thesis engages Marxist theory to examine the ideas of John A. Macdonald, Alexander Mackenzie, and Edward Blake as heads of the eastern polity, state, central government, and official opposition, and the representatives of commercial, financial, and industrial factions of the bourgeoisie. Over six hundred primary samples of their discourses in the form of political speeches, historical debates, and personal correspondence were reviewed in this research. The major themes emerging from the analysis pertain to the ideological underpinnings of a capitalist worldview in terms of the relevance of law and Christianity to the colonization and civilization of emigrant and indigenous peoples in the North West. It was also found that while politicians disseminate the worldview of their class and faction, they rely significantly on the support of capital and the producing classes to implement their ideas and establish, legitimize, and reproduce the conditions and relations of capitalism. When Macdonald and Mackenzie failed to rally consent for capitalism among local peoples in the North West, ideological coercion became the means of transforming the necessary social, economic, and political structures. I suggest that the use of force (rather than cooperation) to organize agricultural society in Saskatchewan has had long-term consequences for emigrant and indigenous peoples alike.

This dissertation tells the tale of al-Mahalla al-Kubra during the transition from handloom crafts to the mechanized textile industry and from a local community to a battleground for the nationalist cause in the first half of the twentieth century. By exploring the relationships between culture, politics, and modern industrialization and how subaltern groups shaped their local experiences of modernity in a setting remote from the central government and the cosmopolitan culture of Cairo and Alexandria, it unpacks the social history of men and women, artisans and workers, notables and fitiwwat who were situated between national capitalism and foreign domination. The goal is to write the history of the society from the bottom up and to write a history that is an alternative to the already established histories of nationalism and colonialism. It provides a historical reconstruction and analysis of the process of assimilation undergone by the recruited peasants into urban industrial life and explores the various ways in which they and the Mahallawiyya negotiated living together and dealt with their mutual hostility on an everyday basis. Identity is the core question in this process of assimilation. Did modern, horizontal class relations actually replace traditional, vertical communal and patronage relations? To what extent did the traditional social institutions help or hinder the process of adapting to forms of social life associated with modern industry? I argue that both vertical class and horizontal communal relations co-existed and sometimes competed. In that fluid dynamic, individuals and groups acted and interacted depending on their socio-economic status, communal commitments, conjuncture or the way that a given situation developed, and a shared, often contested, discourse. / text

CRUZ, Elizabeth Ferreira. Ação política, transformação social e reconstrução de identidades: um olhar a partir do feminismo para a militância das mulheres rurais nos movimentos sociais. 2008. 180f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by Liliane oliveira (morena.liliane@hotmail.com) on 2011-11-28T16:59:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Dis_EFCRUZ.pdf: 1349104 bytes, checksum: 31603bf81161110d96ecb7d357017d1a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-29T11:39:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Dis_EFCRUZ.pdf: 1349104 bytes, checksum: 31603bf81161110d96ecb7d357017d1a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-29T11:39:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Dis_EFCRUZ.pdf: 1349104 bytes, checksum: 31603bf81161110d96ecb7d357017d1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / The present research's main objective was to identify and analyze the transformations that occurred in the dimensions of the identity and the subject position of rural women that exercise political militancy in social movements in rural Ceará. It sought also to apprehend if the linking or proximity with feminism, as it ideology/vision of the world, theory or social movement, it constitutes a differential for the change of position of the subject of militant women, contributing so that these women can be more autonomous, so much in the movements of which they are a part, as in their routine life in the scope of the familiar relations. The analysis concentrates itself in the experiences of militant women of three social movements: Movement of Rural Working Women of the Northeast – MMTR/NE, Movement of Rural Workers Without Land – MST and Union Movement of Rural Workers – MSTTR. It analyzes also the experiences of rural women that aren't militants in social movements of form to be able to identify and complicate differences and resemblances between the two groups, establishing or not if the political militancy provokes significant transformations in the dimensions of the identity and in the routine practices of the militant women. The key concepts in this study are: identity, subject, social transformation and militancy. This reflection is based on epistemological, theoretic and methodological principles of Feminist Theories e Marxism. In able to better apprehend the object of study, a methodological procedure to qualitative research was adopted, in a feminist approach, reaping the empirical facts through individual and collective interviews (focal group), participant observation, as well as the analysis of documents. The conclusions indicate that the political militancy in social movements, even if they are not sufficient to constitute the women as full subjects of themselves, it contributes in a significant form so that these women act in their own lives, political and private, with more autonomy than those that are not militants in social movements. The militancy enables bigger knowledge, bigger access to the information and the experience in a political-public world that creates conditions for the exercise of a citizen practice, such as proposition and claim of rights. There are significant differences between the women who are active militants and those that are not, specifically, in their vision about class and gender domination trials in the world. Even if there are resemblances in the perceptions about the transformations occurred in the rural environment, the militant women show a posture more critical about those transformations, some identifying in them contradictions. Also, it was possible to identify that between the militant women there is a perception more critical of the uneven relations between women and men and of the present patriarchal culture in out society, especially, those that have some straight or indirect bond with the feminism. Between these, it was established a trial of change in the relations of kind in the family scope, including a bigger division of the housework. / A presente pesquisa teve como principal objetivo identificar e analisar as transformações ocorridas nas dimensões da identidade e na posição de sujeito das mulheres rurais que exercem militância política em movimentos sociais rurais no Ceará. Buscou também apreender se a vinculação ou aproximação com o feminismo, seja como ideologia/visão de mundo, teoria ou movimento social, constitui um diferencial para a mudança de posição de sujeito das mulheres militantes, contribuindo para que estas sejam mais autônomas, tanto nos movimentos em que militam como em sua vida cotidiana no âmbito das relações familiares. A análise concentra-se nas experiências de mulheres militantes de três movimentos sociais: Movimento de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais do Nordeste – MMTR/NE, Movimento Sem Terra – MST e Movimento Sindical de Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais – MSTTR. Analisa também as experiências de mulheres rurais que não militam em movimentos de forma a poder identificar e problematizar diferenças e semelhanças entre os dois grupos, constatando ou não se a militância política provoca transformações significativas nas dimensões da identidade e nas práticas cotidianas das mulheres militantes. São conceitos-chave neste estudo: identidade, sujeito, transformação social e militância. Esta reflexão toma como base os princípios epistemológicos, teóricos e metodológicos das Teorias Feministas e do Marxismo. Para dar contar de apreender melhor o objeto de estudo, adotou-se como procedimento metodológico a pesquisa qualitativa, numa abordagem feminista, colhendo os dados empíricos através de entrevistas coletivas (grupo focal) e individuais, observação participante, bem como a análise de documentos. As conclusões indicam que a militância política em movimentos sociais, ainda que não seja suficiente para constituir as mulheres como sujeitos plenos de si, contribui de forma significativa para que estas mulheres ajam e se coloquem em suas vidas, política e privada, com mais autonomia do que aquelas que não militam em movimentos sociais. A militância possibilita maior conhecimento, maior acesso à informação e a vivência em um mundo público-político que cria condições para o exercício de uma prática cidadã, de proposição e reivindicação de direitos. Há diferenças significativas entre as mulheres que militam e aquelas que não militam, em especial, na sua visão de mundo sobre os processos de dominação de classe e de gênero. Ainda que haja semelhanças nas percepções sobre as transformações ocorridas no meio rural, as mulheres militantes mostram uma postura mais crítica sobre essas transformações, algumas identificando nelas contradições. Também foi possível identificar que entre as mulheres militantes há uma percepção mais crítica das relações desiguais de poder entre mulheres e homens e da cultura patriarcal presentes na sociedade, sobretudo, aquelas que têm algum vínculo direto ou indireto com o feminismo. Entre estas, foi constatado um processo de mudança nas relações de gênero no âmbito familiar, inclusive uma maior divisão do trabalho doméstico.

This study is a contribution to the research projects in Africa that are concerned with the analysis of the various conflicts that currently face the continent. Political, ethnic, religious, cultural, and other forms of conflicts have increased in number over the past five decades. The academic community has been making its contribution to the understanding and resolution of the conflicts through its research projects. The contributions of the academic community are widely acknowledged in this regard. This study is about those conflicts emanating from differences in the cultural interpretations of natural resources between crop farmers and nomadic herdsmen. The example selected belongs to those conflicts, which are entrenched in the cultural practices of rural communities. These conflicts are unique, since most of them predate the political, economic, and ethnic-based conflicts, most of which have emerged since the colonial era. Understanding these types of conflicts thus constitutes an important area of the development process of countries such as the Republic of Sudan, which already has many conflicts to contend with. The areas elected the North, South and West Kordofan States constitute some of the conflict hotspots of the Republic of Sudan in terms of the cultural-natural resource conflict dynamics. The understanding and resolution of the conflicts between the crop farmers and nomadic herdsmen in the region have the potential to offer enormous benefits to the peace needed for the long-term development of Sudan. The objectives of this study were chosen purposely to contribute to the research projects on the peace-conflict discourse of the Republic of Sudan. They were aimed at finding out how the cultures of the crop farmers and nomadic herdsmen of the Greater Kordofan states explain the conflicts and the efforts of the Sudanese authorities to help address them. The critical realist research approach has been selected as the framework for the study. This involved a number of steps. First, information on the nature of the current policies and plans of the government of Sudan to address the conflicts has been collected as one basic element of the challenge of development of the Greater Kordofan region. The challenge has been discussed in terms of the gap currently existing between the government’s peace building plan objectives on the one hand and the actual outcomes on the other. Next, information was collected from the relevant stakeholders on the reasons for the persistence of the conflicts between the nomadic herdsmen and the crop farmers despite the efforts on the part of the government at building peace between them. Generating information in this way led to the recommendation that the stakeholders identified in this study hold the key to the success of the attempts at building long-term peace between the crop farmers and the nomadic herdsmen of the Greater Kordofan States. The recommendations of the study are based on the idea that opportunities always exist for the stakeholders to introduce positive change in their society. / Environmental Sciences / Ph. D. (Environmental Sciences)