俄羅斯於1998年正式參與APEC事務，參加APEC至今已有12年，並於2012年成為APEC領袖高峰會的輪值主席國。俄羅斯參與APEC是否對其外貿具影響力?本研究透過俄羅斯參與APEC進程、APEC架構下貿易自由化與引力模型實證進行分析。 從引力模型實證分析結果發現：1、APEC對俄羅斯進口具正相關，對出口為負相關，而進口的效益大於出口的負影響。可能因素為俄羅斯加入APEC後，在進口亞太地區商品方面，受惠於APEC的貿易便捷化，進口更為多元；在出口方面，因俄羅斯主要出口商品為石油與天然氣，兩者在於基礎建設與管線輸出的成本比重大，而俄國輸出石化能源主要對象為歐洲，目前已有多條管線通往歐洲，反觀俄羅斯在亞太地區的能源建設起步較晚，多為近幾年間，故效益尚未顯現。整體而言，加入APEC對俄國外貿具有正面的效益。2、貿易對象的國民所得與人口變數，對俄國外貿具正相關，亦即，貿易對象的國民所得增加或人口增加，對俄國的進出口也會增加。3、距離變數對俄國外貿為負相關，當兩國距離越遠，運輸成本越高，兩國貿易量少；當兩國距離越近時，運輸成本就越低，兩國貿易越頻繁。4、俄羅斯國民所得變數與俄羅斯的貿易為正相關，當俄國經濟水準提高，人民可支配所得增加時，會增加對外國商品的購買。5、俄羅斯人口變數方面，其結果並不顯著，若從正負相關來看，俄羅斯的人口對其貿易為負相關，俄羅斯在1995年至2008年人口遞減，但貿易額呈現遞增的趨勢，可能因素為俄羅斯國民所得增加，故雖勞動力減少但總體的經濟則是增長的趨勢。

搜尋引擎已成為大多數人普遍使用的電子服務項目。Google是全球網路搜尋的龍頭，但是Google在中國、南韓和俄羅斯三個國家未竟全功，而分別由百度、Naver和 Yandex三個搜尋引擎獨占鰲頭，有著相同語言和文化知識的本國搜尋引擎，成為當地使用網路者之首選。Yandex是俄羅斯排行第一搜尋引擎，尤其是使用俄文搜尋時；也是俄羅斯最具創新的公司。本研究藉由分析Yandex本身及進一步比較如百度和Naver的本土搜尋引擎，探討Yandex成為俄羅斯網路搜尋龍頭的最主要因素。 百度、Naver和Yandex這三間公司會成為當地最重要的搜尋引擎，其原因最大的共通性是「高度本地化的服務」。相較於Google這類外國公司，更了解當地市場的需求。以Yandex為例，其擁有突破性的技術，專注於搜集且貼近當地需求，充分發揮在地化的服務，進而保持在市場上的領導地位。 Yandex未來發展將專注於擴大搜尋服務到新興市場，精進其於移動應用服務及因應全球趨勢。身為一個在俄羅斯網路搜尋界的領導者，沒有其他競爭者比Yandex更會培訓旗下的企業者，運用機會，成功地吸引到本地網路使用者。 / Search engines have become usual service for the large majority of people. Google is acknowledged leader in global Internet search. There are three countries where Google has failed to dominate the search market. Baidu, Naver and Yandex are clear market leaders in China, South Korea and Russia respectively, where local language and cultural knowledge has made them first choice for many web users in those markets.Yandex is a Russian based search engine focused on search in Russian language and number one innovative company in Russia.Through business analysis of Yandex itself, and other local search engines Baidu and Naver, and their further comparison, this research discusses the main factors that made Yandex a leader in Russian Internet search. Through the case study the author concluded the factors led to dominance on local markets of each search engines discussed have similarity among three companies Yandex, Naver and Baidu. Their highly localized services brought them comparatively stable and long-term market leadership. All of those companies know local markets better than foreign based competitors such as Google. As for Yandex, breakthrough technology, focus on search and better market understanding and localizing all the services played sufficient role in keeping a leadership position on the market. This study suggested Yandex future development should be focused on expanding into new geographical markets in search industry, as well as will be highlighted with expanding its mobile applications service along with global mobilization trend. As a leader in Russian Internet search, there is nobody better placed than Yandex to educate business practitioners in the Internet on how to tap into those opportunities and successfully target the local audience.

近年來，俄羅斯、中國、印度三國經濟發展迅速，國力蒸蒸日上。俄中印三國因地緣因素，自冷戰時期彼此之對外戰略便相互影響。到了後冷戰時期，國際體系轉變成由美國所引領之「一超多強」體系，三國更找到共同合作的利基，促成三國之間的合作。在冷戰與後冷戰兩段時期，三國關係的發展，呈現不同的風貌。 從國際關係現實主義來看，國家作為理性的行為者，追求國家相對利益為決定國家行為的基本因素，而此行為為一場零和賽局。以此為脈絡，美國學者羅德明在冷戰時期發展成的戰略三角理論，成為探討三國關係之經典。台灣學者包宗和更觀察到，後冷戰時期的國家，因國際體系的改變，戰略三角理論由傳統的「個體論」走向「總體論」的取向。本文試圖以戰略三角理論為途徑，探討冷戰與後冷戰兩段時期，俄中印三國關係之演變。 首先，本文探討從二戰結束、冷戰開始以來，俄中印三國在兩極體系下的互動模式；其次探討後冷戰時期的關係演變。再整理出後冷戰三國關係的發展，對國際情勢、美國對外戰略的影響。最後由三國之間互動的實例，對戰略三角理論作出反饋。 / In recent years, the economic growth in Russia, China and India soars rapidly and their national strength does, too. Due to the geopolitical factors, these three nations affected each other in strategies during the cold war. After the cold war, the international system changed into a US-lead “uni-multi-polar system.” Russia, China and India found the common niche which promoted their cooperation. In the two periods of cold war and post-cold war, the relationship among these three countries displayed great differences. From the point of view in realism, the nations as rational actors pursue relative national interests as their goals which turn into a zero-sum game. Lowell Dittmer developed this idea into the “Strategic Triangle Theory” to discuss trilateral relationship among nations in cold war. Tzong-Ho Bau argued that the nations in post-cold war pursue common national interests as a methodological holism which is different from the methodological individualism in the cold war. Through strategic triangle approach, this thesis tries to explore the relationship among Russia, China and India. First, the thesis discusses the relationship among Russia, China and India during the cold war and then the period after the cold war. Second, the thesis discusses the influence which Russia, China and India make on international circumstances and US strategies. Finally, by a review from Russia-China-India trilateral relationship, the thesis gives a feedback to the strategic triangle theory.

烏克蘭與俄羅斯皆源於基輔羅斯，彼此交錯了300年，近年來烏克蘭成為歐盟的長期策略目標之一，自2009年歐盟啟動了東部夥伴計畫，嘗試將東歐包含烏克蘭在內的6個國家都網羅至歐盟。烏克蘭的地理位置與資源優越讓歐俄兩方極欲拉攏，俄羅斯總統普京試圖將烏克蘭政府拉回歐亞聯盟，在這拉扯間，就此爆發了烏克蘭危機。危機延續接著克里米亞脫烏入俄及烏東反叛軍與政府軍的對立。 烏克蘭內部的分裂導致危機一發不可收拾，烏克蘭東西兩邊的文化、歷史、宗教、語言都有嚴重的差距，烏東地區深受俄羅斯影響，烏西地區則是嚮往著歐美西方，國內的民族問題、政治貪腐及經濟低迷不振等，都是烏克蘭當前國家發展所面臨的困境。烏克蘭的未來並非完全掌握在烏克蘭人民手中，而是深受美國、歐盟、俄羅斯等大國影響，此次烏克蘭克里米亞事件及烏東動亂，徹底地將問題浮上檯面。總結烏克蘭國家未來發展路線深受三個因素影響，首要是過去俄烏因素，其次是外部俄、美、歐關係，第三是烏克蘭內部發展路線之爭。

在普丁就任總統之後，讓一個經濟衰敗、國力萎靡的俄羅斯，從谷底翻身，進入世界強國之列。其間與歐盟的合盟與競爭，成為普丁強國戰略的運用。然而當俄羅斯開始強大，無法避免的也與歐盟有了政治現實利益的衝突，烏克蘭事件即是俄歐利益衝突具體的體現。 　　本研究探討普丁時期，俄羅斯與歐盟的關係。採歷史研究法、文獻分析法，來獲得本研究進行之資料與文獻，並由現實主義以及地緣政治理論，做為本研究的研究途徑，得出研究結論有三項。 一、 強化俄歐合作，以尋找多極世界建構的可能 二、烏克蘭事件是普丁俄歐關係之底牌 三、克里米亞入俄公投揭示俄歐關係的遠程目標 / After Putin took up a post, he let the economy decline, debilitating national power in Russia ,turning over the lowest point, and entering one of the most powerful nations. During the period of cooperating and competing with European Union, he uses the strategy of becoming a powerful country. However, when Russia becomes stronger, it can't avoid having conflicts of political benefits with European Union. The Ukraine incident embodies the beneficial conflict concretely. This research probes into the relationship between Russia and European Union during Putin's time, and it adopts research law documentation analyses to acquire it's information and document, through the realism and geopolitics theory as the means to reach the following three conclusions: First, intensify the cooperation between Russia and European Unions to seek the possibility of multi world design. Second, The Ukraine incident is the relation between Russia and European Unions the card in Putin's hands. Third, Crimea's referendums to Russia reveals the long range relations between Russia and Europe.

本文旨在研究俄羅斯傳統服飾文化與當代俄羅斯時裝產業之進程。首先介紹俄羅斯傳統服飾種類及特色，再依不同時代背景詳述俄羅斯服飾文化的演變，其次透過與西方服飾設計之比較，進一步探討俄羅斯當代時裝產業的轉變，最後解析俄羅斯時裝產業在21世紀所面臨的國際情勢影響與後續發展。 俄羅斯因其獨特的地理位置及種族多元文化之特性，造就其服飾文化的豐厚與迷人。筆者希望透過本之研究，瞭解俄羅斯複雜而多樣的服裝美學，也讓國人一同認識人類文明最綺麗的瑰寶。

1990 年代俄羅斯與歐盟的關係並不是很熱絡，雙方皆因專注於內部的改革而對彼此興趣缺缺。葉爾欽政府對於歐盟充滿了無知與誤解，而布魯塞爾對於中、東歐國家的關注也遠超過俄羅斯。不過，90年代末期之後，隨著歐盟東擴的進行與雙方經貿互賴程度越來越深，莫斯科再也無法承擔誤解歐盟的後果。同時，歐盟亦為了穩定東擴後的東部邊境，不得不與俄羅斯進一步的加強合作。然而，俄羅斯與歐盟的政經關係日益密切，彼此間隱含的問題也一一浮現。 　　俄羅斯與歐盟無論是在安全、反恐、車臣、民主、人權、內政與司法事務、加里寧格勒、經貿與能源、世貿組織、京都議定書以及環境保護等議題上都存在著巨大的認知差異與分歧，使得雙方很難有真誠的合作。不過，若要因此強調俄羅斯與歐盟的衝突面似乎太過於悲觀。因為，與歐洲整合並非不符合俄羅斯的國家利益，而歐盟遇到困難便會再協商或擱置爭議的特殊運作模式也讓它在與俄羅斯的交往過程中不至於陷入危機。俄羅斯與歐盟還是能夠透過不斷的對話、談判與妥協來解決紛爭，雙方的夥伴關係仍然有相當大的發展潛力。 / In the 1990s, the relationship between Russia and the EU was not very enthusiastic. Both parties concentrated mainly on their own internal reforms, and therefore they had no interest in each other. Yeltsin’s regime was full of ignorance and misunderstanding about the EU, and Brussels also paid much more attention on the Central and Eastern European states than on Russia. However, since the late 1990s, the EU’s enlargement has been underway, and the level of interdependence between the EU and Russia has become higher and higher, Moscow can no longer afford the consequences of misunderstanding about the EU. Meanwhile, in order to stabilize the EU’s eastern border after enlargement, the EU has no choice but to enhance cooperation with Russia. Nevertheless, the closer political and economic relationship between Russia and the EU becomes, the more underlying problems emerge. There is a wide cognitive gap and many disputes between Russia and the EU over various issues, such as security, anti-terrorism, Chechnya, democracy, human rights, justice and home affairs, Kaliningrad, economic and trade, energy, WTO, Kyoto Protocol and environmental protection, etc. Therefore, it is unlikely for them to engage in any serious cooperation. However, it would be too pessimistic to highlight the aspects of conflicts for the above reason, because integration with Europe is also corresponding to Russia’s national interests. Besides, the EU’s particular working model of consulting with each other again and again or leaving aside the disagreements when encountering problems prevents the disputes between the EU and Russia from escalating to crisis. Russia and the EU can solve problems through talks, negotiations and compromises. It still has great potential for the further development of partnership between Russia and the EU.

本論文以隸屬於俄羅斯聯邦架構中的韃靼共和國和車臣共和國作為分離運動比較研究的兩個案例，進行民族分離運動相關問題的探討，包括民族分離意識興起的原因以及影響分離運動往不同路徑發展的因素。由於俄羅斯屬於前社會主義國家，國家體制曾經歷轉型的過程，因此除了具有一般民族問題的特質外，還必須將多重轉型的特殊性列入考量。 除了原生差異與政經利益考量的工具性訴求外，社會主義國家特有的聯邦制與本土化政策也促使民族意識興起，創造了潛在的民族分離團體。當中央的控制力有了鬆懈的跡象，分離意識便有了發揮的空間，分離運動隨之爆發。 韃靼共和國與車臣共和國分離運動的比較研究證明，作為動員基礎的原生性條件以及工具性訴求僅是影響分離運動發展的次要因素，由於領導人的動員可以決定分離運動發展的方向，因此領導人的策略抉擇才是影響分離運動發展的關鍵因素。而在蘇聯末期政治不穩定的局勢中，由誰來主導分離運動的發展相當程度受到莫斯科、原共和國執政者與民族主義力量三角關係的影響。 韃靼共和國的分離運動由立場溫和的夏米耶夫主導，在不斷的妥協談判後，最終以雙邊條約的方式界定與俄羅斯聯邦的關係，創造了「韃靼模式」，分離運動得到平息。相較之下，車臣共和國的分離運動在杜達耶夫激進的領導風格下一步步朝向完全獨立與脫離俄羅斯聯邦的方向發展。如此極端的立場當然不容於莫斯科。為了維護俄羅斯聯邦領土的完整性，莫斯科最後發動戰爭來解決車臣問題。在整個分離運動的發展過程中，領導者的策略決定了分離運動的發展，可見領導者的路線抉擇才是影響分離運動發展最關鍵的因素。 / This thesis focuses on national separatism in former socialist countries and takes Tatarstan and Chechnya for a case study. My research seeks to answer several questions, such as where did the separatist group originate from? Why did nationalist movements explode? How to explain different attitudes towards secession? I argue that primordial attachment and instrumental consideration about interests are the important causes shaping separatist groups. In the cases of former socialist countries, however, it is necessary to take the institutional factor into consideration, that is－ethnic federalism and korenizatsiya. All these elements combined to create the potential secessionist groups. Once the coercive controls formerly imposed by the central authority were removed, the previously repressed national groups inevitably reemerged and led the secessionist movement. The comparative analysis of the secessionist movements in Tatarstan and Chechnya proves that primordial and instrumental factors can only explain the emergence of secessionist movements, however they are of little significance when it comes to explaining the divergent paths of the movements. What matters more is the leadership’s strategy. The crucial problem is who will lead the secessionist movements? In the chaotic years leading up to the collapse of the Soviet Union, it was the triangular relations among Moscow, republican leadership and secessionist movement that determined the exact leader of the secessionist movement. In our cases, the moderate Shamiev led Tatarstan’s separatism by negotiation and was able to reach agreement with Moscow on a new Sovereignty Treaty. This pattern later came to be called the “Tatarstan Model”. After that, the secession in Tatarstan quieted down. In sharp contrast, Dudaev pursued a radical strategy and sought Chechnya’s complete independence from the Russian Federation. To defend his integrity of territory, Moscow dispatched Russian troops to quell this separatist republic. Leadership strategy thus determined the outcome of secessionist movements, and the choice of leaders proved crucial in the whole process.

本篇論文寫作的主軸，是藉由觀察與分析2003年國家杜馬選舉，以及2004年俄羅斯總統大選，並輔以杜弗傑選舉法則(Duverger’s electoral laws)和薩托里(Giovanni Sartori)的政黨體系理論，來檢視目前俄羅斯政黨政治發展的近況。 首先，筆者針對眾家學者對於政黨的角色、功能等定義予以陳述，之後再探討政黨體系與選舉制度之間的關係。在分析政黨體系之類型時，筆者從杜弗傑和薩托里等兩位學者的政黨理論來進行論述，之後再詳細地對於杜弗傑選舉法則的效果加以探討。另一方面，筆者也簡單敘述俄羅斯政黨政治的起源與發展過程，並嘗試交待俄羅斯政黨政治的發展脈絡，最後再針對俄羅斯獨特的混合選舉制度加以介紹，並淺析該制度對於政黨體系發展的影響。 再者，筆者介紹俄羅斯聯邦國家杜馬選舉。首先，針對俄羅斯國家杜馬之地位、功能與權責等方面作一簡單介紹。之後，再對於1993、1995、1999年等三次歷屆國家杜馬選舉結果予以陳述分析，以期使讀者能更瞭解歷年俄羅斯國家杜馬選舉對於政黨政治的影響脈絡。接下來，將直接進入介紹本章的主角，即2003年國家杜馬選舉。在陳述2003年國家杜馬選舉結果之後，筆者開始分析國家杜馬選舉結果之影響，例如對俄羅斯民主化發展、政黨體系的發展等。 最後，藉由研究2004年總統大選之過程與結果，筆者分析該次選舉對於現今俄羅斯聯邦政黨體系與民主化發展的影響。在第四章的前半部，筆者先針對俄羅斯聯邦總統制的起源、總統在憲法上的地位、權責、產生與罷免相關方面的辦法作簡易敘述。之後再針對1991、1996、2000年等三次總統選舉作歷史回顧，並期望在瞭解這三次選舉所衍生的脈絡之後，能更方便於分析2004年俄羅斯總統大選。在文章的後半段，筆者介紹與分析2004年俄羅斯總統選舉的過程、結果與其影響。同時，針對俄羅斯聯邦總統選舉辦法之修正，提出具體的意見。 / Basically, the theme of this thesis focuses on the political party formation and election observation in the Russian Federation. In order to examine Russia’s political party system, the author observes and analyzes Russia’s Duma election in 2003, and the presidential election in 2004, in terms of Maurice Duverger’s electoral laws and Giovanni Sartori’s theory on party system. First of all, the author discusses the roles and functions of political parties, and then explores the interactions between party system and electoral design. By introducing the mixed electoral design, the author examines it’s unique impact on Russia’s political party system. Secondly, four State Duma elections, which were held in 1993, 1995, 1999 and 2003 respectively, are analyzed in the context of Russia’s political party formation. After discussing the jurisdiction, function, and the previous electoral results of the State Duma, the author explores the major impact of the 2003 Duma election on the development of Russia’s political party system and democratization . Finally, the author also explores the constraints of presidential elections on Russia’s party system. With a detailed discussion about the origin and authority of Russian presidency and a historical review on the 1991, 1996 and 2000 Russian presidential elections, the author analyzes the result of the 2004 Russian presidential election and its implications for Russia’s political development in years to come.

世界貿易組織（World Trade Organization, WTO，簡稱世貿組織），是現今最重要的經貿組織之一，在經濟全球化背景下，WTO對推動轉型國家的經濟發展，加速它們金融全球化和貿易自由化，促進其資金、技術、人員等更加自由流動，發揮著不可替代的重要作用。俄羅斯雖已是許多國際經貿組織的成員國，但至今卻尚未加入WTO。為研究加入WTO對俄羅斯整體經濟的影響，本文採用文獻探討、歷史研究方法與SWOT分析。首先，簡介WTO及其入世規程，歸納整理世界各主要先進工業國家與俄羅斯加入WTO之協商談判進程，以及俄羅斯為期早日入世所作之努力；其次，以SWOT分析俄羅斯入世對其農、工、服務等產業及對其整體經濟的正負面效益，最後，剖析俄羅斯入世對其他WTO會員國及全球之影響，評估俄羅斯入世之利弊。 　　本論文研究發現，俄國之入世進程雖因農業補貼、能源價格、開放服務業市場等議題爭辯，導致其入世延宕。然根據SWOT策略綜合分析，俄羅斯各產業優缺點及入世後所帶來的機遇與挑戰，入世之長期總體經濟效益仍將高過於其短期經濟衝擊。 / The World Trade Organization (WTO) is one of the most important economic and trade organizations. Under economic globalization, the WTO pushes funds, technologies, and persons to interflow freely in the whole world, which acts an important role. Although Russia was a member of many international economic and trade organizations, it didn’t join the WTO yet till now. 　　This study had used the literature survey, historical approach and SWOT analysis to research the process and effects of Russia’s accession to the WTO. Firstly, make a brief introduction and regulation of the WTO, generalize and compress the accession negotiations and issues among Russia and the main industrial countries, and the efforts of Russia will make it accelerated join to the WTO. Secondly, estimate the positive and negative effects of Russia’s agriculture, industry, service industry, and whole economy with the SWOT analysis if Russia is going to be a member of the WTO. Finally, analyze the influence on WTO members and the whole world, and estimate the advantages and disadvantages of Russia’s joining of the WTO. 　　The author found that the negotiations on issues as agriculture subsidies, energy price, and opening services market had resulted in Russia delayed to the WTO. Furthermore, realize the strengths and weaknesses of Russia’s industries, the opportunities and threats after Russia’s joining of the WTO according to the SWOT analysis, and it will get much more economic benefit in the long-term than the economic impact in the short-term.