冷戰時期，蘇聯對印度支那半島政策的變化，是東南亞地區穩定的重要變數之一。蘇聯解體後，俄羅斯聯邦獨立，並且繼承原蘇聯所有的國際義務與權力。問題在於，在當代東南亞多元權力互動的格局中，俄羅斯在其間扮演何種角色？普丁政府在面臨國內外局勢變化之下，能否恢復俄羅斯（前蘇聯）在東南亞的國際政治利益？ 本文試圖透過地緣經濟分析途徑，來觀察冷戰後俄羅斯在普丁時期對東南亞政策之形成背景、主要內涵，以及互動關係。本文認為，隨著冷戰終結和亞太國際局勢之變化，亞太地區主要政治力量都在調整自身的政治、經濟、外交和安全戰略。為了保障區域安全、和平與穩定，東南亞國家加速東協整合及擴大的腳步，期望在政經及安全問題方面達成共識，並力求獲得區域事務的主導權和影響力。俄羅斯與東南亞諸國發展關係在於保障國家經濟利益的實現，進而追求在亞太地區中取得優勢地位，最終完成大國地位的目標。 首先，本文探討自蘇聯解體後俄羅斯獨立以來，俄羅斯外交思想、地緣戰略思想之演變與俄羅斯亞太政策的關係。同時，回顧蘇聯最後一任領導人戈巴契夫、俄羅斯前任總統葉爾欽及現任總統普丁亞太政策的變遷重點，旨在檢視俄羅斯對東南亞政策的歷史脈絡時，有比較清晰的政策變動觀點以供分析。 其次，本文討論俄羅斯（包括前蘇聯）與東南亞主要國家的雙邊關係，而以政治、經濟、軍事及文化等面向為分析層次，依次觀察和分析雙邊關係所呈現的特色和問題。研究分成俄羅斯與傳統邦交國和俄羅斯與美國盟國兩部份，分析雙邊關係合作的原因、過程、變動和影響。 最後，藉由回顧前蘇聯與東協關係的發展歷程，探討俄羅斯與東協國家之多邊政治對話、經貿及軍事關係，主要目的在瞭解普丁政府對東南亞地區各國間多邊關係之態度、立場及政策。 / During the cold war, Soviet involvement in Indochina Peninsula was one of the crucial factors which affected the political stability in Southeast Asia. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation gained independence and inherited all the privileges and obligations of the former Soviet Union in the international arena, but the situation in Indochina and Southeast Asia has changed a great deal. What role does Russia play in this important geopolitical region? Given the new domestic and international realities, will the Putin government regain the political interests and influence which the former Soviet Union once possessed in this region? Through geo-economic analysis, this thesis tries to explore the main contents of the Putin government's policy toward Southeast Asia, its formation background and the establishment of multi-lateral relationship with the major countries in this area. We observe that, with the end of the Cold War, and facing a different international situation, all the major political entities in SE Asia are making adjustments on the political and economic fronts, as well as in foreign and security policies. For the sake of regional security and stability, SE Asia countries have accelerated the expansion and integration of the ASEAN organization to secure its leadership in the regional affairs. From the Russian point of view, economy is no doubt a major factor which influences it policy formation in recent years. Starting from the pursuit of national economic interests, Russia also hopes to regain the status of a major player in this region, as the former Soviet Union once had. To start with, we study the evolution of Russian foreign policy and geopolitical thoughts and its relation to Russia's Asian Pacific policy. Also, we review the changes in the Asian pacific policies during the years of Gorbachov, Yeltsin, and Putin. The aim is to gain a clearer view of the factors which affected the making of the policies. Secondly, we discuss the bilateral relationships between the major countries of SE Asia and Russia (and also the former Soviet Union), which include political, economic, military, and cultural aspects. We try to extract the special features and problems in these bilateral relationships. This studies is divided into two parts, one includes countries which were traditional allies of the former Soviet Union, while the other includes countries which belonged to the opposite camp - aligned with the USA. We study the major driving factors and the historical steps which resulted in the establishment of full bilateral cooperation between Russia and various SE Asian countries. Finally, after a review of the relationship between the former Soviet Union and ASEAN, we investigate Russia's establishment of multi-lateral dialogue with ASEAN countries on political, economic, and military fronts. The aim is to understand the motive and policy of the Putin government in the area of multi-national cooperation in SE Asia.

本文以葉爾欽時期的派系政治為分析中心，認為派系是延續了過去的政治菁英文化傳統，不但在新的俄羅斯民主制度下繼續存活下來，還進一步成為主導整個俄羅斯發展的重要行動者。本文的研究發現主要有三方面：第一項發現是派系政治是分析葉爾欽時期政治的一個具有解釋力的模式。第二項發現是建構一個分析葉爾欽派系互動規則與架構，在此架構中建立一個評估派系政治穩定程度的指標，運用這個指標來分析俄羅斯派系政治的發展與演進。第三項發現是派系政治的穩定程度與俄羅斯的政經發展具有密切的關係存在，亦即俄羅斯的派系互動愈不穩定，俄羅斯的政治也隨之愈不穩定、人事互動愈頻繁，政策產出更加不確定，尤其是經濟政策隨著派系勢力的上上下下而來回擺盪變動。

本文目的在於探討普丁時期（2000-2012年）的俄喬關係發展。當面對內外環境的轉變，俄羅斯如何因應並調整對喬治亞的外交政策，以鞏固自身國家利益及國際地位？普丁主政的不同時期，俄羅斯與喬治亞兩國關係發展的過程與影響因素為何？經由文獻回顧，研究結果顯示俄喬關係發展在普丁時期每況愈下，影響兩國關係發展的主要因素為：喬治亞政權替換之影響、喬治亞欲加入北約的衝擊、薩卡希維利執政下的喬美合作、五日戰爭對俄喬關係之影響。 本文認為即便俄羅斯利用能源、經濟手段施加對喬治亞的影響力，然而俄羅斯未能解決喬治亞內部的民族分裂問題，因此導致喬治亞政府日益親向西方。雖然俄羅斯與喬治亞在外交關係交惡，相關研究數據仍然顯示喬治亞居民認為發展俄喬之間的經濟、政治關係相當重要。

地緣政治係俄羅斯制定外交政策的重要考量，俄羅斯領土橫跨歐亞洲，向東與東北亞地區相連，該區域之和平穩定關乎俄國國家利益。韓國位居朝鮮半島，因冷戰時期的意識形態對立，俄韓兩國無交流合作，然而隨著冷戰結束，國際局勢的變化替兩國發展交流帶來契機。 本文研究係從俄羅斯外交政策之演變探討俄國逐漸向東轉之因，後從兩國政治、經濟、安全三大面向之互動，歸納出俄羅斯對韓國外交政策方向。 / Geopolitics is the crucial concern for Russian foreign policy. Russia has the most extensive territory in the world, and its eastern part is right next to Northeast Asia, in which the stability and peace is Russia’s national interests. South Korea is located on the Korean Peninsula, but because of the ideological conflict in Cold War era, there was barely no exchange or cooperation between Russia and South Korea. However, after the end of Cold War, the change of international relations brought the opportunity to these two countries. The dissertation focuses on discussing the policy “Pivot to East”of Russian foreign policy, and sums up Russia’s Foreign Policy toward South Korea by studying the political, economic and security interactions between two countries.

對於一個國家而言，柔性權力的重要性和剛性權力同等重要。近年來，各國紛紛加強本國的柔性權力，以吸引外國公眾前來學習和認同本國的文化。美國學者奈伊，說明文化、政治價值觀和外交政策是國家所擁有的柔性權力的資源。因此，本文以柔性權力作為出發點，連接公眾外交與文化外交，進而探討俄羅斯從蘇聯時期到後蘇時期的對外文化政策之作為。 俄羅斯的對外文化政策從美蘇冷戰時期就已經開始，然而受限於意識型態的框架之下，兩國的文化交流深受到國家領導人外交政策風格的影響。普丁上任之後，俄羅斯開始積極向外拓展對外文化政策，其欲加強俄羅斯文化在世界上的影響力並且提高外國公眾對於俄羅斯文化價值的認同。俄羅斯於海外建立「俄羅斯世界基金會」和「俄羅斯合作」等文化推廣機構，以教授俄語和俄羅斯文化為主。希望讓外國公眾以不同的面向，瞭解俄羅斯。 本文的研究發現有下列幾點：第一、儘管俄羅斯近年來積極推廣俄羅斯文化在海外的發展，但是，俄羅斯的發展重心仍是以境外俄羅斯人為主。第二、俄羅斯國家內部的人權和官僚體系的議題和對外政策的實行方針，亦會影響俄羅斯柔性權力的發展。第三、俄羅斯的對外文化政策，與他國相比，仍然是以官方主導為主。因此，除了配合國家對外文化政策以外，俄羅斯應該要多增加非政府組織參與的比例和提昇國內相關文化產業的發展。 / For one country, soft power is as important as hard power. In these years, countries are enhancing its soft power to attract foreign public to learn to these countries’ culture and identify to their countries. American scholar, Joseph Nye , once indicated that culture, politic value and foreign policy are the resources of national soft power. Therefore, this paper discusses soft power, then connecting with public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy, and further probe into foreign cultural policy from Soviet Union era to Russian period . Russia’s foreign cultural policy started from the Cold War period, however , due to the ideology , the U.S-Soviet cultural exchange was deeply affected by the leaders of two countries. After the president Putin gained the power, Russia actively expanded its foreign cultural policy overseas, it wanted to strengthen the influence of Russian culture in the world and enhance the identity of Russian cultural values toward foreign public. The Russian government has established “Russkiy mir foundation ” and “Russotrudnichestvo” overseas to teach Russian language and Russian culture . By expanding the influence of Russian culture, foreign public is able to understand Russia from different aspects. The following are the research findings in my paper: First, the Russian government has actively developed Russian culture overseas in these years, but , the Russian government still focuses on compatriot . Second , the human rights and bureaucracy issue in Russia still deeply affect the development of soft power of Russia. Third, compared to other countries, Russian government plays an important role on foreign cultural policy. Therefore , besides its official policy, Russia should encourage on participation of NGOs and increase the development of the cultural industry.

上海合作組織前身是從中、蘇邊界談判開始，逐漸轉為定期會晤機制的「上海五國」，於2001年是由中共、俄羅斯、哈薩克、烏茲別克、塔吉克以及吉爾吉斯等六國組成，是中亞地區新興的多邊機制之一，成立之初以打擊「三股勢力」作為組織的重點項目，並規劃逐步將合作擴散到其他領域之上。中共、俄羅斯作為上海合作組織成立以及運作的重要推手，兩國的上海合作組織政策受到各自的利益考量，並深深影響了上海合作組織各方面的發展。 本研究以「結構現實主義」以及「地緣政治理論」作為出發點，從分析中、俄兩國的國家利益出發，探討兩國在上海合作組織各領域合作中的利益以及扮演的角色，了解兩國在該領域中的政策，並對本研究欲回答的問題，論證中、俄在中亞的國家利益與對上海合作組織的政策偏好，是否為上海合作組織發展的關鍵因素提出明確解釋。以此，本研究內容主要分成幾個部分，首先了解上海合作組織的成立背景，其次將重點放在中、俄在地緣政治、能源安全以及經貿合作的利益，與對上海合作組織的相關政策發展，最後將研究結果加以整理，回答本研究的問題意識。

俄羅斯在轉型的十年當中，所面臨的是影響層面深遠的政治制度及經濟制度的變遷。同時，由於新制度主義將制度視為內生變數，而影響政治和經濟的結果。此外，在俄羅斯的經濟轉型的過程當中，由中央計劃的經濟模式轉變成為市場經濟的模式。因此，對於民營化政策的制度設計就顯得更為重要。 經過十年的民營化，原有的決定國家經濟生活本質特徵的國家所有制在經濟生活中的統治地位已得到徹底改造，俄羅斯已經建立了市場經濟的基礎，但從新制度主義的結構來看，這一基礎尚不健全，在基本經濟制度建設中都還存在許多負面後果。因為經濟轉型的直接目的是建立市場經濟制度架構，根本目的是為了消除無效率的制度基礎，實現資源的最適化配置，促進經濟的快速增長和社會福利效用提高的極大化。按照這一標準衡量，俄羅斯的所有制改革和國有企業改革存在著嚴重的失誤，對俄羅斯經濟的發展產生了不可低估的負面影響。 俄羅斯民營化的失誤首先在於其目標和方式出了嚴重問題：民營化首先是作為一項政治綱領提出來的，具有十分明確的政治動機。特別是楚拜斯的大規模民營化計畫，首先是為了克服對轉型的政治約束，力圖通過民營化來根本改變所有制結構，以保證轉型過程的不可逆轉，同時培育和形成一個廣泛的私有者階層，成為新社會制度的政治基礎。當民營化取得政治上的收益後，其經濟意義才會顯現出來。為了實現民營化的政治目標，俄羅斯採取了強制的方法來改造國有企業，在條件不成熟的情況下把企業推向市場，由於這些企業不具備適應市場的應變能力，並不能對市場訊息做出正確的反應，沒有解決國有企業的管理機制問題，也沒有達到提高企業生產效率的目的。 民營化過程中國有資產大量流失。民營化後出現的新企業主多半曾經是黨、政府和原國有企業的精英成員，這意味著民營化使得國有企業領導人和投機者侵吞國有資產提供了一個捷徑。在探討民營化政策時，1992年開始的民營化只不過為資本向少數人手中的集中提供了法律架構。 民營化對財產在分配過程中的經濟犯罪和投機，引發了社會嚴重貧富差距，還產生了腐敗、犯罪等大量負面現象，導致了社會的不安定。民營化的一個結果是寡頭政治的出現。寡頭政治的出現，延緩了俄羅斯的民主化進程，同時也阻礙了經濟領域的公平競爭。 / The transformation of Russia over the last decade had involved wide-ranging institutional political and economic change. At the same time, with institutionalism regarded institutions as endogenous variables, it influenced political and economic outcomes .In addition, during the process of Russia economic transition from central planning economic model to market economic model. As a result, the institution design of privatization policy was guite important. For the privatization in a decade, the state ownership, which decided the former characteristics of the national economy nature, had been completely restructured. Russia had already built the foundation of market economy, but in the view of new institutionalism structure, the foundation was not sound. In the fundamental economic institutional utilities, there still would be to exist in many negative outcomes. Because the direct objective of economics transition was to build the framework of market economy institution, the basic objective for the purpose disminished inefficient institutional foundation, and to realize the resource optimal distribution, to promote economy rapid growth and specical welfare utility maximize. To measure in the standard, the ownership reform of Russia existed serious mistakes, which influenced Russia’s economy development in negative influence over estimated. The privatization of Russia, at first, made serious mistakes in objectives and forms. Privatization firstly is posed as a policital document, which had a very obvious motivation, especially in the Chubais mass privatization program. In the first place, it overcame the political constraints of transition, and attemped to change the structure of ownership to assure the process of transition to no reversion. At the same time, develop and form a private class to become a political basis for the new society institutions. When the privatization got the political revenues, the economy meaning would reveal. For the purpose of realization the political objective of privatization, Russia took compulsory measures to reform the state of enterprises, in the premature situation, to push these enterprises to the market. Owing to these enterprises not having the ability of suiting the market, they could not do the right response for the market information. And they could not solve the problems of the management mechanism of the state of enterprises, and they could not achieve the purpose of raising the efficiency of enterprise production. In the process of privatization, national assets greatly lost. After privatization, most of new enterprise owners were ever party, government, and previous state-owned enterprise elite members. It meant that privatization made state-owned enterprise leaders and opportunists a short cut to invade national assets. In discussing privatization policies, privatization, which began in 1992, merely provided the structure of laws for centerlization capital among few people. Privatization invoked seriously distance of the rich and the poorin society and resulted in corruption, crimes etc. massive nagative phenomena in the process of distribution of economic crimes and opportunities. It resulted in the unstability of society. The other consequence of privatization was the oligarchy politics came out. While the oligarchy appeared, it delayed the progress of democratization in Russia. At the same time, it prevented from fare competition in economic sphere.

本論文命題中心是：藉由地緣政治、政治文化及政治菁英的研究角度來探討形成與爆發烏克蘭橙色革命的重要因素？ 首先、本論文選擇由地緣政治的角度來檢視烏克蘭橙色革命國際層次的影響要件，並試圖說明：第一、美國在蘇聯解體後，對於獨立國協區域的權力競逐並未鬆懈。第二、俄羅斯儘管專注致力於本國經濟的發展，但與美國在烏克蘭的權力競逐，在2004年大選中顯示出俄國不計手段也要獲取勝利。第三、歐盟在地緣與烏克蘭有著實質經貿的互動利益，對於權力的競逐，歐盟希望烏克蘭是一個遵守民主國家遊戲規則的朋友。而此三項國際競逐形成橙色革命的爆發背景之一。 其次、本論文也從政治文化的角度來探討烏克蘭東西部歷史文化的發展差異對於政治參與的影響。期望可以印證烏克蘭在蘇聯解體後，國民對於國家認同的提高對於選情的影響以及與橙色革命的因果關係。 最後、本論文以政治菁英的研究角度來觀察烏克蘭大選中菁英們對於權力的競逐。本章節選擇從庫奇馬執政時期開始說明烏克蘭政治菁英彼此的政治恩怨鬥爭，並藉由該研究得到影響橙色革命的關連要件。 所以本論文認為，烏克蘭橙色革命絕不僅僅只是一場人民對選舉舞弊不滿所造成的革命運動。橙色革命背後確實隱含著來自國際、國內與政治決策著的權力競逐關係。 / This study attempts to examine the important elements behind Ukraine's Orange Revolution from three dimensions: geopolitics, political culture, and political elites. From the perspective of geopolitics, this thesis discusses three international actors that effect the outbreak of Orange Revolution in Ukraine. First, after the disintegration of Soviet Union, the United States endeavors to extend his own power to the area of C.I.S. The U.S., therefore, wants to influence on 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election. Second, though Russia concentrates on economic development, Russia never loosens its grip on C.I.S. The 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election in Ukraine gives Russia a chance to expel American influence from Ukraine. Third, the European Union and Ukraine have commercial interests. The EU countries hope that Ukraine will transform into a truly democratic country, so they will make an influence on 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election. From the perspective of political culture, this study discusses how the historically developmental differences between western and eastern parts of Ukraine influence national identification and the electoral votes. From the perspective of political elites, this study discusses the power struggle among political elites from Kuchima period to 2004 presidential election and its impact on the outbreak of Orange Revolution. In conclusion, this study reveals that besides the people’s expectation for democracy, the Orange Revolution implies reasons from international power politics, national identification and the Ukrainian elite’s competitions for political power. / В 2004 году на Украине произошла Оранжевая Революция. Это событие произошло не только из-за коррупции во время выборов президента. Еще другие важные причины повлияли на это. В этой статье представлены три точки зрения на геополитику, политическую культуру и элиту Украинской Оранжевой Революции. Статья делится на три части. Во-первых, после распада Советского Союза в пространстве СНГ существует пустота влияния сегодняшней России. Эта ситуация соответствует американским интересам и позволяет США воздействовать на СНГ. Украинские президентские выборы были шансом для США увеличить влияние на Украину (одна большая страна СНГ). Хотя за последние годы Россия старается увеличить своё экономическое развитие и получает большое достижение, влияние России на страны СНГ продолжает снижаться. Давно Россия считает Украину частью России. И не может терпеть Америку, которая вносит её влияние в СНГ, в частности на Украину. Украинские президентские выборы были конкуренцией с Америкой. Страны СНГ- это соседние государства ЕС. Между ЕС и странами СНГ существуют реальные торговые отношения, представляющие большие интересы. Страны ЕС хотят, чтобы Украина была настоящей демократической страной, как европейские страны. И так, они склоняются на сторону США. Во-вторых, на Украине между западом и востоком существует своя история. Люди на востоке склоняются на сторону России, а на западе - считают себя частью Европейских стран. Разница выражается в различных национальных выражениях. По сей день, через 13 лет после распада СССР, в Украине сформировалась национальная самоидентификация. Граждане постепенно считают себя украинцами, а не русскими. В президентских выборах 2004 года поддержка России Виктора Януковича утратила силу, и коррупция на выборах вызвала споры и революцию. Кроме того, Оранжевая Революция – это результат борьбы политических элит времен правления Кучмы и выборной кампании 2004 года. Итак, можно сделать вывод, что Оранжевая Революция произошла не случайно, так как давно существовали проблемы во внешней и внутренней политике. Ключевые слова: США, Россия, ЕС, геополитика, политическая культура, украинские президентские выборы, Оранжевая Революция, Кучма

俄羅斯和中國進入世界貿易組織和經濟管理之變遷 / This research compares Russia and China’s formal and informal economic institutions, against the backdrop of the WTO. It analyzes the changing dynamics of interaction of institutional elements and processes that create the framework for economic governance under the WTO, situating Russia and China’s economic governance under WTO against the context of the respective countries’ economic transition processes. The institutional elements and processes of economic governance comprise such elements as: policies, legislation, institutions, organizations, government capacity, predictability, accountability, transparency, and participation. This research argues that while Russia and China significantly diverged in strategies in their transitions from a socialist economic system, their linkage to the past as they transition into the WTO creates useful comparisons that give us insights into what types of economic governance has worked, and what the two countries can learn from each other, if anything. Despite the concessions and economic integration the WTO could offer both Russia and China, there is no question the Russian federal government and the Chinese central government will continue to wield significant influence on its economic governance.

能源問題是當今世界經濟發展中最引人關注的一個重大問題，能源問題的核心是解決能源供求穩定和安全問題，如何保障一個國家的能源安全是今后長時期內各國能源外交工作的重點。在全球化過程中，各國的能源安全問題仍將是一個相互依存、相互促進的體系，沒有一個國家能夠脫離其他國家和地區的能源安全而保証自身的安全，加強雙邊和多邊的能源對話與合作將是開展能源外交的重要議題。俄羅斯是世界能源大國，它的能源戰略對未來國際能源安全和中俄能源合作將具有重要影響。 俄羅斯作為世界能源大國，在國際能源領域具有獨特地位。它使俄羅斯在諸多國際問題上擁有了更多的發言權，特別是在后蘇聯空間和東北亞地區。同時，地緣政治問題是各國的政治和經濟實力生存和發展空間的問題。能源地緣政治的核心問題是各國掌控政治經濟發展所需要的能源資源的能力。世界各國競相發展經濟，各國加強對能源的爭奪，世界能源價格上漲，世界能源市場格局的變動，這些因素極大地提高了俄羅斯的能源國際影響力，促進了俄羅斯經濟增長的能源化趨向。中俄近年來政治關系穩固發展，加之地理位置相鄰，資源互補，按理說雙方的能源合作應卓有成效，但現實表明，雙方進展緩慢，結果不能讓人滿意。本文就是從中國近年來的能源安全局勢、俄羅斯的能源外交、整個東北亞的能源需求困境及近年來世界能源局勢的發展等中俄能源合作的背景因素出發，論述了中俄能源合作的現狀與動力因素接著,即而深入分析了影響中俄能源合作的俄國內因素，外部影響因素以及中國自身的問題。 最后，基於對雙方能源合作的有利條件與不利條件的分析，論文從兩國戰 略關系的高度，雙方民間交往的基礎，兩國能能源外交及構建地區能源合作機制通的可能性等因素出發，初步提出中國為中俄能源合作而採取的對策思路。 筆者認為隻有克服雙邊合作的不利因素，發揮雙方的有利條件，兩國的能源合作就定能邁向一個新的台階。 關鍵詞 : 能源外交, 俄羅斯能源戰略, 俄中能源合作, 能源安全. / Since 1993, China has become an importer of oil; the oil consumption has been growing.At the same time, China couldn’t increase the oil production, as the result, the lack of oil supplying has continuously increased. If we analyze from the point of international resource consumption, China comes to be the key country between those, who will struggle for the energy resources in the future. Since 1993, energy factor has been implemented to the consideration in the Chinese diplomacy. China has started to pay more and more attention to the energy factor while dealing with its international affairs. In 21 century, the oil price has been increasingly rising, that has become a serious danger for Chinese economy. The sudden lack of energy resources will be the great threat for fast developing Chinese economy. Also, been increasing its military power, China needs to create strategic oil stocks in order to move effectively its military forces. If we consider from strategic point of view, China is in the center of Asia, with Pacific Ocean on its East Coast, bordering with Pakistan on the South, China has very favorable geographical strategic advantages. China needs to use its strategic position for early planning strategy in its “non-blood war” for oil resources. Otherwise, China will face containment from the other countries. The purpose of this study is thus to investigate the following issues based upon the date for the influence of energy factor on Chinese foreign policy and intentions during the period of 1993-2003: 1.Understanding the trends for the future growth of energy demand in China. 2.Investigating what kind of measures can be applying by Chinese government in the face of these trends. 3. Figuring out how big the role of energy factor in the Chinese foreign policy implementation. Keywords: Chinese foreign policy, oil, energy security.