經濟效率與經濟公平，是經濟學中最具爭議性的議題之一。俄羅斯自1992年開始由計劃經濟轉型為市場經濟，政府的首要目標就是追求經濟效率的提升，相較而言對於經濟公平的問題較不重視，因此，在轉型的過程中社會所得分配差距持續擴大，最終導致兩極化分配結果。 本文透過文獻整理和統計數據對比分析論證方法探究1992至1997年間俄羅斯轉型政策對其所得不均惡化之影響。首先，藉由俄羅斯轉型前、後所得不均指標之對比，以及其與同時期其他中所得國家和轉型國家之比較，暸解俄羅斯所得不均情況，證明俄國轉型後所得分配惡化程度。其次，由私有化政策、自由化政策、穩定化政策以及社會救助政策等四個層面，分析俄羅斯轉型政策如何影響其所得分配。最後，說明已經是市場經濟體且被譽為金磚四國之一的俄羅斯，其近年來亮麗的經濟成長表現和普欽總統之社會救助政策，對其所得不均皆尚未產生改善效果，故1998年後的俄國所得分配狀況仍値得改以市場因素和相關政策等方面作為觀察重點，進行後續研究。 關鍵詞：俄羅斯、所得不均、私有化、自由化、穩定化、社會救助政策 / Economic efficiency and equity have always been one of the most controversial issues in the economics. Russia began the transformation from a planned economy to a market economy since 1992, and during the process of transformation, the primary objective of the Russian government was to enhance economic efficiency, by contrast, the economic equity was less emphasized. Therefore, the inequality of income distribution had become more and more serious. At the end, it led to the polarization of income distribution. In this study, literature review, comparative analysis and statistical data analysis methods will be used to explore how Russian transformation policies had resulted in the aggravation of income inequality between 1992 and 1997. First of all, in order to clarify the income inequality in Russia, some income inequality indexes of Russia before and after the transformation will be compared, and by the comparison with other mid-income and transformation countries in the same era, we can identify the aggravation of income distribution after the transformation. Secondly, how Russian transformation policies had influenced income distribution will be analyzed from four aspects: privatization policy, liberalization policy, stabilization policy, and social assistance policies. Finally, author interpret that although Russia has moved towards a market economy and become one of the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India and China) countries in recent years, its brilliant economic performance with Putin’s social assistance policies have not yet improved the situation. Therefore, author suggests that the further research on Russian income distribution after 1998 is better to focus on market factors and related economic policies. Keyword: Russia, Income Inequality, Privatization, Liberalization, Stabilization, Social Assistance Policy

從1968年的《中俄尼布楚條約》到2004年的《中俄國界東段補充協定》，中俄邊界爭議談判歷時三百多年，在這漫長的期間內彼此的國界線也曾數度遷移。本文探討兩國國界複雜多變的形成過程，來歸納出造成雙方邊界變動的結構性因素為何。 一般習慣將中俄國界區分為東、中、西三段，這其實是經過長期的歷史演變而來的概念，早期的邊界條約並非一定是依此方式分段簽訂。若依此地理分法，雖可詳細了解各段邊界的演變經過，但部分涵蓋範圍較廣的條約將被迫拆散或是重複討論，失去了完整性。因此本論文以歷史事件的順序為章節安排，如此一方面可顧及條約的完整性，二方面也較易釐清各階段的歷史脈絡。 此外，本論文的研究重點強調在各重要邊界條約的談判經過，藉著中俄雙方互相角力的過程，來剖析出兩國國界線擴張與限縮的關鍵因素，最後並以條件的滿足來解釋中俄國界得以確定。 / From “The Treaty of Nerchinsk”(1689) to “The Supplementary Agreement on the Eastern Section of the China-Russia Boundary Line”(2004), negotiations on the Chinese-Russian border disputes lasted more than 300 years. In this prolonged period the demarcation line of boundaries changed several times. This thesis explores the structural factors of the complex forming process of Sino-Russian borderlines. Actually, the conventional concept of the three border sections of east, central, and west between China and Russia comes from the long-term historical evolution. The early boundary treaties were not necessarily signed by both sides section by section. If we use the geographical taxonomy as the thesis’s analytical structure, we may understand each border section’s formation in details, but we will not capture the whole picture of Sino-Russian border negotiations because some broad-scoped treaties which comprised not just one specific border section have to be divided into sections or resulted into overlapped discussion accordingly. Alternatively, the organization of this study takes historical events chronologically to maintain the border treaties’ wholeness in their precise historical contexts. Moreover, this thesis emphasizes the negotiation processes of important boundary treaties between China and Russia in terms of comparative power strength, which decided the expansion or shrinkage of each other’s boundary and the final settlement of Sino-Russian border dispute.

從近代戰爭史來看，歷史的篇幅總是少不了俄國的存在，作為20世紀兩大領導集團之一的強權國家，國防武力的發展總是佔據最重要的部份，因為唯有國力的強大以及有效的軍事嚇阻力量，才能帶領國家免於遭受他國的惡意侵犯。傳統的戰爭型態在萊特兄弟成功發明具有動力推進能力的飛行器之後迅速改觀，俄國在這場人類科技發展的盛事中，可以說從一開始就參與至今，而空軍的創立，更是具有動燭先機的遠見，不但與世界上其他擁有空軍的國家歷史一樣悠久，更在第二次世界大戰以後與美國佔據了飛行歷史以及航天科技的天平兩端。俄國空軍的發展，讓我們看到俄國人是如何在困難的經濟狀態下以土法煉鋼的方式發展幾乎等同於甚至是超越西方世界的航太科技。本篇論文的內容，就是要將俄國空軍發展的歷史淵源以階段性的方式分別描述於各章節之中，並且也將俄國空軍在發展過程中所遇到的困難以及轉變作真實的敘述，以期能在國內付之闕如的相關資料當中作出微薄的貢獻。

蘇聯解體之後的俄羅斯，雖然得到主權上的獨立，但卻因為土地及人口的減少和經濟問題的浮現，導致以前能與美國抗衡的強權地位喪失，面對蘇聯的瓦解和國內動盪的社會局勢，俄羅斯民族主義開始強烈反彈。 本論文研究方法採用個案分析法及文獻分析法，首先以歷史的發展進程以及政治文化背景的角度檢視為何當代俄羅斯極端民族主義會興起，接著藉由回顧俄羅斯極端民族主義與國族認同的文獻，充分了解俄羅斯極端民族主義的意涵，最後針對「光頭黨」、「民族布爾什維克黨」兩個影響最大的極端民族主義團體的歷史緣起、理念與行為來探討與俄羅斯國族認同的關係。 綜合本論文的文獻可得知「俄羅斯極端民族主義是保守式的極端民族主義」，懷疑多元種族、多元文化的社會信仰能夠穩定；「俄羅斯極端民族主義團體不利於國族認同的發展」，無論是光頭黨或民族布爾什維克黨都不利於俄羅斯社會的凝聚力還有多元社會的發展；俄羅斯政府把打擊極端民族主義團體視為重要目標，因此「政府對極端民族主義的打擊影響極端民族主義團體日後的發展」。 關鍵字：俄羅斯、極端民族主義、國族認同、光頭黨、民族布爾什維克黨 / Abstract Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia assumed independent sovereignty. However, Russia lost its previous power status, which had enabled competition with the United States, because of its diminishing land area and population, as well as increasing economic problems. In response to the collapse of the Soviet Union and rising social unrest, Russian nationalism began to emerge. For this research, case study and literature analysis methods were adopted. This study first examined the reasons for the emergence of contemporary Russian ultranationalism from the perspectives of historical development and political and cultural backgrounds. Subsequently, this study conducted a literature review regarding Russian ultranationalism and national identity to fully understand the content of Russian ultranationalism. Finally, this study examined the relationship between Russian national identity and the historical origins, ideology, and behavior of the 2 most influential ultranationalist groups, specifically, the “skinheads” and “National Bolshevik Party”. Summarizing related literature, this study determines that Russian ultranationalism can be classified as conservative ultranationalism, and the stability of multiethnic and multicultural social beliefs was doubtful. In addition, Russian ultranationalism is detrimental to the development of national identity; specifically, neither the skinheads nor the National Bolshevik Party contributed to the cohesiveness and multifaceted development of Russian society. The quelling of ultranationalist groups has become a significant objective for the Russian government, and the efforts implemented by the Russian government to suppress ultranationalist groups have affected the subsequent development of ultranationalist groups. Keywords: Russia, ultranationalism, national identity, skinhead, National Bolshevik Party

新的俄羅斯聯邦成立以來，不論俄美或者是俄歐的經貿關係都遠比俄中的經貿關係來得重要，但是，俄羅斯政府卻一再地透過公開宣示要盡力發展同中國間的經貿關係，並且雙方的領導人、政府高層每年還定期會晤來商討相關的事宜。所以，俄中經貿關係的研究就顯得有其重要性與時代性，尤其是俄羅斯聯邦成立之初，在國外不僅面對西方國家有意的圍堵；國內還面臨了嚴重的經濟挫敗與政治亂局，使得俄羅斯必須選擇其他對她可能有幫助的國家，而這也突顯了俄羅斯在俄中經貿關係的發展中是扮演著主導的地位。因此，本論文旨在探討俄羅斯內外在的環境因素對俄中經貿關係的影響，並且從俄羅斯的觀點來探討她的的決策過程。 　　本論文認為：獨立後的俄羅斯所面臨的國際局勢已非過去兩極化的國際體系，在無法完全得知西方國家對於新的俄羅斯所採取的態度情況下，俄羅斯唯有在維護其國家尊嚴與利益的前提，選擇可以令其經濟復甦的政策。由此原始命題可以演繹下列三個邏輯命題：（一）面對美國主導的北約東擴的潛在性威脅，以及西方國家對於經援俄羅斯的態度總是百般刁難、口惠而實不至，造成俄羅斯聯合與她友好的中國，並調整其決策目標取向。（二）在經濟改革上遭到了重大的打擊，並因為外交上的的挫敗所引起的政治上的鬥爭，使得俄羅斯領導階層意識到必須要改變其原本合作的對象，轉而與有共同利益的中國發展政治與經濟的關係。（三）現實上，西方國家已非完全可以信任的合作夥伴，所以，俄羅斯便傾向於選擇在歷史上與情感上較能與自己合作的中國。 　　上述的三個子命題構成本論文的主要核心論點，第壹章：為緒論，說明研究動機與目的、研究範圍、文獻回顧、研究途徑與架構。第貳章：理性抉擇之檢析，這一章主要為討論理性概念之發展與在「理性抉擇典範」下發展的幾個主要的理論，以及理性抉擇在國際關係上的分析運用。第參章：為國際環境因素的分析，這一章主要為分析俄羅斯在這一段期間所面臨到的國際環境因素對她所造成的影響，包括經濟、政治與戰略等層面的衝擊。第肆章：為國內環境因素的分析，這一章主要為分析俄羅斯在這一段期間所面臨到的國內環境因素對她所造成的影響，包括經濟改革挫敗、政治上府會的鬥爭與俄屬遠東地區開發等因素的互動關係，第伍章：為俄中經貿關係發展的前景，這一章主要為探討前面兩章對於俄中經貿關係發展所造成的影響，並對於俄中經貿關係發展的前景做了一番期許與建議。第陸章結論。 / Even though Russian government always openly declarethat they will develop trade relationship with China, and both of their leaders set a date to discuss thease matters. Since Russian Federation were founded, Russian-U.S. and Russian-E.U.’s trade relationship were been far more important than Russian-Sino trade relation. So, research of Russian-Sino trade relationship has it’s significance and urgency. Especially when Russian Federation were established. Externally the Federation face with western countries’ block, internally, they face serious economical failures and chaotic political situations, which force Russia to search for potential aid. Such situation appear that Russia play the leading role in Russian-Sino trade relation. Therefore, this thesis is purporting the discussion of Russia’s internal and external conditions and it’s influence on Russian-Sino trade relation. Also from Russia’s point of view to discuss their decision-making process. 　　Unlike the past polarization world, this thesis consider that after Russia’s independence, Russia faced a new international situation. And unknown to western countries’ policy, Russia have to preserve their national majesty and interests, to choose relevent policy in order to revive their country. From this original topic, I’ll deduction the following three logically propositions: (1) Due to U.S. led NATO expansion eastward, and western countries’ unfriendly manner to aid Russia. Russia ally with their friendly neighborhood-China. Then, Russia will adjust their decision objective. (2) Russia suffered serious economic downturn during “Shock Therapy”, and political conflict caused by Russia’s diplomatic failures. Russia’s leading class realized that they must change strategic partners. Providing political and economical relationship with China would be a better choose for Russia, as they have common interests. (3) Russia tend to choose China, due to historical and emotional factors, as they can't completely trust western world. 　　These three logically propositions above are core topic of this thesis. In accordance with these three points, the thesis will be discussed in six chapters. Chapter one, introduction, it’ll explain the purpose, scope and approaches of this study. Chapter two, an analysis of rational choice, will discuss the concept of ration and some major theories under “rational choice paragon” which analyze on international affairs. Chapter three an analysis of international conditions. This chapter will discuss economical, political, strategic problem it given the change in international environment. Chapter four an analysis of domestic environment. This chapter analyze the changing domestic conditions including failure of its economical reform and political instability. Chapter five outlook of Russian-Sino trade relationship, this chapter provide an insight outlook of potential development of Russian-Sino trade relations. Chapter six conclusion.

本論文主要在探討俄羅斯聯邦於一九九一年至一九九七年間，所推行的各項經濟改革政策及其經濟實況。本論文嘗試著以政治經濟學的角度來剖析俄羅斯經濟改革與政治發展間的互動，以宏觀的手法探討俄羅斯經濟改革政策，並分析影響俄羅斯經濟日後發展的因素，從而預測俄羅斯日後政治經濟發展的趨向。 本論文共分為伍章: 第壹章為緒論，敘述本論文之研究動機、研究途徑、研究架構、研究範圍與研究限制：第貳章探討俄羅斯經濟改革的背景與特徵。本章主要先論述蘇聯傳統社會主義計劃經濟的形成以及其特徵，並依時間順序介紹蘇聯時期歷次的社會主義經濟改革的大要。先了解整個社會主義計劃經濟的特徵與弊端，然後再探討俄羅斯經濟改革的背景與必要性，以及俄羅斯經濟改革的特徵；第參章剖析俄羅斯經濟改革的主要內容，首先探討俄羅斯經濟改革理論的演進，描述俄羅斯經濟改革策略由蓋逢時期的激進、快速的「休克療法」演變成契爾諾米爾丁時期的緩進、折衷的經濟改革策略的演變過程。然後詳細地論述俄羅斯經濟體制各領域的改革內容，包括：所有制變革、價格自由化、金融體制改革、社會保護制度改革、財稅體制改革、貿易體制改革、住屋制度變革、以及農業與上地私有化方面的改革措施，木章最後再論述契爾諾米爾丁於一九九六年底所提出修正的經濟改革措施，以瞭解今後俄羅斯經濟改革的方向；第肆章論述俄羅斯經濟改革實行結果與影響，提出其經濟改革之結果與影響、以及在俄羅斯經濟改革過程中不斷出現的兩難困境，與俄羅斯日後推行市場經濟的阻力；第伍章為本論文之結論，本章主要是論述俄羅斯經濟改革的前景，並在此章節中提出筆者個人的研究發現與建議未來俄羅斯經濟改革的改善途徑。 在研究過程中筆者發現，俄羅斯的經濟改革往往與俄羅斯政治的權力鬥爭相互影響。經濟改革並非是單純的經濟改革，往往是政治因素左右了俄羅斯的經濟政策走向；而政治勢力的消長，亦因為經濟表現的優劣而隨之消長。尚有相當多的因素影響到俄羅斯的總體經濟表現，諸如：社會治安因素、外援、通貨膨脹等等。因此，政治的考量打亂了經濟改革的原有計劃除此之外．加上上述各方面的影響之下，俄羅斯的經濟成長根本無法如預期般地好轉，即使時至今日也難以紓緩。 / The main role of this thesis is the Economic Reform of Russian Federation, from 1991 to 1997. This thesis applies the Kremlin politics approach and the historical approach to analyze the Russian economic reform program, and discusses the impact of domestic and international political factors on reform from a political economy perspective. There are five chapters in this thesis. Chapter One is introduction ,which include the problems, purpose, scope and the approaches of this thesis. Chapter Two is the motives of Russia economic reform. Chapter Three is the contents of Russia economic reform from 1991 to 1997.Chapter Four is the results and impacts of Russia economic reform. Chapter Five is conclusion of this thesis. After discuss this thesis, the author find that reform has resulted in a large slide in living standards, a big jump in inflation, and critical deviation in the distribution of the wealth between rich and poor. The basic reason is that the Russian government has not been able to take positive control of economic activity, as the process of privatization and the redistribution of national wealth has created mistakes. National enterprises have fallen under the hands of bureaucratic and managerial apparatus from the beginning of the privatization. Economic reform has also involved some problems, including a huge debts, capital outflow, increasing crime, growing unemployment, and heavy export dependence on raw materials and energy. Although the policy of economic reform has been revised several times, it still has not deviated from its basic design. Official economic developmental strategy thus seems to have a gap with the factual situation, with the role of the government not yet strengthened. In the next ten years, it will therefore be difficult for the Russian economy to quickly develop, though it possesses tremendous potential and resources. After reviewing the political and economic developments of Russia from 1991 to 1997, it is determined that political factors and President Yeltsin himself are the major culprit that forestalled the realization of reform goals.ln short, political considerations disrupted the original reform plan. As a result, Russia from 1991 to 1997suffered from galloping prices and declining production that have not significantly abated to this date.

本論文主要在探討俄羅斯東正教政教關係之演變。在研究方法上，主要依據”政教關係”的理論以及相關的文獻分析來進行之。本文的架構以教會過去的歷史、俄羅斯官方的意識型態以及政府的宗教政策之演變為主軸，據此來探討一九九一年底之後，俄羅斯政教關係之變化。 本論文共分五章。第一章說明本文之研究方法與架構。第二章則將帝俄時期至一九八五年以前的俄羅斯政教關係的歷史背景作一簡單的敘述。一九一七年以前，東正教一直是俄羅斯的國教。與其他的教派相比，東正教會享有許多特權，例如，它得以免除稅務以及公民應盡之義務。在蘇聯時期，東正教會喪失原來獨享之特權並且遭受到殘酷之宗教迫害；不過這種情況到戈巴契夫上台以後有了轉變。 本文第三章首先題到戈巴契夫在蘇聯境內實行政治與經濟領域之革新，這些政策伴隨官方意識型態之轉變，導致政府宗教政策的大幅修正，政教關係也因此有所突破。此時俄羅斯東正教會再度受到重視，並且可以進行它的復興工作。在蘇聯解體之後，東正教在俄羅斯的政治上依然扮演著重要的角色。在第四章裏我們將探討教會與俄羅斯政府之間如何相互影響。第五章將對本文作一個總結，並討論俄羅斯政教關係可能的發展方向，以及俄羅斯東正教之未來前景。 / This dissertation focuses on the changes in the relationship between the Russian government and the Russian Orthodox Church. The methodology for this thesis is based on the “Politics-Religion Mutuality”Theory and the analysis of documents pertaining to the two related parties. The framework of this study is based upon three essential topics: the history of the church, the evolution of Russian ideology and the religious policies of Russian government.Analyzing these three topics we may find out how the Russia politics-religion relationship changes after the end of 1991. There are five parts to this thesis. Each part has a chapter devoted specifically to it. In chapter one the methodology and the framework of this dissertation will be expounded. In chapter two the author gives an outline of the history of the relationship between the state and the church. Before 1917 the Russian Orthodox Church was the state church of Russia. Being the official church, the Russian Orthodox Church had many privileges as compared with other denominations, for example, it was exempt from assessments and civic obligations. In the Soviet Union the Russian Orthodox Church lost its monopolistic power and suffered brutal religious persecution. This, however changed when M. Gorbachev headed the government. Chapter three, the turning point, shows the new policies in political and economic domains within the USSR enacted enforced by Gorbachev. These changes to the official ideology also led to large-scale changed in religious policy. At this time the Russian Orthodox Church became highly regarded again in the USSR and could proceed with its own revival. After the disintegration of the USSR, the Russian Orthodox Church was still highly regarded and played an important role in Russia's politics. In chapter four we investigate how the church and the government influenced each other. In chapter five we conclude with a summery, the possible development of mutuality between the Russian Orthodox Church and the prospects of the Russian Orthodox Church.

本文旨在探討經濟外交理論對俄羅斯外交決策的影響。俄羅斯經濟外交政策主要是積極發展對外的經濟關係，創造對俄羅斯友善的國際環境，希望藉此帶動國內經濟的發展。而在俄羅斯牽涉經濟外交的各領域中，能源的因素尤其重要，由於俄羅斯境內蘊藏豐富的天然資源，尤其是天然氣，因此利用能源做為籌碼的經濟外交政策是俄羅斯對外政策中常見的情況。 而俄羅斯的經濟外交政策場域中，本文主要以近鄰和歐洲國家為主，由於許多俄羅斯的近鄰是前蘇聯的加盟共和國，同時也是能源的過境運輸國，因此俄羅斯常利用能源做為手段，藉此影響近鄰的對外政策。而歐洲國家大部份是俄羅斯的主要能源消費國，因此俄羅斯也可利用能源的出口為手段，打進歐洲各國的能源市場，藉此創造對俄羅斯友好的國際環境。 其中德國身為俄羅斯在歐洲最大的貿易夥伴，在政治和經濟上面的互動十分頻繁，德國主要從俄羅斯進口石油、天然氣。研究發現德國和其他歐洲國家相比，較為依賴俄羅斯能源的進口，因此給予俄羅斯對德國實行經濟外交戰略時的有效籌碼，特別是在天然氣領域中貿易互動方面，俄羅斯藉由能源公司對德國的能源領域的投資，企圖藉由深入德國的能源市場，進入歐洲的能源貿易體系。 / This thesis aims to discuss the Russian economic diplomacy. Russian economic diplomacy mainly focuses on using economic as a leverage to influence other countries policies to Russia with the purpose of creating an amicable international situation, and promoting Russian domestic economic situation. Due to the fact that Russia possesses various natural recourses, energy is the main theme in Russia economic diplomacy, especially natural gas. The topic of this study mainly discusses the economic diplomacy relations between Russia with near abroad and Europe. Most of the near abroad countries are former Soviet Union republics and the energy transit countries of Russia as well. As the result, Russia can use energy issue as a tool to sway these countries policies. Additionally, Russia can also utilize energy export to enter the Europe energy market because most of the European countries are the main energy consumer of Russia. The study has shown that German is the main political and economical partner of Russia, and is also the biggest trade partner and energy consumer of Russia compared to other countries throughout Europe. Thus, German is strongly dependent on Russia energy export, especially on petroleum and natural gas. This condition benefited Russia by providing a window for Russia to enter Germany energy market in terms of energy enterprise trade and investment to German. Furthermore, by entering German energy market, Russia can enter European energy trading system.

蘇聯解體後，俄羅斯從計畫經濟走向市場導向經濟體，傳統上保障俄國公民完全就業的情況不在，經濟轉型造成大量失業人口。為防止失業帶來經濟社會的負面效應，政府通過俄羅斯聯邦居民就業法，並建立俄羅斯聯邦國家就業基金，逐步建立起就業安全制度。本文為深入了解俄國失業情況與就業安全制度，將探討俄國主要失業類型與因素，以及就業安全之發展與其對緩和失業的效用。其次，俄國一九九○年代的經濟轉型衰退與千禧年後穩定成長形成強烈對比，這直接影響失業、社會狀態、政府勞動市場政策、就業安全活動資金來源與執行效率。因此，內文對於此兩階段亦進行比較。研究發現，俄羅斯失業率與投資、消費有高度反向關係，也就是說轉型時期投資與消費皆明顯不足，連帶失業率上升。勞動市場政策則以維持與創造工作機會為目標，但實際上，國家就業基金作為就業安全活動的後盾，其資金較為缺乏，且多集中在失業給付，在創造與維持工作機會等就業積極政策方面並未能有良好成果。然2001年起撤銷國家就業基金，就業安全活動改由預算撥款後，資金來源較為穩定，至2008-2009年金融危機時期俄政府尚能投入額外預算以緩和失業。此外，千禧年後，投資與消費穩定增長，失業率下降，勞動市場政策除了延續就業促進的概念外，尚注重地區平衡發展、招募外國勞動力、培養專業幹部等多元議題。故整體而言，成功被勞動安置、參與職業訓練(職業教育)，以及接受失業救助的人數比例皆比轉型初期來得高，此表示俄羅斯經濟恢復成長後失業率下降外，就業安全活動成效也逐漸提高。 / Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia had changed economic system from a planned economy to a market-oriented economy. Russia didn’t guarantee full-employment anymore like the period of Soviet Union. Economic transformation caused the massive unemployed population. In order to prevent unemployment to bring negative economic and social effects, Russian government made the Employment Act of the Russian Federation and built the National Employment Fund of Russian Federation. To understand deeply the Russian unemployment and employment security, this article will explore the types, the main factors of unemployment, development and effects of employment security. Second, it forms the striking contrast between economic decline in the 1990’s and stable growth after 2000. It directly impacts on unemployment, social status, labor market policies, source of funding and execution efficiency. Therefore, this report has two stages for this comparison. The research found that the Russian unemployment rate and the investment, the consumption have the negative relations. That is, investment and consumption during the transformation period were obviously insufficient, which resulted in high unemployment rate. The labor market policy’s goals were to maintain and create job opportunities, but in fact the National Employment Fund which supported employment security activities was the lack of funds, and most of the funds focused on unemployment benefits, therefore activities in creating and maintaining jobs couldn’t get good results. However, the National Employment Fund in 2001 was withdrawn, employment security activities were financed from the budget. The source of fund has become quite stable. In the recent financial crisis, the Russian government even could put into the extra budget to alleviate the unemployment pressure. In addition, after 2000, the unemployment rate has dropped because of steady growth in investment and consumption. Not only did the government continue to the concept of employment promotion, but it paid attention to balanced regional development, the recruitment of foreign labor and training of professional managers. In conclusion, after the economic recovery in Russia, the unemployment problems have gradually improved.

本論文主要目的是想探討蘇聯解體前後女性就業情形的轉變，以及政治經濟上的變化對於俄羅斯女性就業產生的影響。因此，在第二章中，首先回顧蘇聯時期，在各領導人所宣揚的意識型態下，女性在就業市場中的情形。本章主要根據共黨領導人的交替來劃分時期，主要可以分為1917年革命後至1930年代初，史達林統治時期（1930-1953），赫魯雪夫時期（1957-1964）及布里茲涅夫時期（1964-1982），以及戈巴契夫時期（1985-1991）。內容著重於不同時期女性就業的實際情形，並試圖分析影響蘇聯女性就業的背後因素。儘管在蘇聯時期針對女性就業做過不少的統計調查及研究，然而，政府為了宣揚男女平權的成就，往往報喜不報憂。因此在本章中會注重官方說法與實際情形間的差異，輔以西方學者所做的調查加以整理。 在第三章中，鑑於經濟制度改變對於就業市場影響甚鉅，因此有必要瞭解蘇聯解體前後政府所採取的經濟改革。此外，蘇聯時期的勞動市場情形及法令規定也為不可忽略的部分。因此在此章中將針對經濟改革內容、蘇聯時期的勞動市場及法令規定做概略性的介紹，以便接下來與解體後做比較。 在對於經濟改革及蘇聯勞動市場、相關法令有了基本的認知之後，接下來則在第四章中探討俄羅斯女性在新的市場經濟制度的就業市場中的地位，尤其是經濟轉型所帶來的失業問題。 第五章為結論，將前述內容作一整合總結。 / The goal of this thesis is to discuss the transformation from the Soviet Union to the new Russia, and analyze how the changes on the politics and economics influence women employment. In the first chapter, it displays the framework of the thesis. In the chapter two, we try to understand the women’s employment situation in the Soviet Union. It includes five periods: from 1917 revolution to the beginning of 1930s, the Stalin period (1930-1953), the Khrushev period (1964-1982), the Breznev period, and the Gorbachev period (1985-1991). It stresses the real employment situation of the Soviet women, and finds out the background reason. We’re specially cautious of the differences between the official statement and the fact. In the chapter three, it includes the economic reform and the impact on people. The law of the Soviet Union’s labor is also in this chapter. In the chapter four, it is about the status of Russia women in the new labor market, and analyzes what’s the reason influence their work situation.