本文運用結合資本主義與父權制的雙系統理論探究普丁時期俄國婦女地位之現況。文中首先從蘇聯時期切入，貫穿至普丁時期，深入剖析俄羅斯婦女地位變化之歷史脈絡。第二部分則接續探討下列問題：普丁時期的俄國經濟因資本主義蓬勃而快速發展，而普丁的「管理式資本主義」所引發的後續社經現象對俄國婦女地位是否產生正面影響？普丁的強人統治與中央集權象徵父權制復甦，此傾向是否箝制俄羅斯婦女的發展？ 整體而言，「管理式資本主義」並未消除俄國婦女過去在就業市場上面臨的不平等，而其建構出「女性商品化」的形象，不利於俄國女性產生自覺。此外，父權制統治仍深植於俄國社會，迫使俄國婦女受限於傳統性別模式。 / By applying the dual-system theory, combining capitalism and patriarchy, this study aims at exploring Russian women’s status in the Putin Era. The first part of the study focuses on the historical context of Russian women’s status. The second part discusses the following research questions: does Putin’s “managed capitalism” have positive impact on Russian women? Does his strongman rule suppress women’s development? “Managed capitalism” doesn’t eliminate the gender inequality on labor market, and it creates the phenomenon of “commodification of women”. Furthermore, the patriarchy rule is deeply rooted in Russian society, and forces Russian women are limited in traditional gender model.

近年來，在全球氣候變遷與化石燃料價格高漲的影響之下，節能減碳成了各國政府能源政策的圭臬。正因如此，核能重新被視為一種可行的替代能源，獲得長足的發展。但這股核能復興潮並沒有持續太久，2011年日本福島核事故的發生，使全球核能產業陷入了新一波的低潮。這場核能浩劫，與25年前在前蘇聯發生的車諾比核事故如出一轍，都影響了許多國家在核能政策上的選擇。 本研究針對俄羅斯核能產業之發展進行探討，以了解其核能利用上的立場及發展策略。特別是在2011年日本福島核災後，俄羅斯在核能政策上是否有所轉變。值得注意的是，俄羅斯國家原子能公司(Rosatom)，作為國營之核能企業，展現了其企圖心，矢言成為新一代的全球核能復興先驅。 本研究認為，俄羅斯仍不會放棄核能的利用，而且也將持續進行核能復興的政策路線，尋求擴大在全球核電市場上的影響力。核能對俄羅斯而言，除了經濟方面的利益外，同時也兼具了政治、能源安全上的意涵。除非未來科技進步，足以發展出一種高效率同時兼顧生態發展的發電方式，否則近期內俄羅斯的核能發展現狀將不會有太大的改變。 / In recent years, under the influence of global climate change and high fossil fuel prices, carbon reduction has become a model as energy policy for many governments. Because of that, nuclear energy was re-considered a viable alternative energy source, and developed rapidly. But this trend of "nuclear renaissance" did not last too long, due to Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan in 2011, the global nuclear industry fell into another serious decline. Just like Chernobyl nuclear accident that occurred 25 years ago in former Soviet Union, This nuclear catastrophe have affected many countries in nuclear energy policies. In this study, we discussed the development of Russia's nuclear industry in order to understand its position on nuclear energy and development strategies. Particularly, we would like to see if there is a significant change in Russia's nuclear energy policy after Fukushima nuclear disaster in 2011. It is noteworthy that the State Atomic Energy Corporation Rosatom, as a state-owned nuclear company, demonstrated its ambition, and vowed to be a pioneer of global nuclear renaissance in a whole new era. In this study, we concluded that Russia will not give up nuclear energy, but also continue its nuclear renaissance energy policy routes, seeking to expand influence in the global nuclear power market. In addition to economic benefits, for Russia, nuclear energy also means both the political and energy security implications. Unless the technological progress in the future that is enough to develop a high-efficiency and ecological way of power generation, otherwise, Russia's nuclear energy development situation will not have a significant change in the near term.

以學者Pamela Paxton對於「女性參與民主」的形式作為本研究的主軸──依照參與程度劃分了「正式的代表性」、「書面上的代表性」、「實質上的代表性」這三種層次。作者藉由Paxton的研究成果作為研究途徑，並參考文獻資料、統計數據、新聞報導，及國際組織之研究報告，對俄羅斯婦女參與國家杜馬運作的情形進行分析與研究。 本論文的內容劃分成三大部分：首先概括性從全球各區域及後共歐洲國家的國會女性代表現況作為開頭，再以Paxton對於「女性參與民主」的形式來檢視俄羅斯國家杜馬當中的女性代表參與程度。第二部分將以「微觀」的角度來探討歷屆國家杜馬女性代表的背景研究，包含：當選年齡、教育程度及職業背景、委員會的選擇，以統計數據及表格的方式來探討其特性及變化趨勢。最後的部分，探究了國家杜馬女性代表的貢獻與困境，當中以提升婦女權利的法案制定與列出表現傑出的女性代表以肯定女性代表的貢獻；再由「選舉制度與政黨」與「政治文化」兩種面相來探討俄羅斯婦女投身於國家杜馬選舉時所面臨的困境。 整體而言，俄羅斯國家杜馬當中的女性代表需要更積極性的替廣大的俄羅斯女性制訂出對她們有益與利的相關法案，並且也需要積極地改變父權觀點，進一步改變傳統的角色定位，以能發揮影響俄羅斯政治圈及社會的力量。 / The main approach of the thesis is Pamela Paxton’s research for “women's representation in democracy”. In Paxton’s view, there are three levels of different degrees of representation: formal representation, descriptive representation, and substantive representation. With the purpose to analyse the the contempoary situation and trend of Russian women’s political participation in State Duma, so this thesis is composed of literatures, statistics, Russian news websites, and reports from international research institutions. This thesis is divided for three main topics: At first, the article starts from general introduction of global and Post-Communist Europe women political participation in the parliaments. The second part is with “microcosmic” way to review the background of female deputies of State Duma from the first convocation (in 1993) to the sixth convocation (in 2011), inclusive of age, the educational level, occupation before being elected, and committees choosing. The final part discusses contributes and predicaments of Russian female deputies of State Duma. Generally speaking, the female deputies of State Duma have to be more positive to legislate for bringing benefits to a large number of Russian women. Moreover, they also have to be more positive to overcome the viewpoint and redirect the gender role from traditional political culture of patriarchy society. Therefore, the female deputies of State Duma will have more influences on the Russian politics and society.

由於蘇聯解體所導致的核擴散，這個世界比起過去更加危險。新的安全威脅源自於俄羅斯核物質、武器與科學家的擴散。另一方面，俄羅斯軍事力量的下降導致俄羅斯提高了核武器在未來戰爭中的作用。俄羅斯國家安全構想與軍事學說的轉變可能升高核戰爭的可能性。在本文中，筆者將探討由俄羅斯所引起的核擴散風險。 / Because of the nuclear proliferation caused by the collapse of USSR, the world is more insecurity than before. The new security threat comes from the spread of Russian nuclear materials, weapons and scientists. On the other hand, the decline of Russian military leads Russia to pay much attention on the use of nuclear weapon in the future warfare. The change of the Russian national security concept and military doctrine may raise the possibility of nuclear war. In the paper, author will study the risk of nuclear proliferation caused by Russia.

過去多數西方和俄羅斯學者透過制度的探討，指出治理問題、執法無效、市場改革不足等俄羅斯市場邏輯的結構性弱點，本文提供了一個新的視角，說明為何俄羅斯中小企業缺乏積極性合績效。本文指出，俄羅斯是歷史悠久的國家，儘管歷經幾十年的市場改革，許多不利於創業的社會文化至今仍然存在，俄羅斯社會變遷趕不上制度改革之速度，仍遵循蘇聯社會以及更古老俄羅斯思維。這些文化以不同方式仍然存在於現代俄羅斯社會，大幅阻礙市場改革的實現。以臺灣和俄羅斯田野調查的資料為基礎，本文比較俄羅斯和台灣社會文化因素，呈現兩國之間完全不同的價值觀和規範，及其對於現今俄羅斯和台灣社會的影響，由此證明以往制度性研究所忽略社會文化的作用和影響。 / In the past, most Western and Russian scholars applied the Institutional Approach to point out governance, ineffective law enforcement, lack of market reform and other structural weaknesses of the Russian market economy. This paper provides a new perspective as to why small and medium Russian enterprises experience lack of motivation and performance. This article points out the historical heritage of Russia as one of the reasons, showing that after decades of market reform, most traditional socio-cultural obstacles for entrepreneurship still exist in modern Russian society. The changes of Russian society are far behind institutional reforms and Russian mentality is still inheriting the spirit of Soviet society or even ancient Russian history. These old cultural norms and traditions still exist in different ways in modern Russian society, significantly obstructing the implementation of market reforms. Based on field survey data from Taiwan and Russia, this paper lists and compares Russian and Taiwanese socio-cultural factors, showing completely different values and norms between the two countries and their social impact in modern Russia and Taiwan. Thus proving that previous research based on the Institutional Approach has ignored the significance of social culture and its influence.

本論文之研究目的是企圖從前蘇聯文武關係研究途徑與克里姆林宮政治研究途徑來探討蘇聯解體後俄羅斯軍方之政治參與範疇與背後之動機。 就軍方政治參與之範疇而言，蘇聯於1991年底解體後，俄羅斯軍方在政治舞台上扮演了重要的角色。首先，我們可以從軍方在1993年俄羅斯新軍事準則成型的過程中，其強硬主張佔了主導的地位。第二、軍方在「近鄰」與前南斯拉夫維和行動的政策即便與外交部意見相衝突仍獲得最後主導權。第三、軍方在1993年10月政爭中並未完全保持中立，而最後軍方是站在葉里欽總統一方結束了此一政治危機。第四、軍方試圖從俄羅斯獨立後歷屆國家杜馬選舉中，藉由其投票行為或是主動參與競選來表達其政治態度與影響有關軍事方面之政策。 本論文以為，蘇後俄羅斯軍方的政治參與背後動機之主要原因有二。其一是蘇聯解體以後俄羅斯軍方制度利益嚴重惡化：蘇聯解體以後，軍方在軍事改革上無法有效進展、軍事預算嚴重不足、軍中生活條件惡化以及國防工業轉產上面臨了嚴重的問題。這些皆使得軍方為了自救不得不試圖從政治層面來解決軍隊之問題。其二是受到克里姆林宮政治互動之影響：葉里欽為了鞏固政軍大權，運用高超的政治手腕以及「分而治之」的統御方式，引用軍方的力量來打擊政治對手，另一方面也運用政治危機分化軍隊之團結性，使其無法在政治上形成對統治者之威脅。 / The purpose of the thesis attempts to analyze the scope and motives of post-soviet Russian military’s political participation by using former Soviet civil-military relations approach and Kremlin politics approach. As far as the scope of military’s political participation is concerned, since the dissolution of USSR in 1991, the Russian military has been playing an important role in Russian politics. First of all, during the process of formulating Russian new military doctrine in 1993, Russian military’s hard-line position dominated this process and its opinion finally won out. Secondly, peacekeeping operation took by the Russian military in the “Near Abroad” and former Yugoslavia, especially in Kosovo, usually conflicted the peaceful option hold by the Ministry of Russian Foreign Affairs, but the Russian military still took control of the final policy initiative. Thirdly, in October 1993, the Russian military didn’t remain neutral in the political struggle between president and Congress of People’s Deputies. It sided with president and therefore ended this severe political crisis. Fourthly, in each Duma election hold after Russia’s independence, the Russian military tried to express its political inclination and exerted its influence by voting, even actively took part in the election. This thesis is taking the position that the political participation of post-soviet Russian military is driven by two motives. First and foremost is the institutional interest of Russian military suffered great damage since the breakup of the USSR：military reform hasn’t made much progress; military budget received hasn’t sufficed the need of military; military faced the growing acute social problems within itself; the conversion of defense industry encountered difficulties. These problems made the Russian military try to preserve itself by political means. The second motive is affected by Kremlin political interaction：in order to strengthen his control over politics and military, Yeltsin used brilliant political art and managed the military by means of “divide and rule”. He used the military to attack his political opponent, on the other hand, he made use of each political crisis to split the military and therefore the military couldn’t constitute a political threat to the ruler of Russian polity.

本篇論文主要是分析俄羅斯中央銀行的獨立性。本文先由西方經濟理論與中央銀行獨立性文獻說明中央銀行為何必須要擁有一個高度的獨立性。對於俄羅斯的高通貨膨脹現象與中央銀行地位轉變之間的關係，本文也有詳細的說明。 另外，本文就法制面俄羅斯中央銀行獨立地位的評析，接著並對實務面的央行獨立地位加以說明。 法制面的俄羅斯中央銀行獨立性相當高。實務面的俄羅斯央行作業，在政治上總統、政府與國會的角力中，形成了一個特殊的政治力真空，使中央銀行能夠取得政策獨立的地位。在俄羅斯面臨高通貨膨脹風險經濟的情況下，中央銀行對於貨幣政策以及政府財政政策的協調取得一個主動的地位。 / This article’s main idea is the analysis of Russia central bank’s independence. From the aspects of the western economic theories and central bank independence literatures, the author interprets why central bank needs to have a high independent status. This article also provides a relationship description between the Russian hyperinflation phenomenon and the transformation of Russia central bank stance. Moreover, this article uses legislative aspect and real facts to analyze the independence of Russian central bank. The article concludes Russia central bank has a high level of independent status. In the political turbulence of president, government, and Duma, it formed a political vacuum to make central bank a high independence to decide his own policy. When facing the high risk of inflation, Russia central bank also has its own initiative to coordinate the monetary policy with the government’s fiscal policy.

本文研究重點為探討跨國公司對在地國之影響，分析與比較俄羅斯天然氣工業集團(Gazprom Group)在烏克蘭與白俄羅斯兩國之議價關係。 Gazprom為全球壟斷性天然氣公司，在2006年冬季俄、烏天然氣談判破局而發生歐洲大規模斷氣事件後，其對在地國的特殊影響力才逐漸成為各界熱烈討論之議題。一般而言，在全球化下的跨國公司研究多半聚焦在跨國公司的經濟影響力，然而Gazprom在母國政府的支持下，在全球市場上除了經濟面外，還對其他國家發揮著政治面向上的影響力，特別是在烏克蘭與白俄羅斯的例子上格外明顯。學界目前對於Gazprom的主流評論認為Gazprom為母國外交工具，然而追溯Gazprom、在地國與俄羅斯三方之天然氣關係背景，發現Gazprom在烏、白兩國之作為不能單純將Gazprom設想為「母國外交工具」，Gazprom與兩國之天然氣衝突是俄羅斯政府「外交目標」與Gazprom「商業獲利」考量下之綜合結果；以Gazprom為主體方向下思考，對Gazprom來說，俄羅斯政府是企業對在地國的「產業政策影響工具」，更正確地來說，Gazprom與俄羅斯政府是屬於互相為用的關係。 為破除既定「外交工具」思考方向，本文採議價能力衰減模型(Obsolescing Bargaining Model)作為基礎研究架構，以Gazprom為研究主體，突破以往傳統上單層議價模型中只論跨國公司與在地國之議價過程，加入母國政府與在地國政府之議價關係，分析俄與烏、白兩國政府議價結果與Gazprom影響力之關聯，以貼合本文案例實際研究需要。 / This paper examines the impact of multinational corporations (MNC) on host country, analyzes and compares the two cases in Ukraine and Belarus of bargaining relations between Gazprom Group and host governments. Gazprom is a global natural gas monopoly, after the breakup of gas negotiation between Russia and Ukraine and cut-off of Russian gas to Europe, its special impact on host country has attracted people of all the different circles to discuss it. In most cases of globalization researches on MNC’s role, people concentrate on the economic impact of MNC; however, with the support from home government, Gazprom has shown not only its economic power, but also its political impact on host country, especially on Ukraine and Belarus. Till now, the academic circle has seen Gazprom as an instrument of Russian foreign policy, but after tracing back the historical background of gas relations between Gazprom, host country, and Russia, we can figure out Gazprom can’t be simply regarded as the policy instrument, in fact, the Russia-Ukraine and Russia-Belarus gas disputes between are the complex of Russian foreign policy consideration and Gazprom commercial actions. For Gazprom, Russian government is an instrument as well to influence host country’s policy in gas sector. More correctly, Gazprom and Russian government use each other for their own purposes. To break through the existing “instrument of foreign policy” research direction, this paper uses obsolescing bargaining model as the basic framework, regarding Gazprom as the main subject, changing the traditional one-tier bargaining model into two-tier, including bargaining relationship between home government and host government, then analyzes the correlation between the governmental bargaining results and Gazprom’s bargaining power for the practical case study needs.

No description available.

Offshore jurisdictions have become popular among corporations around the globe. They provide opportunities to reduce taxes by registering companies there. The Russian large firms have joined the trend, but exploit offshore schemes in different ways. They incorporate offshore companies with their subsidiaries operating in Russia. The main purpose is to protect assets from hostile capture by other businesses or even the government. Thus, businessmen stay hidden as end beneficiaries behind the offshore companies’ chain. The offshorization in the country has its enormous scale. Up to 90% of the largest companies are involved in offshore patterns. The government makes some efforts to force companies to come back to the country, but they are not effective. To succeed, corporations should experience the improved business climate and have an opportunity to defend themselves in fair courts. It is the government’s responsibility to make such appealing conditions. As a result, nowadays, Russia suffers not only from less tax collection, but also from losing control over strategically important enterprises and even industries. Thus, the phenomenon threatens to the country's national security.