台灣半導體產業發展成熟，產業群聚效應明顯，供應鏈完整。基於晶圓製造過程中成本花費考量，若能尋找設備、零組件、材料原廠以外的第二來源，對於台灣半導體廠商而言，除了有機會降低成本，也能不受到原廠的牽制。另外，台廠期望能透過自主開發生產設備來取代設備的高額進口成本，然而目前本土設備廠商自主開發前段製程設備能力有限，向外尋求關鍵技術之合作為良好的解決方案。筆者思考這兩個方面是否能透過與俄羅斯合作，成功突破目前的情況。 本論文針對俄羅斯半導體產業過去發展、現況與未來發展進行研究，同時了解台灣與全球半導體產業現況及發展前景。運用文獻檢閱法搜集全球、台灣、俄羅斯半導體產業現有資料。筆者也使用訪問法，自行設計訪談問題，以台灣及俄羅斯半導體產業專家為對象進行訪談，並將搜集到的第一手資料資料進行整理，以Rugman 與 Verbeke的「雙鑽石模型」，分別為「生產因素條件」、「需求條件」、「相關及支援性產業」、「企業策略、結構與競爭」，以及第五個因素「政府」作為理論架構，分析台灣與俄羅斯半導體產業發展現況，並提出雙方可能合作機會與策略之建議。 研究發現俄羅斯科學基礎研究實力豐厚，晶片應用著重在軍事、航太等方面，晶片生產朝向少量多樣方向發展。從俄羅斯政府許多政策上可以其支持國內微電子產業的發展，並期望微電子產業的振興能帶動國內其他產業的升級。台灣晶圓製造能力強，供應鏈完整，應用領域主要專注於資通訊方面，雙方競爭可能性低。台灣在基礎研究與設備開發所需技術方面，實力較為不足，與俄羅斯進行技術合作可謂實現設備國產化的策略之一。經由理論架構分析，台灣與俄羅斯進行技術合作，有望能縮短設備開發所需的時日。台灣供應鏈及先進製造能力，能為俄羅斯特殊晶片提供生產製造、封裝檢測等服務。台俄雙方在半導體領域的合作機會大，可互相補足缺口，促成產業升級。 / The semiconductor industry in Taiwan is well developed. Because of the high cost of wafer manufacturing process, having a second source of equipment, components, and materials would be beneficial for Taiwanese semiconductor companies. The cost of production and dependency on original equipment suppliers will decrease. In addition, Taiwanese companies seek the opportunity to be self-reliant on developing production equipment in order to reduce the high cost of importing equipment. However, the capacity of Taiwanese equipment manufacturers is limited. Cooperate with foreign companies on key technology is the preferable solution. This thesis focuses on the cooperation with Russia companies and check whether Taiwanese companies can have a breakthrough at current situation. This study includes the past, present, and the future development of Taiwanese and Russian semiconductor industry. Literature review and interview method are two main research methods. Collecting current reference of global, Taiwanese, and Russian semiconductor industry and primary sources from the interview with semiconductor industry experts, the author conducts an analysis on the development of the semiconductor industry in Taiwan and Russia with the “Double Diamond” model of Rugman and Verbeke. The analysis factors include “Factors conditions”, “Demand conditions”, “Related and supporting industries”, and “Government.” Further, this research proposes advice for cooperation and strategies. Through theoretical analysis, technical cooperation between Taiwan and Russia is expected to shorten the develop time of equipment. Industrial supply chain and advanced manufacturing capacity in Taiwan can provide manufacturing, packaging and testing service for Russia. Cooperation between Taiwan and Russia in the field of semiconductor can complement each other and will promote industrial upgrading.

無論是沙皇政權或是蘇維埃政權，都會在侵略併吞而來的土地上實行俄化或是蘇維埃化的政策，希望能建立一個大一統的國家，創造一個享有共同文化、共同語言、甚至是有共同認同的民族。但是，1991年蘇聯的解體，不只打破了蘇共創造「蘇維埃民族」的美夢，還證明了蘇聯民族政策的嚴重錯誤。 19世紀以前，進入波海地區的俄羅斯人數量並不多。19世紀之後，沙皇政府開始在此區實行大規模的俄化，並開始將大批的俄羅斯人遷移至此。從第一次世界大戰以後到第二次世界大戰這段期間，波海三國享有了一段短暫的獨立國家時期。這個時期，基本上，波海三國對其境內的俄羅斯人是採取尊重的態度。第二次世界大戰爆發，因為德蘇密約的簽訂，使波海三國再次地被蘇聯併吞。史達林佔領波海三國之後，立刻大規模地流放波海三國的人民，並將大批的俄羅斯人引進，使愛沙尼亞與拉脫維亞兩國在人口統計學上的俄化情形十分嚴重。 1985年戈巴契夫上台以後，波海三國利用改革的機會，追求獨立，最後，以非暴力的方式獲得成功，重建獨立國家。波海三國獨立以後，俄羅斯人的地位有了很大的改變，一下子從優勢的統治地位變成弱勢的少數民族。愛沙尼亞與拉脫維亞因為懷疑俄羅斯人的忠誠度以及擔心會被滅族，所以採取了排外的公民權法，使大部分的俄羅斯人都無法獲得公民權。另外，因為大部分的俄羅斯人都不會說愛沙尼亞語或拉脫維亞語，所以不僅在取得公民權上有困難，在經濟與社會處境上也變得比較差。至於俄羅斯人的認同，可以說是複雜的。大多數的俄羅斯人在政治上是對所居住的共和國忠誠，在文化上還是認為自己是屬於俄羅斯文化的一部份。至於立陶宛，賦予境內大部分的俄羅斯人公民權，因此，立陶宛的族群關係較緩和。 俄羅斯政府自認為是境外俄羅斯人權益的捍衛者，但是，對於波海三國的少數民族政策所能造成的影響並不大。相反地，西方政府的批評與建議常常能成功地影響波海三國的決策。主要的原因在於波海三國急切地想回歸歐洲、西方政府與組織能提供援助、滿足國家安全需求與歐安組織派遣使節到愛、拉兩國。 / No matter what it was the Czar’s regime or the Soviet government, it would always implement a policy of Russification or Sovietization on invaded lands, in order to establish a united nation with common culture, shared the same language and national identity. However, since the breaking down of the Soviet Union in 1991, not only the dream of the ‘Soviet People’ broke down, but it also suggested a misleading of ethnic-national policy. Before the 19th century, there were not many Russians in the Baltic area. After the 19th century, the Czar’s regime started to implement the policy of Russification on a large scale, and it also moved many Russians to settle there. During the period of the First World War and the Second World War, the Baltic States had enjoyed a short period as independent nations. In this period, the Baltic States basically treated the Russians within their states with respect. Because Germany and Russia had signed a treaty before the Second World War, therefore, when the war erupted, the Baltic States were once again occupied by the Russia. After Stalin took over the Baltic States, he exiles people from the Baltic States on a large scale, while moving many Russians into these countries. As a result, Estonia and Latvia were seriously Russificated demogranphically. In 1985, Gorbachev gained the power. While the Russia government was reforming its political entity, the Baltic States seized the opportunity to go independent. They successfully gained their independence through non-violent method and rebuild themselves as independent states. Ever since the Baltic States became independent, the status of the Russians within their regions had changed rapidly. The Russians were once the dominant ruling class and suddenly became the ruled minority. Estonia and Latvia are concerned with the issues of royalty of the Russian people, also they were worried that they would become extinct as an ethnic group, therefore, they adopted an exclusive citizenship laws. Because most of the Russians could not speak Estonian and Latvian languages, therefore, they had difficulties to acquire the citizenship and they also did poorly financially and politically within these two nations. As for the notion of the Russian identity, it was a very complicated issue. Most Russians are politically royal to the Republics they reside, but culturally they still considered themselves as part of the Russian culture. In Lithuania, it granted most of the Russians that reside in its nation the citizenship; therefore, the ethnic relationship within the country was less tense comparatively. Russian government always views itself as the protector of the rights of its people that reside in other countries. However, this does not affect the policies regarding the minority in the Baltic States. On the other hand, the criticism and suggestions from the western governments can often affect the process of the policy-making in the Baltic States. The main reason is that the Baltic States are eager to return to Europe, and they can acquire aids from the western governments and organizations, securing their nations. Another reason is Estonia and Latvia hopefully get rid of the representatives from OSCE as soon as possible.

冷戰結束改變歐洲的政治和戰略版圖，歐洲與俄羅斯希望在後冷戰時期建立多極體系，避免以美國為主的單極體系出現，雙方在經濟與政治上逐步發展伙伴合作關係，希望削弱美國在歐陸的影響力，並增強雙方在國際上的競爭力。然而，歐俄間在北約東擴、歐盟東擴、車臣問題、加里寧格勒問題上又存在許多衝突。因此，後冷戰時期歐俄雙邊主要特徵如下：既競爭又協調、既爭奪又合作、既對抗又妥協。本文欲針對以下幾個問題加以討論： 1.後冷戰時期使歐盟與俄羅斯改變過去的敵對狀態發展合作關係的因素為何？ 2.目前歐盟與俄羅斯的合作關係為何？ 3.影響歐俄合作關係的變數為何？ 本文主要採用歷史研究法、內容分析法與理性選擇分析法等三種方法來進行研究，並且運用現實主義的理論分析後冷戰時期歐俄建構合作關係的成因，以新功能主義的觀念解釋歐俄從經濟的合作逐漸轉為政治的合作的歷程、並且以新自由制度主義的理論討論歐俄合作機制的架構。本論文由五個章節組成：第一章緒論、第二章歐盟與俄羅斯的關係、第三章歐盟與俄羅斯合作關係之評估、第四章影響未來歐盟與俄羅斯合作關係之變數、第五章結論。

俄羅斯獨立之初，其對外政策路線為「向西方一面倒」，亞太政策並未能與其對西方政策相提並論。但在短短數年間，俄羅斯與亞太區域大國—中共的關係急遽加溫，雙方建立了戰略夥伴關係。這足以說明俄羅斯的亞太政策在其對外政策中的比重已然提升。俄羅斯現行的對外政策走的是「東西平衡」路線；從而，俄羅斯的亞太政策也有重大的調整。本論文將探討1992至1998年間，俄羅斯的亞太政策如何形成。 本論文認為：1992年俄羅斯獨立之後，俄羅斯的亞太政策乃是在國內經濟發展的需求以及戰略三角的互動等環節關聯上，受到克里姆林宮政治生態互動而形成。此一命題可再引申為下列邏輯相關的子命題：（一）由於美國主導北約的東進使俄羅斯感受威脅，加上中共與美國的戰略衝突，引起美俄中戰略三角的互動，促使俄羅斯意圖聯合中共以制衡美國，因而造成俄羅斯亞太政策的重大調整。（二）在俄羅斯國內經濟凋敝的情況下，俄屬遠東的開發為其自力救濟的唯一途徑。為加速俄屬遠東的開發，俄羅斯勢必要開創有利的國際環境，從而必須調整其亞太政策。（三）俄羅斯亞太政策的形成與其國內政治生態的互動有密切的關聯：克里姆林宮政治生態互動，造成俄羅斯的對外政策路線從原來的「向西方一面倒」徹底轉為東西平衡的「雙頭鷹」，而亞太政策就是其重要環節之一。 上述的三個成因，構成本論文的核心論點；而對應於此三個論點，本論文將分六章探討。第一章為緒論，說明研究動機與範圍、文獻述評與研究途徑。第二章：俄羅斯的亞太政策。本章將略述俄羅斯獨立後，其亞太政策的實際運作。當中以俄羅斯對中共、日本與南北韓的政策，做為重點加以描述，其次再論及俄羅斯對東南亞地區國家的政策。第三章：戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響。本章將闡述戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策形成的影響。第四章：俄羅斯遠東經濟開發對其亞太政策的影響。本章將檢視俄屬遠東經濟開發對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響。第五章：俄羅斯政治生態互動對其亞太政策的影響。本章將探討克里姆林宮政治生態互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響。第六章：結論。 目錄-----------------------------------------------------------I 圖表目錄------------------------------------------------------VI 縮寫表------------------------------------------------------VIII 第一章 緒論---------------------------------------------------1 第一節 研究動機與目的-----------------------------------------1 第二節 研究範圍-----------------------------------------------4 第三節 文獻述評-----------------------------------------------6 第四節 研究途徑與架構----------------------------------------13 第二章 俄羅斯的亞太政策--------------------------------------24 第一節 俄羅斯對東亞政策--------------------------------------26 一、俄羅斯對中共政策------------------------------------------26 （一）俄中夥伴關係層次的提升—由「睦鄰友好」到「戰略夥伴」----26 （二）俄中夥伴關係的具體表現----------------------------------30 二、俄羅斯對台灣政策------------------------------------------36 （一）俄台關係—中斷四十年後的交流----------------------------36 （二）俄台經貿往來成果----------------------------------------37 第二節 俄羅斯對東北亞政策------------------------------------39 一、俄羅斯對日政策--------------------------------------------40 （一）俄日零和關係的轉變—「東京宣言」------------------------40 （二）俄羅斯對日政策推行的障礙—北方四島問題------------------41 二、俄羅斯對朝鮮半島政策--------------------------------------44 （一）俄羅斯對南韓政策—漸行漸遠的雙邊關係--------------------45 （二）俄羅斯對北韓政策—由疏而近的調整------------------------47 第三節 俄羅斯對東南亞政策------------------------------------49 （一）俄羅斯與東協「對話夥伴關係」的建立----------------------49 （二）俄羅斯東南亞政策的具體成就------------------------------52 第三章 戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響--------------------54 第一節 俄美的戰略衝突----------------------------------------56 （一）俄美「成熟戰略夥伴關係」的建立--------------------------56 （二）俄美之間日漸浮現的衝突----------------------------------58 （三）俄美衝突的激化—美國主導北約東擴------------------------66 第二節 美中的戰略衝突----------------------------------------77 （一）「圍堵」與「反圍堵」------------------------------------77 （二）美國干涉1996年台海飛彈危機------------------------------84 （三）貌合神離的美中「建設性夥伴關係」------------------------87 第三節 俄中的戰略匯合----------------------------------------91 （一）俄羅斯對中共的軍售與技術轉移----------------------------91 （二）俄中邊界裁軍與互信措施的建立----------------------------97 （三）俄中對外戰略的互補--------------------------------------99 第四節 戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響-------------------110 第四章 俄屬遠東開發對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響-------------------112 第一節 俄屬遠東的開發現況與困境-----------------------------113 （一）俄屬遠東開發的歷史回顧---------------------------------114 （二）俄屬遠東的開發現況-------------------------------------119 （三）俄屬遠東開發所面臨的困境-------------------------------123 第二節 東北亞區域經濟合作對俄屬遠東開發的必要性-------------130 （一）東北亞區域經濟合作的源起—圖們江開發計劃---------------130 （二）東北亞區域經濟合作—圖們江開發計劃的推行現況-----------133 （三）東北亞區域經濟合作對俄屬遠東開發的必要性---------------137 第三節 俄羅斯國內對俄屬遠東開發的歧見-----------------------140 （一）俄羅斯的遠東開發政策-----------------------------------140 （二）遠東地區對開發當地的看法-------------------------------146 第四節 俄羅斯為其遠東開發所做的政策調整---------------------150 （一）裡應外合的前置調整-------------------------------------150 （二）俄屬遠東開發與俄羅斯亞太政策之間的聯繫-----------------152 （三）俄羅斯亞太政策因應俄屬遠東開發的調整-------------------153 第五節 俄屬遠東開發對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響-------------------164 第五章 俄羅斯政治生態互動對其亞太政策的影響-----------------166 第一節 俄羅斯亞太政策的決策機制-----------------------------168 （一）總統府-------------------------------------------------168 （二）外交部-------------------------------------------------176 （三）國會---------------------------------------------------178 第二節 對外政策路線論爭的影響-------------------------------180 （一）俄羅斯對外政策路線的轉折-------------------------------180 （二）大西洋學派、歐亞大陸學派與大俄羅斯帝國學派-------------183 （三）對外政策路線的論戰-------------------------------------186 （四）「俄羅斯對外政策概念」與「俄羅斯的戰略」之比較---------191 第三節 府會之間對立的影響-----------------------------------197 （一）府會政爭的前夕-----------------------------------------197 （二）府會衝突的激化-----------------------------------------200 （三）府會之間對立對俄羅斯外交路線的影響---------------------209 第四節 國會政治生態的影響-----------------------------------211 （一）93國會大選後的政治生態---------------------------------212 （二）95國會改選的衝擊---------------------------------------217 （三）國會政治生態對俄羅斯外交路線的影響---------------------224 第五節 總統大選的衝擊---------------------------------------226 （一）96外長易人後國內的政治生態-----------------------------226 （二）車臣戰事的糾葛-----------------------------------------231 （三）總統大選對俄羅斯外交路線的影響-------------------------238 第六節 俄羅斯政治生態互動對其亞太政策的影響-----------------240 第六章 結論-------------------------------------------------242 參考書目-----------------------------------------------------245 / In the initial stage immediately after its dependence, Russia’s foreign policy was following the line of “inclining to the West” therefore, the gravity of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy was disproportional comparing with that of its Policy toward the West. Nevertheless, during recent years, the Russo-Chinese relation has developed rapidly, and both sides have established the “strategic partnership”. This means that Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy has become more and more significant since Russia is seeking an equilibrium between the East and the West in its current foreign policy. Against this background, this thesis will survey the factors that exert impact on the formation of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy during the period from 1992 to 1998. This thesis is taking the position that Russia’s Asia-Pacific policy has been shaped by the Kremlin politics within the context of its domestic imperative of economic development and the interaction of “Strategic Triangle” politics since the collapse of the former Soviet Union. This hypothesis can be further developed into the following three logically intertwined propositions: (1) Due to the US led NATO expansion eastward, which has created threats Russia’s security and the strategic conflict between the U.S.A. and the PRC. Russia intends to search the support from the PRC in order to check the US hegemonism. Under this consideration, Russia adjusts its Asia-Pacific Policy. (2) With the difficulties in its domestic economic development, the development of Russia’s Far East is the only way to release Russia from such a predicament. In order to accelerate the development of Russia’s Far East, Russia, it is necessary to search for a stable international condition. This consideration also demands that Russia adjust its Asia-Pacific Policy. (3) The formulation of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy is driven by its domestic political struggle: Kremlin politics makes the thoroughgoing change of Russia’s foreign policy line. Now Russia is seeking an equilibrium between the East and the West, which demands an adjustment in its Asia-Pacific policy in turn. These three factors above constitute the core points of this thesis. In accordance with these points, this thesis will be discussed in six chapters. Chapter one is introduction, it will explain the purpose, scope and approaches of this study. Chapter two will survey the development of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy during the period defined. This chapter will sketch the implementation of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy, with emphasis on Russia’s policies toward the PRC, Japan and the Korean Peninsula, and the Southeast Asia. Chapter three will explore the influence of the Strategic Triangle politics. Chapter four will examine the influence of the development of Russia’s Far East on Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy. Chapter five will discuss how the Kremlin politics influences Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy. Chapter six is conclusion.

因應時代的改變，構成國家實力的資源也跟著改變。不同於自然資源、軍事力量、經濟或科技實力等有形的力量，文化資源以價值觀念為核心，是經濟發展的要素之一，也是柔性權力發展的重要基礎。創意產業，是目前全球新興的產業，透過創意產業對於外交上的幫助能強化國家的柔性力量，為國家塑造良好形象，並促進國家經濟利益。 本文以「創意產業作為俄國一項柔性權力」的角度為出發點，思考電影與文化觀光中所體現出的俄國價值與俄國文化，結合文化創意產業創新的概念，如何提升並發揮作用影響國家品牌形象。 透過國家品牌指數及相關國際指標可以得知，俄國成功藉由電影與文化觀光對外國公眾展現文化吸引力，傳達文化精神並提升國家品牌形象。因此，本文研究發現有以下幾點：第一，俄國創意產業作為一種柔性權力，以俄羅斯文化為因子散播並影響著世界。第二，文化吸引力為俄羅斯重要資產。俄羅斯的電影及文化觀光的文化吸引力使得外國公眾能受到吸引而心生嚮往，產生認同感；第三，國家扮演創意產業發展的關鍵推手。藉由俄國政府的主導，使得俄國創意產業能順利與國際接軌，發揮柔性力量；第四，柔性權力可建構出國家品牌形象，讓外國公眾對於俄國的印象不再只有軍事與核武等剛性力量，俄羅斯文化在國際上也具有不容小覷的影響力。 / In respond to the era of changes, the resources that constitute a nation's strength change accordingly. Unlike tangible forces such as natural resources, military power, economic or scientific technological strength, etc., cultural resources have sense of value as its core, and is one of the elements in economic development and also the important basis for the development of soft power. The creative industry is currently an emerging industry around the globe. Through the creative industry, the diplomatic assistance can help strengthen the country's soft power by adding a good image of the country and promoting national economic interests. This paper uses the perspective of "Creative industry as one of Russia’s soft power" as the starting point to reflect on how Russian values and culture expressed in film and cultural tourism, combined with the concepts of the innovation in cultural creative industry, can enhance and influence its national brand image. Through Nation Brands Index and the relevant international indexes we can have learned that Russia successfully exhibits its cultural attraction to the foreign public through cinema and culture, conveys its cultural spirit and enhances its national brand image. Therefore, this paper is meant to study and discover the following: First, Russia’s creative industry is used as a soft power to spread Russian culture as a factor and influence the world; Secondly, cultural attraction is an important asset for Russian. The cultural attraction of Russian films and culture tourism can attract the foreign public and create a sense of longing and a sense of identity; Thirdly, the country plays a key force behind the development of the creative industry. Being led by the Russian government, the Russian creative industry can thereby successfully connect with its international counterparts and bring soft power into play; Fourthly, the soft power can construct a nation’s brand image. It gives the foreign public an impression of Russia not only about hard power like military and nuclear weapon etc.; Russian culture also has influences, which are not to be underestimated internationally.

俄羅斯聯邦是一個多民族國家，共有一百多個不同的民族生活在俄羅斯這塊土地上。這些少數民族有著自己的語言與文化，一有機會即想脫離俄羅斯獨立。尤其是車臣與韃靼斯坦這類文化差異較大的民族，一心渴望擁有自己主權。除了少數民族的獨立要求外，俄羅斯聯邦仍必須應付境內的地方主義聲浪。主要是因為俄羅斯的聯邦體制是由民族聯邦與區域聯邦結合而成的，境內有以民族為基礎的聯邦主體，同時也有以行政區域為劃分基礎的主體。 蘇聯晚期，俄羅斯總統葉爾欽為了與戈巴契夫爭權，喊出「你能夠拿多少主權就拿多少」的口號，各加盟共和國紛紛通過國家主權宣言，俄羅斯聯邦境內亦興起分離獨立氣氛。為了解決問題，葉爾欽於1992年3月與各聯邦主體分別簽署了3個聯邦條約，開始對中央與地方的權利義務關係作了說明。隨著政治情勢的變化，俄羅斯聯邦於1993年12月12日通過新憲法，明確的規範了中央與地方各自的權力，自此權力的行使有了依循的標準；1994年發生車臣戰爭，突顯出憲法無法解決所有問題，於是依據各主體需要簽訂的雙邊條約出現了，首先是俄韃條約，謂之「韃靼模式」。至此俄羅斯的聯邦體制大致完成。 俄羅斯聯邦體制的運作仍然存在許多問題，不論是在政治方面、經濟方面，甚或法律制度方面尚有不夠完善的地方。再加上地方主體的種類繁多，經濟條件、政治情況及文化取向差異甚大，影響著主體對聯邦關係的看法。因此要解決聯邦問題，就必須從制度上的缺陷及地方主體的態度來著手進行。 / Russian federation is a multi-national state, there are more than one hundred kinds of races. These minority races have their own culture and language, they desire to be independent from Russian federation, especially Chechenya and Tarstan. Besides independent demand, there still have localism in Russian federation. In Russian federation, there are two kinds of federal subject. One is ethno subject which based on races different from Russian, the other is territorial subject. Late years in Soviet Union, Russian president Yeltsin in order to struggle with Gorbachev, he said：“swallow what you can get”. Meanwhile, the Union Republics declare their sovereignty. The atmosphere in Russian federation is chaotic. To solve the problem, Yeltsin sighed three federal treaty with all subjects and define the right between center and subjects. Then 1993 passed the Russian Constitution, 1994 Chechen war exploded, that means constitution not suitable for every subject. Yeltsin decided to sign bilateral treaty with subjects, first one is Tartarstan Republic, called “Tartarstan Model”. Russian federal system still has several problems in politic, economic, and law, institution. Besides 89 subjects are so distinguished, their political condition, economic situation, culture are so different, all this affect their perception about federal relation.

「語言政策」即「語言規劃」和「語言建設」之總和，為國家、政府、政黨、階級、社會團體用以改變或維持語言之現況或標準的措施。因此語言政策為改變「語言情況」之中要因素之一，它的制定和變更也常被當作多民族國家的政治手段。 近年來，由於語言政策之改變而造成的民族衝突，國際間戰爭不斷發生，更凸顯初制訂與實行語言政策的重要性。俄羅斯聯邦為一多民族國家，在語言政策方面的經驗，相對較豐富，其中一聯邦主體——圖瓦共和國，其境內主要構成民族之語言（圖瓦語）和超語言（俄語）間的關係，和台灣台語與華語的情況較為相似，此外，圖瓦共和國在語言情況之緩解方面已產生諸多對策，其經驗應有助於台灣之語言規劃和語言政策之制定。 本論文分析二十世紀末至二十一世紀初圖瓦共和國的國家語言政策。學者針對圖瓦共和國語言情況與語言規劃相關文獻資料做出統整，歸納出二十世紀末至二十一世紀初圖瓦共和國在學術研究、書籍編纂、官方公務、教育、媒體、宗教與文化個方面之語言規劃及語言建設成果。

本文旨在透過克里姆林宮政治研究途徑，來探討俄羅斯總統普欽對媒體政策之走向。本文認為普欽的媒體改革，為其鞏固政權的一環。 本文認為，1990年代俄羅斯媒體帝國崛起的主要驅動因素，乃是葉里欽企圖藉助於金融寡頭及其所掌控的媒體，以掃除蘇聯遺留下來的保守勢力，從而鞏固其政權；而普欽任內致力解構媒體帝國的主要驅動因素，則是普欽企圖以打擊經濟犯罪為名，打擊金融寡頭，藉以收攬人心，並從而解構葉里欽遺留下來的 「家族」集團勢力，建立以國家安全團隊為主幹的執政團隊，鞏固其政權基礎。 因此，本文認為： 一˙府會之爭導致「震盪療法」改革迅速失敗，繼之而起的執政團隊推動以大型企業為主軸的民營化改革導致金融工業集團應運而生。而官僚派系掠奪國家資產以擴張政治版圖，導致金融寡頭坐大進而建立媒體帝國。葉里欽為了鞏固政權競選連任與金融寡頭建立聯盟進而收編媒體帝國。 二˙普欽於2000年當選總統後，藉由剷除金融寡頭來收回國家資產以收攬人心；藉由剷除金融寡頭以鏟除葉里欽人馬所憑藉的權力堡壘；藉由剷除金融寡頭以接收媒體帝國從而鞏固政權。 / The main purpose of this study is to explore, through the Kremlin politics approach, the orientation of Russia’s policy on media under Vladimir Putin. In this study, the author argues that Putin’s media reforms constitute an indispensable link for the consolidation of his power. It is hypothesized in this study that the driving forces behind the rise and fall of Russia’s media empire are the efforts by Boris Yel’tsin and Vladimir Putin to consolidate their power respectively. Allying with the financial-industrial oligarchs, who had controlled Russian mess media, Yel’tsin strove for wiping out the conservative forces left by the Soviet regime in order to consolidate his power. On the contrary, Putin has sought to wipe out the oligarchs and restructure the media empire, in order to rally the popular support, to wipe out the “Family” forces left by Yel’tsin’s regime and replace them with a new ruling command of national security elite, and, consequently, to consolidate his own power. The above-mentioned hypothesized proposition can be further developed into the following logically consequential sub-propositions: First of all, in the wake of the “shock therapy” ruined by the conflict between the parliament and the Kremlin, the following privatization reforms orienting on the creation of big enterprises gave rise to the creation of financial-industrial groups. Consequently, the corruption committed by bureaucrats who preyed upon state-owned enterprises led to the expansion of oligarchs’ strength so as to establish influential enormous media empire. Thereafter, aiming at consolidating his power and winning the coming presidential election, Yel’tsin formed an alliance with the financial oligarchs and thus put the newly-established media empire on his orbit. Secondly, after Putin was elected president in 2000, he strove for wiping out the financial oligarchs in order to accomplish the following three tasks: to renationalize the state properties in order to rally popular support; to wipe out Yeltsin’s power base; and, to take over and restructure media empire in order to consolidate his regime. Key words: Kremlin politics approach, Oligarchy, Putin, Russia’s media

擁有廣闊領土且豐富資源的俄羅斯在帝俄及蘇聯時期曾經在歐洲和世界政治社會中扮演著主要角色，左右世界的走向。而其保守與激進相融的風格，對人類歷史文明亦造成深遠的影響。 所以俄羅斯聯邦繼承了蘇聯，雖然國力不如從前，仍具有世界大國的條件，再加上經濟、政治日趨穩定；但是今年（二○○三年）十二月國家杜馬選舉的結果；及選前起訴媒體大亨及逮捕石油大亨的種種事情，對於俄羅斯政治制度重返共產專制，不免有很大的想像空間，所以會關心莫斯科軍對亞太地區軍事安全戰略的形成與未來發展趨勢，因為克里姆林宮的政策走向，勢必會對亞太地區產生決定性和根本性的改變。 筆者是從有限理性決策模式的途徑來從事研究，並從決策中歸納出俄羅斯軍事安全思想具體內容。全文區分軍事安全思想形成與亞太軍事安全戰略核心價值和目標及對亞太地區影響等三大部分。 經研究後獲致其軍事安全核心價值為維護主權、疆界完整不容侵犯和控制周邊領域確保安全及提昇國際地位與聲望等三項，因而產生亞太安全目標為亞太大國地位的塑造與鞏固、和平穩定週邊環境的創造與維護、保持具備足夠防衛能力的軍事武力、營造多邊與雙邊兼容的安全機制等四個目標。並就與亞太國家交往和區域在安全、經濟合作等二部分來說明其影響所在。 研究發現有：俄羅斯具有亞太大國的必要條件。二、經濟因素對俄羅斯軍事安全戰略舉足輕重的影響。三、善用集體安全機制來達成安全目標。四、中國崛起對俄羅斯構成相當程度的心理威脅等四點。同時預測俄羅斯聯邦軍事安全戰略未來發展為：仍將把列為國家政策的重要地位。普京會繼續維持現有防禦性的國防政策，以軍事為經濟發展服務，伺其國力恢復強盛，先成為亞太大國，再向世界大國目標邁進。而莫斯科政局穩定性、國內經濟發展情況、與美國或中國的關係發展情況、國際情勢將影響未來發展走勢。

An analysis of the Russian factor in China’s energy policy in Central Asia shows that the importance of energy abundant region Central Asia is getting increased as the world oil demand goes up and the instability in the Middle East gets into a more serious position. As the second largest consumer of energy, China is getting more interested in this region. China’s reluctance to become excessively tied to the Middle East as a source of oil also is another reason that turns China’s face to Central Asia. Not being the only one who is starving for energy makes China to face with other great states (Russia and the US) who has the common interests with China in the region. Therefore, in order to understand China’s energy policy in Central Asia, one has to consider about the policies of other great states in the region. This study focuses on Russian factor in China’s energy policy in Central Asia. There is no doubt that, Russia’s policy in the region has a great effect in China’s every tactic in the region, but today’s one supreme power has an enormous effect on both of the states in the region. The main conclusion of the analysis is that Sino-Russia relations are likely to be more cooperative than competitive. Russia, with its abundant energy resources, is a very good partner that China can get into an energy-trade relationship with. They both are against the US influence in the region. Sino-Russian relations are likely to remain stable in the short and medium term, based on a convergence of interests. The happy state of the relationship may end in the longer term when both side dont need eachother in economic terms. China-US and US -Russia relations are more competitive than cooperative. So there is a big struggle for energy among these three great states. Energy rich Central Asian states’ -Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan- more pragmatic policies make these trilateral relations more complex.