飲食除了作為人類維生的基本需求，也是文化發展的重要一環。甚至隨著人類經濟的發展與文化的提升，飲食已由維生的基本需求與口腹之欲的滿足，更發展到社交、禮儀、養身、修心之美學境界。俄羅斯作為一個歷史悠久的國家，隨著歷史的演進，飲食文化雖然不斷在變遷，也保存不少固有傳統。因此，本論文結合文化與語言的知識，從宏觀角度論述出俄羅斯民族之飲食美學觀。在文化面，本論文將介紹影響俄羅斯飲食文化之形成的地理條件和歷史發展。在語言方面，我們將飲食相關的俄語用語（諺語、俗語、成語、詞組等）與普希金作品有關飲食場景的部分討論，整理並歸納出俄羅斯飲食的民族特色。

本論文之研究目的在於探討1992-2000年期間俄羅斯政經環境對台俄經貿關係之影響。台灣與俄羅斯的貿易自1992年開始，貿易量雖有起伏，但大體來說仍可謂是正成長。然而，當俄羅斯開始走向市場經濟路線、施行震盪療法，經濟轉型不如預期中的順利，再加上金融風暴的發生，導致俄羅斯經濟一蹶不振。到1998年時，由於受到盧布大幅貶值，造成我國部分業者無法收到貨款或訂單被取消，使得業者暫停對俄貿易而改採觀望的態度，台俄貿易量也為之遽減。由此我們發現，俄羅斯政經狀況對台俄經貿關係有相當程度的影響。本論文認為俄羅斯的政治環境與經濟情勢是影響台俄經貿之主因；而由於當前俄羅斯的政經情勢逐漸轉好，因此可以預期未來的台俄經貿情況將會漸至佳境。此一假設命題可再引申為下列邏輯相關的子命題： （一）俄羅斯的政治環境對台俄經貿關係的影響有正、負兩方面 1. 俄羅斯的國內政治環境與對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 2. 中俄關係對台俄經貿關係的影響為負相關 （二）俄羅斯的經濟情勢對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 1. 俄羅斯的經濟改革對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 2. 俄羅斯的經濟體質對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 3. 俄羅斯的銀行體系對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 （三）根據H-O定理，台俄經貿仍有相當大的發展空間。加上普欽執政後，俄羅斯政經情勢逐漸改善，因此可以預期未來的台俄經貿情況必然會漸至佳境。 上述的三個子命題，構成本論文的核心論點；而對應此三個論點，本論文將分六章探討。第一章為緒論，說明研究動機與研究目的、文獻述評與研究方法、假設命題與研究架構。第二章：台俄經貿之開展及商品結構。此章分為兩節：分別為台俄經貿之開始與推展及台俄貿易之商品結構。第三章：俄羅斯之政治環境對台俄經貿關係的影響。此章分為三節：分別為俄羅斯國內政治環境對台俄經貿關係的影響、中俄關係對台俄經貿關係的影響及小結。第四章：俄羅斯之經濟情勢對台俄經貿關係的影響。本章將先說明俄羅斯的經濟改革，再從俄羅斯的經濟體質及銀行體系兩方面，探討俄羅斯之經濟環境對台俄經貿關係的影響。第五章：台俄經貿的未來走向。本章將依據三、四章之討論結果，對台俄經貿的未來走向做預測。本章分為三節：普欽執政後的政治環境、普欽執政後的經濟情勢及小結。第六章：結論。總結整個論文之重點及研究之結果。 / This thesis is to discuss the influence of Russian Political and economic environment to Taiwan-Russia economy and trade during the period of 1992-2000. Taiwan-Russia trade has started since 1992. Roughly speaking, the amount of the trade was growing. However, when Russia started to change their economic strategy, and carried out the shock therapy, the route of economic reform was not as smooth as expected. The outbreak of financial crisis leaded to the crash of Russia economy. In 1998, some Taiwanese businessmen couldn’t receive payment of goods or the orders were canceled because of the evaluation of ruble. It has made those businessmen change their attitude and stop trading with their Russian counterparts. The amount of Taiwan-Russia trade became decreasing. According to this reason, we found that Russia political and economic situations have great impact upon Taiwan-Russian economic and trade relationship. This dissertation is taking the position that Russian political environments and Russia economic situations are the main reason which influent the economy and trade relation between Taiwan and Russia’s economy and trade relation between Taiwan and Russia. The present Russia political and economic situations are getting better, so we can forecast that Taiwan-Russia economic and trade situation will be better and better in the future. This hypothesis can be further developed into the following three logically intertwined propositions： (一) The impact of Russian political environments upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship has both positive and negative sides. 1. The impact of Russian domestic political environments upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 2. The impact of China-Russia relation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is negative. (二) The impact of Russian economic situation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 1. The impact of Russian economic reform upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 2. The impact of Russian economic construction upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 3. The impact of Russian banking system upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. (三) According to H-O therapy, the economy and trade between Taiwan and Russia still have large potential. After Putin took power, the Russia political and economic situation gets better. Therefore, we can forecast that Taiwan-Russia economic and trade situation will be better and better in the future. These three interwoven propositions above constitute the core points of this thesis. In accordance with these points, this thesis will be discussed in six chapters. Chapter 1 is introduction, it will explain the motivation, purpose, method, hypothesis and framework of this study. Chapter 2：The start and goods structure of Taiwan-Russia economic and trade. This chapter has two sections, they are the start of Taiwan-Russia economy and trade and the structure of Taiwan-Russia economic and trade. Chapter 3：The impact of Russian political environment to Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relation. This chapter has three sections, including the impact of Russian domestic political environment upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship, the impact of China-Russia relation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship, and the initial conclusion. Chapter 4：The impact of Russian economic situation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship. In this chapter, first we explain the Russian economic reform. Then we discuss Taiwan-Russia economic and trade relation through the aspects of Russian economic construction and the Russian banking system. Chapter 5：The trend of Taiwan-Russia economic and trade relation in the future. This chapter will make a forecast to the trend of Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relation. This chapter has three sections, including the political environment after Putin took power, the economic situation after Putin took power, and the initial conclusion. Chapter 6：Conclusion.

本文的研究主軸是從哈薩克與俄羅斯雙邊外交互動的情形，來探討哈薩克俄羅斯人的歸屬問題，並以族群政治衝突的模式，分析哈薩克的俄羅斯人其處境。 哈薩克的俄羅斯人數，僅次於前蘇聯各加盟共和國的拉脫維亞，居中亞各國之首，且在哈薩克獨立之前或獨立初期，俄羅斯人的人口數都還遠超過哈薩克族，佔國內總人口數的半數以上，使其境內的俄羅斯人問題成為俄羅斯與哈薩克雙邊關係運作的一個重要變數，是雙方政府在其外交與內政問題上，必須同時面對並保持密切互動與接觸的議題。 因此在探討中亞的民族問題時，除了受「911」事件影響，重視伊斯蘭教的宗教極端主義之外，我們也不能忽視「俄羅斯人」這個受政治變遷所造成的民族問題。這些俄羅斯人在蘇聯解體後，失去其原有的優勢地位，且因為哈薩克有計畫的自境外移入哈薩克人，使俄羅斯人在哈薩克境內的人口數降到總人口數的50%以下，變成少數民族，如此政治社會上的情況轉變，引起俄羅斯人在哈薩克的適應問題與族群間的緊張關係。 本文從歷史、制度與現實三個層面來分析哈薩克境內的俄羅斯人，瞭解何以蘇聯時期出現大規模的移民現象？而蘇聯的蘇維埃化政策對移民地區的政社經濟情勢的變化有何影響？在哈薩克獨立後的國情變遷，以及此過程中，哈薩克政府如何處理其內部的俄羅斯人問題，以及此問題所引發與俄羅斯雙邊關係發展上的變化為何？俄羅斯政府如何在其對哈薩克的外交與內部的民族政策運作上取的協調？以及哈薩克國內的俄羅斯人在俄哈雙邊的外交運作中如何自我定位與調適？最後本文希望藉由探討1991年至1999年俄羅斯人與俄哈政府三邊的歷史互動，除了瞭解上述幾項問題之外，還能夠思考出對族群之間政治衝突解套的方法，以做為未來台灣族群政治問題研究之借鏡。 / This thesis focuses on the Russian who reside in Kazakhstan and on foreign relationship between Russia and Kazakhstan. The approach that the author takes is an Ethnopolitical Conflict model which analyzes the status of Russian-Speaking population in Kazakhstan. Among the former republics of Soviet Union, the Russian population in Kazakhstan is next to that in Latvia, and is the largest in Central Asia area. Moreover, in the beginning stage after Kazakhstan’s independence, the Russian, which is the ethnic majority, outnumber the Kazakh. So this issue becomes an important variable to bilateral relationship between Russia Federation and Kazakhstan in political, economic and social levels. When exploring the ethnic problems in Central Asia, in addition to the Islam religious extremism, we could not neglect the influence of Russian ethnic problems caused by political transition. After the collapse of Soviet Union, those Russian lost their advantages because of Kazakh immigrants so that the Russian became minority instead. With the change in political and social situation, it roused the Russian adaptation problems and racial tense. In order to study the mass migration phenomena in Soviet Union period, the author intends to analyze the Russian in Kazakhstan in historical, institutional and realism aspects. Besides, the author examines what impact the Sovietization policy might have on the political, social and economic changes in migration area. Moreover, it would be detailed that, after Kazakhstan’s independence, how Kazakhstan government deals with the Russian -Speaking Population issue, which affects the diplomatic change in the relation with Russian Federation. In addition, the author depicts how the Russian government strikes a balance between its diplomatic and ethnic policy. Accordingly, it is also examined how the Russian -Speaking Population in Kazakhstan define and accommodate themselves in Russia-Kazakhstan bilateral interaction. Finally, by exploring the context of trilateral relations among Russian-Speaking Population, Russian government and Kazakhstan government from 1991 to 1999, the author seeks a resolution for the racial disputes, and hopes it might be a lesson for studying Taiwan’s racial problems.

由於俄羅斯加入世界貿易組織後，農業依據不同產品有六至八年的過渡期。是故本研究在時間設定上，選擇以在1991至2012年俄羅斯加入WTO之際作為研究之範疇，研究俄羅斯在蘇聯瓦解後至加入WTO之農業政策的發展；並藉由俄國入世之歷程與對農業之承諾，研究入世對俄羅斯農業政策之影響。 研究發現，俄羅斯1990年至2012年之農業政策發展，三任不同的領導人各有不同之特色；蘇聯解體後，葉爾欽政府在歐美強權的指引下，開始以華盛頓共識為本的農業轉型計畫，推動農企業與土地所有權私有化，並推廣私人農場之經營模式，但由於政策缺乏連貫性與不符國內國情，導致農業生產衰退；普丁時期藉著農業土地流通法的通過，保障了農民擁有自由支配土地的權利，並重新推廣大型農場，改善俄羅斯農業的生產結構；而梅德韋傑夫則透過稅收與信貸的優惠，鼓勵農業生產與出口，並為了因應加入WTO可能造成之衝擊，給予國內政策諸多扶持與保護。在俄羅斯加入WTO之歷程中，由於俄羅斯經濟體制與一般市場經濟的差異，使得俄國入世過程產生諸多爭議，屬於敏感產業的農業更是在協商過程中不斷提起的爭議議題；而分析俄羅斯加入WTO對於農業之承諾內容，可發現俄羅斯農業會在國內補助、關稅與關稅配額三大項目會造成影響。可以預期的是，隨著俄羅斯入世後至2020年農業過渡期結束為止，俄羅斯政府在這期間會在世界貿易組織允許的法規下，制定足以扶持與保護本國農產業的各項新法規，將入世所造成之風險降到最低。 / As Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), agriculture industry has six to eight years of transition based on different products. Therefore, this study choose the time from 1991 to 2012 as a representative, to study Russian agricultural policy development since the collapse of the Soviet Union to become the member of WTO. And try to understand the impact of WTO accession on the Russian agricultural policy by studying the process of Russia's accession to the WTO and its agriculture commitment to WTO The study argued, three different leaders have various characteristics in Russia's agricultural policy development from 1990 to 2012. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Yeltsin government began its agricultural transformation program based on Washington Consensus. To promote the privatization of agricultural enterprises and land ownership, and to promote the private farm business model. However, due to lack of coherence and inconsistency with domestic conditions, the program has led the agricultural production decline. After Putin took office, he used the adoption of agricultural land circulation law, to protect the farmers have the right to dominate the land. And to re-promote large-scale farms, improve the Russian agricultural production structure. And Medvedev took the tax and credit concessions to encourage agricultural production and exports, and in order to respond to the impact WTO may be caused, he gave a lot of support and protection to domestic agriculture. In the course of Russia's accession to the WTO, due to the differences between the Russian economic system and the general market economy has made lot of controversy during accession. As a part of sensitive industries, agriculture is the controversial issue which is constantly being raised in the consultation process. Analysis of Russia's accession to the WTO for the commitment to agriculture content, it can be found that the domestic subsidies, tariff and tariff quota will face impact. It is expected that, following the end of Russia's accession to the end of the agricultural period in 2020. During this period, the Russian government will develop new policy that will support and protect its own agricultural industry under the laws and regulations allowed by the World Trade Organization, and minimize the risks associated with accession to the WTO.

This business plan aims to open a Russian branch of the Taiwanese company Spare-Parts Zone Co ltd, which specializes in the export of NON-OEM automobile spare parts such as bumpers, lights, hoods and fenders for passenger vehicles and trucks. Taiwan is a world leader in the NON-OEM spare parts industry and Russia is a very attractive market for Taiwanese exporters due to its large market, considerable market growth and comparatively low regulated import regime when compared to the European Union or United States of America. Moreover, Taiwanese spare parts have a good reputation among Russian consumers due to their reliability and lower price compared to OEM parts. Many export/import contracts have been signed between Taiwanese and Russian companies since 1991 when the economy of Russia liberalized and marketized. However, there are no strategic alliances or foreign direct investments to be found within the market. Taiwanese companies are still not represented in the Russian automobile market, neither in the form of their own branches nor in joint ventures. A branch of the proposed Taiwanese company will have several significant advantages in comparison to the domestic importers. 1. Financial advantage. The import/export business for small and medium enterprises (SMEs) is always connected with considerable investments. Taking into account the current average bank-issued annual interest rate for companies in Russia at 26 per cent, Taiwanese head office will be able to leverage branch sales by using loans from Taiwanese banks where the annual interest rate for SMEs is normally no more than 5 per cent. 2. Payment delay advantage. Russia still lacks a clear legal system to resolve international law suits. This is why Russian importers usually do not experience any payment delays from their foreign suppliers and have to settle all payments before a telex-release (the exporter’s permission to handover container to the consignee) in the port of destination. At this point the branch will have a huge advantage in the Russian market using the head office payment to delay agreements with Taiwanese and Chinese manufacturers. The Russian branch will act as a discounter in the market. Using these systemic financial and payment delay advantages the branch will be able to set lower prices and sell items much faster than others. Taking into account that the delivery time from Taiwan to Moscow is typically one month and the normal payment delay usually takes two to three months, the branch will be able to receive goods, sell them, and send money back to head office account within only three months. In the ideal scenario capital investments will not be needed at all to purchase goods from the manufacturer. 3. Sourcing the right suppliers. This is one of the most complicated processes for domestic importers. However, for the benefit of the branch this function will be done by the head office which will have a better performance in this capacity than any supply chain department of a Russian domestic company. Why do we need to penetrate the Russian market today? Despite the current Russian economic crisis there are a number of reasons why now is the time to penetrate the Russian market. 1. The financial and payment delay advantages mentioned above will allow us to successfully compete with domestic Russian importers. 2. The market structure is much more attractive nowadays than in the previous years. Approximately 80 percent of sales in the industry are made by several major Internet shops. These companies became market leaders in B to C sales due to Internet technology breakthroughs and strong company-owned distribution branches in Russian regions with main warehouses located in Moscow. Using online stores as the key means of customer outreach, we will not need to have a marketing department nor build our own distribution network to deal with many clients. A small number of major customers will allow us to cut our operational costs and become an industry discounter. Moreover, it will allow us grow faster than traditional business models in the industry wherein the importer has to expand its customers database when searching for local wholesalers in the regions. 3. The considerable aggregate experience of the Spare-Parts Zone team in Taiwan and Russia should be able to gain a synergy effect in a short run. At the beginning stage we will not need to find new team members or teach them how to start the business. All the international cooperation advantages mentioned above will bear fruit only if the Russian branch is able to run the business in an appropriate way to achieve the project’s goals. The performance of the Russian branch will have the same influence on the business as the head office has. Therefore, the purpose of this business plan is to create a strong business model based on the international cooperation that leverages the performance of the each side.

本論文研究目的，乃應用「歷史研究法」及政治文化研究途徑，參酌現代政治社會學 等理論，嘗試由俄羅斯革命（一九一七年）前政治傳統與政治文化，探索今日蘇聯政 治社會諸般現象，是否存在歷史傳承情形。旁及今日蘇聯政治所謂「合法性」（Legi timacy）來源在於蘇聯政治「合法化」（Legitimation）過程中，融合俄羅斯歷史傳 統及馬列意識型態二者，透過「政治教化」（Political Indoctrination）過程，形 成有利於蘇聯現今政台體制維繫的政治文化。並試圖指出蘇聯此種建立統治合法性過 程及理論根據之謬誤，由此質疑蘇共政權之「合怯性」。 全文分五章十節，約六萬字，全一冊。

本論文的研究目的在於探討，面對十九世紀後半期俄羅斯政治、社會、經濟的重大改革與轉變時，俄羅斯特殊階層知識份子的因應之道，以及其理念在當時文化藝術界所引發的衝擊，並分析瓦斯涅佐夫如何透過題材的表現及其個人繪畫風格流派的形成，來具體說明俄羅斯知識份子對國家未來命運發展所提出的回應。

在冷戰結束之後，俄羅斯繼承了蘇聯的地位，而北約存在的必要性則成為了學者爭論的一項議題。而本文便針對冷戰結束後俄羅斯與北約雙方之互動做一綜合性之評述，以文獻分析法為主，兼以歷史分析法，以及克里姆林宮政治研究途徑與地緣政治之觀點，試將近二十年的俄羅斯-北約關係做一清楚的解讀。 其次，本文亦針對晚近發生的俄羅斯與格魯吉亞間的衝突，在俄羅斯與北約之間互動以及關係發展之影響，做一完整且有系統的整理。

經濟全球化帶動了全球服務貿易的發展，使其在各國經濟的地位日漸重要，服務貿易的發展及服務貿易競爭力之分析與研究便成為重要議題。自蘇聯解體以來，俄羅斯服務業逐漸成長，帶動了服務貿易的發展，無論是總量或成長率皆呈現上升趨勢，同時，俄羅斯於2012年加入WTO，更為其服務貿易之發展帶來契機。 　　本研究以質化方法探討俄羅斯服務貿易之發展現況，並分析俄羅斯加入WTO時對服務貿易所作之承諾，最後再以貿易競爭力指標（TC指數）輔以顯示性比較優勢指標（RCA指數），對俄羅斯2006年至2015年之服務貿易競爭力做實證分析。 　　研究結果顯示，這段時間內俄羅斯服務貿易各項主要指標乃由進口所主導，並呈現貿易逆差之局勢；而俄羅斯加入WTO時，對於其發展較落後的服務貿易項目如金融服務設定有較多的保護措施及年限，對於其發展較佳之服務貿易項目如運輸服務則開放較多。此外，在服務貿易競爭力方面，俄羅斯整體服務貿易國際競爭力與出口競爭力皆偏弱，且在傳統服務貿易產業上較具有比較優勢。其中，商品相關服務及運輸服務是俄羅斯較具國際競爭力之項目，營造服務則具有較佳之出口競爭力；此外，金融服務、專利及知識產權服務則是俄羅斯國際競爭力最弱之項目。 / Economic globalization has furthered the development of trade in services around the world, such that it has come to play an increasingly important role in national economies. Therefore, the development and competitiveness of trade in services has become an important issue to be analyzed and researched. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the constant growth of the service sector has led to the development of trade in services, which has an upward trend both in total volume and growth rate. Meanwhile, the accession of Russia to the WTO in 2012 has brought even more opportunities for the development of trade in services. In this study, a qualitative method is used to explore the current state of the development of trade in services and to analyze the commitments that Russia made in relation to trade in services upon its accession to the WTO. Finally, the Trade Competitiveness Index (TC Index) is used in combination with the Revealed Comparative Advantage Index (RCA Index) to empirically analyze Russia’s trade competitiveness between 2006 and 2015. The results demonstrate that the main indexes of Russia’s trade in services were dominated by imports during this period, as well as present its state of trade deficit. Following Russia’s accession to the WTO, the Russian government has on the one hand set more safeguard measures and a longer duration for trade in service items which are less developed, such as financial services, and on the other hand, opened the trade in service items which are better developed, such as transport. In addition, in terms of the competitiveness of trade in services, Russia is weaker both in overall international competitiveness of trade in services and export competitiveness, and enjoys greater comparative advantage in the traditional sectors of trade in services, among which goods-related services and transport are items of greater international competitiveness and construction are of greater export competitiveness. However, financial services, along with charges for the use of intellectual property are the items for which Russia experiences the weakest international competitiveness.

自第21世紀初以來，由於電信與資訊科技的積極發展，使資訊取得更容易。於此同時，資訊來源的多樣性也使思想和觀點多元化。 國家形象是簡潔且通俗易懂的概念，它包含一國的國內經濟、政治發展程度、國際體系上的地位、合作行爲、文化和歷史價值。此外，國家形象也把國家利益反映到國際舞臺，允許領導人與外國夥伴鞏固關係、創造共贏局面。該背景下，國家形象塑造是每個政府的迫切目標之一，蓋因和平且可靠的國際形象可以保證國家永續發展。 最近幾年當中，俄羅斯的國際形象惡化。因此本論文的目標為研究自2012年至2016年中（現任總統普京的任職期間）的國際公眾對俄羅斯聯邦的態度。 作者研究俄羅斯形象塑造及公眾外交政策，分析俄羅斯聯邦與其他國家及國際組織的正式文件、國際學者文獻理的推論，也解析臺灣國立政治大學來自不同國家學生、畢業生、老師與教授的立場。作者根據上述資料推論出俄羅斯國際形象受損的原因及國家公眾外交有哪些需要改善的部分；並以強調形象改革政策計畫中，哪些交流能夠使俄羅斯聯邦與國際社會關係暖化來作為結論。 / Since the beginning of the 21st century, development of telecommunication and information technologies has resulted in the substantial expansion of media coverage, greater information accessibility, and sophistication of control over the information. Abundance of facts concerning any issue makes it multidimensional, provoking a plentitude of opinions. The image of a country is a succinct and ready-for-apprehension informational phenomena or entrenched perception of a country by foreign partners, which offers a particular expectation of its behavior, thus, it is one of the major factors influencing international cooperation. In addition, state image identifies a country’s political weight abroad and its status among other members of global community, including the capacity to defend national interests. The significance of the image-building is determined by the fact that it is one of the strategic tasks for each contemporary government. Trustworthy international image speaks for a country’s economic and cultural development and creates a formula of its success abroad and within national borders, serves as a criterion of its stability and transparency. Recently Russia has experienced a substantial shift in its apprehension by the foreign public. The particular study is focused on how global community perceived the Russian Federation from 2012 till 2016, the period that correlated with the latest tenet of President Vladimir Putin. The research is focused on the origins of Russia’s international image along with the evaluation of governmental attempts to enhance it and create transparency and mutual trust under existing conditions, including the course of the country’s public diplomacy. The author analyzed how the world academia and media portray the Russian Federation and collected opinions among students, alumni, and professors of the National Chengchi University. The paper aims to define the most distinctive factors, which form the image of the Russian Federation on the international arena and to elicit the fields of Russia’s public diplomacy, which lack attention the most, as well as to offer a roadmap for overcoming the existing misunderstanding.