單獨的「把」或「被」字本身並沒有言明「使動」語意，但是一旦加上「得」結果補語，就會帶出「使動結果」語意；是故，我們認為「把/被…得」字句是「結果格式」（resultative construction）。本文以「格式語法」（Construction Grammar）的觀點為基礎，分析「把/被…得」字句。本文提出在「把/被…得」字句出現的動詞不侷限於「處置式」動詞 (disposal verbs)；「使動結果」語意是格式和動詞之語意互動的結果。另外，本文也提出「把…得」字句和「被…得」字句均屬於「結果格式」的家族成員，因為這兩個字句包含許多共同的語意特性；例如，兩個字句都包含兩個小事件 (subevent)，一個是動詞事件 (verbal subevent)，另一個則是格式事件 (constructional subevent)，而動詞事件是促使格式事件發生的媒介 (means)。又格式事件通常決定了「把/被…得」字句整句的時態。最後，本文再透過Jackendoff的概念結構 (conceptual structure)，將「把/被…得」字句予以分解成更細部的語意單位，藉此更進一步了解「把/被…得」字句語意的構成。 / The use of ba/bei alone does not imply causative meanings; however, when a de result complement is added to ba/bei constructions, the causative sense will arise concomitantly with resultivity. Therefore, ba/bei…de in the sentences, two discontinous morphemes locking together, mark the whole construction as a resultative construction. By adopting constructional approaches, we show that ba/bei…de resultatives are not limited to disposal verbs and they are made of a family of resultative constructions. Without the inherent disposal property and the causative meaning, stative, perception, and psychological verbs are still compatible with ba/bei…de resultatives. The causative-resultative meaning comes from the integration among all the components of the construction, both structurally and semantically. Also, under such a constructional approach, we will find that many semantic properties of ba/bei…de resultatives can be predicted from their meaning structures: a resultative sentence contains a constructional subevent and a verbal subevent, and this verbal subevent serves as the means by which the constructional subevent takes place. As for their temporal relation, the verbal subevent may be cotemporal with the constructional subevent, or may overlap with it, or may entirely precede it, depending on the pragmatics of the situation. And the end-boundedness of the constructional subevent correlates with the telicity of a resultative construction. And with some modifications of Jackendoff’s conceptual structure, we discern how a resultative concept is characterized in the human mental representation. In terms of a set of primitives, we can easily detect that ba/bei…de constructions are made of two separable subevents, and that the verbal subevent is temporally prior to the constructional subevent.

漢語的動補結構長久以來一直是漢語語言學中一個複雜難解的議題，動補結構中的論元在句法上應如何體現及其相對應的語意應如何解讀更是許多語言學家致力解決的問題。衍生語法學派 (Derivational Grammar) 的學者 (Cheng and Huang, 1994; Cheng et al, 1997; Huang, 2006, 2007; Li, 1995) 及詞彙功能語法學派 (Lexical Functional Grammar) 的學者 (Her, 2004, 2007, 2009; Shibagaki, 2009) 均曾試圖提出對於漢語動補結構最正確有效的分析，本論文旨在證明衍生語法學派之理論在動補結構分析上的錯誤及不足，並點出詞彙功能語法學派之理論在預測動補結構的論元體現 (argument realization) 及語意解讀 (semantic interpretation) 上有較全面的分析。 然而，某些動補結構，如「這一大桌子菜胖死我了」，含有不同於其他動補結構的致使義 (Causativity)，進而產生特殊的論元體現模式，此情形卻未被涵蓋在詞彙功能語法學派的理論分析中，本論文也依循詞彙功能語法的理論框架，試圖提出足以預測此種特定動補結構論元體現的句法規則，以彌補詞彙功能語法理論在分析此動補結構的論元體現上之遺漏，使其整體分析更臻完善。 / Resultative compounds in Mandarin Chinese have long been a complicated issue in Chinese linguistics. Many researchers have put great effort in trying to solve the problem of how arguments of Chinese resultative compounds should be syntactically realized and how corresponding interpretations should be achieved. Researchers of Derivational Grammar (Cheng and Huang, 1994; Cheng et al, 1997; Huang, 2006, 2007; Li, 1995) and those of Lexical Functional Grammar (Her, 2004, 2007, 2009; Shibagaki, 2009) have all attempted to propose analyses that are accurate in predicting the argument realization and compound predication of Chinese resultative compounds. This thesis aims to prove the insufficiency in the prediction power of derivational accounts and endeavors to show that the account of Lexical Functional Grammar is superior in the analysis of resultative compounds in terms of argument realization and compound interpretation. However, some resultative compounds, such as that in zhe yi da zhuozi cai pang-si wo le (‘This whole table of dishes is making me fat.’), have certain causativity that makes them different from others in terms of argument realization. Resultative compounds like these are not included in the analysis of lexicalist accounts. Based on the theoretical framework of Lexical Functional Grammar, this thesis also makes an attempt to propose a syntactic rule that predicts the correct argument realization pattern of the kind of resultative compounds mentioned above. It is the goal of this thesis that the proposed rule covers the analysis of the resultative compounds that is missing in previous accounts and makes the lexicalist account given in this thesis a better solution in working on the issues of Chinese resultative compounds.

本論文採用Traugott (2010)及Hopper and Traugott (2003)的語法化觀點，探討台灣華語「給我」、台灣閩南語「共我」、及台灣客語「摎ngai」句式在動前位置的祈使用法，主要分析產生此祈使用法的背後動因與機制，包含類推(analogy)、重新分析(reanalysis)、轉喻(metonymy)、語用強化(pragmatic strengthening)、及語言接觸(language contact)等概念。本論文的另一焦點為探討台灣華語「給我」的評價用法，此為台灣華語的新興用法，尚未見於台灣閩南語及台灣客語中。本研究將提出，語法化、主觀性(subjectivity)、及主觀化(subjectification)能闡釋新興用法產生的動因與機制。 / This thesis aims to investigate the preverbal [gei wo], [ka gua], and [lau ngai] construction in Taiwan Mandarin, Taiwan Southern Min, and Taiwan Hakka. The original meaning of these constructions presents beneficial meaning, but they can also frequently appear in imperative constructions. While the extant literature has discussed the pragmatic functions of the imperative meaning, why and how the imperative meaning emerges is still unexplored. Aspects of grammaticalization are adopted (cf. Traugott 2010; Hopper and Traugott 2003). To elaborate how and why the imperative meaning emerges, syntactic and semantic mechanisms and their motivations are proposed. The other issue of the thesis aims to explore the newly emergent evaluative [gei wo] construction in Taiwan Mandarin. In addition to mechanisms and motivation for its development, the notion of subjectivity and subjectification plays a crucial role to account for the motivation for the emergence of the construction in question. Overall, this thesis illuminates the notion that the emergence of special constructions can derive from their original constructions through cognitive and functional foundation.

No description available.

行動應用程式是當今最受歡迎和最主要的軟體應用程式，因此應用程式的實際行為以及相關的安全和隱私問題變得越來越重要。另一方面，隨著時間的推移，AppStore上有越來越多的應用程式已經停止更新或停止服務，但沒有從AppStore中刪除。然而，用戶對於缺少維護問題一無所知，仍然下載並使用它。在本研究中，我們將解決在應用程式中檢查特定屬性方法序列的問題。通過使用IDApro生成Function call dependency graph和Subroutine control flow graph，我們使用語法分析方式來進行跨子程式的序列檢查方案。我們將通過預先定義屬性的方法序列作為模型來檢查應用程式行為。這個分析方法可以說明在App Store中可用的應用程式中是否存在屬性方法序列。有助於我們在應用程式中檢查一些惡意行為屬性方法序列或特定行為方法序列（例如使用不推薦的api方法）。 我們的網絡爬蟲從官方文件中摘取了的所有可用的iOS SDK方法，並從中提取做為我們的模型序列。我們將檢查應用程式是否包含所準備的模型序列。如果應用程式中存在該序列，我們將在應用程式中記錄子程式中包含的方法序列調用。然後將結果數據匯總到我們的數據庫中，並將結果視覺化、數據化，並建立系統的的API服務。最後，我們構建了一個使用上述檢查功能所識做的的分析系統，並以Web服務形式顯示結果。 / Mobile application is the most popular and dominant software applications nowadays, so the actual behaviors of the application and the related security and privacy issues become more and more important. On the other hand, as time goes by, there are more and more applications on the AppStore stop to update or being abandoned but not removed from AppStore. However, the users know nothing about the lack of maintenance problems and still download and use it. In this research, we will resolve the issue for checking specific property method sequence within an application. By using IDApro to generate function call graph and the subroutine control flow graphs, we use syntax checking strategy to perform a across subroutines sequential checking solution. We will check the application behavior by predefining a property method sequence as pattern and then check with applications’. The analysis method can illustrate whether a property method sequence exists in the application which is available on App Store. This may help us to check some malicious behavior property method sequence or specific behavior method sequence (ex. using deprecated api methods) in the applications. We have prepared some property method sequence as our system input pattern extracted from all the available iOS SDK methods fetching by our web crawler. We will check whether an application contains the prepared method sequence or not. If the sequence exists in the application, we would record the method sequence call included in the subroutine within the application. Then the results data will be aggregated in our database, and export as api service for visualizing and statistic uses. Finally, we construct a call sequence analysis system for the above checking functions and show the result in a web service form

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間・環境学) / 甲第21868号 / 人博第897号 / 新制||人||214(附属図書館) / 2018||人博||897(吉田南総合図書館) / 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科共生文明学専攻 / (主査)教授 江田 憲治, 教授 西山 教行, 教授 太田 出, 教授 辻 正博, 教授 小倉 紀蔵 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human and Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

主題-評論結構(topic-comment)在主題顯著(topic prominent)的語言(如中文)扮演十分重要的角色,尤其是在描述第二語言學習者的中介語時特別重要．但是有關研究,對於中國學生在學習英文時產生的中介語,並沒有對主題-評論結構提供全面且確切的描述．本研究旨在探討中國學生學習英文時所產生的中介語之主題-評論結構, 運用三種測驗來引出中介語—文法判定測驗, 引導寫作測驗, 及翻譯測驗．受試者包含台灣區域位於台北的三所國中挑選的94位國二生,以國一期末考英文成績分為三組．此外,並於政大語視中心挑選14位以英語為母語的外籍生作為本研究的控制組．本研究探討的四種主題-評論結構是由中英文主題結構對比中所產生的, 分別為主題省略(topic drop), 主題移前(topicalization), 主題置左(left-dislocation), 及雙主詞結構(double-subject construction)．本研究所運用的中介語之理論架構是參考三種第二外語習得理論所發展出來的, 分別為第一語言影響(L1 influence), 普遍語法(universal grammar)的存在, 以及附屬集合理論(the Subset Principle)． 研究結果顯示, 第一語言轉換(L1 transfer)在所有程度的學生的中介語當中都十分普遍, 但是普遍語法只有在程度最高的學生的中介語較為明顯．因此本研究推論中介語系統內部運作過程包含三階段, 開始為第一語言轉換, 接著是第一語言轉換及普遍語法並存, 最後階段為普遍語法． / The role that the topic-comment structure plays in a topic prominent language such as Chinese is very important when it comes to SLA learners’ interlanguage. However, the related research has not provided a comprehensive framework in describing topic structures of Chinese EFL learners’ interlanguage. The purpose of this study is to analyze the topic structures in Chinese EFL learners’ interlanguage elicited by three tasks—the grammaticality judgment task, the guided writing task, and the translation task. The subjects include 94 junior high school students chosen from three separate schools in Taipei, Taiwan, and they were divided into three proficiency levels. In addition, 14 native speakers from the language center of NCCU served as the control group. This study investigated four topic structures—topic drop, topicalization, left-dislocation, and double-subject construction—which were determined by a comparative study of Chinese and English topic structures. The current theoretical framework of interlanguage operation is developed from three SLA perspectives—L1 influence, the existence of universal grammar (UG), and the subset principle. Results indicated that L1 transfer was prevalent in all proficiency levels but UG was only obvious in the most advanced level. It was thus inferred that the internal operation of interlanguage system should include three stages—first L1 transfer, then L1 transfer and UG, and finally UG.

本文研究漢語的連動結構。首先我們先將連動結構的定義做一個清楚的界定，之後再從動詞間的語意面著手，對連動結構中動詞間的語意關係，提出詳盡的說明與解釋。除此之外，根據連動句中詞彙的受限性以及動詞間的語意關聯性這兩個原則，我們再進一步將漢語的連動結構區分為四個類型。最後，我們從句法的層面切入來探討漢語的連動結構。我們認為不同的語意解讀是由於不同的句法結構所導致。 / This thesis investigates serial verb constructions (SVCs) in Mandarin Chinese. The serial verb constructions are often confused with other superficially similar structures; thus, the first objective of this study is to explicitly delimitate the definition of SVCs and to differentiate them from other structures. In addition, we will further explore the semantic relationship between the serial verbs and classify SVCs into several types according to the V1-V2 correlations, the independence between sub-events, and the lexical restrictiveness of the verbs. We will then analyze the syntactic relationship of the verbs. Finally, we also propose that there are two possible structures for SVCs in Mandarin. Chapter 1 is a brief introduction of the term “serial verb construction.” We will first go over its definitions, the functions it can convey, and the geographical distribution of languages with SVC. In Chapter 2, we will present the distinguishing characteristics of SVC and distinguish it from other similar structures. In Chapter 3, we will present different semantic correlations between the VPs. In Chapter 4, we will classify Mandarin SVCs into different subtypes based on the lexical and semantic criteria. Chapter 5 presents the tentative syntactic analyses of Mandarin SVCs. Chapter 6 concludes this paper.

本論文「客語「放」及其同類動詞：框架語義與構式之互動」以Fillmore (1985)提出的「框架語義」以及Goldberg (1995)等學者提出的「構式語法」觀點為基礎，分析客語「放」字構式呈現的多義現象。客語「放」字涉及「使動事件」：空間位移與狀態變化。本文著重分析「使動結構」與客語「放」字在動賓、動補及句子等構式中語意－句法的互動。同時藉助隱喻與轉喻的強化，說明客語「放」字延伸語意之間的關聯性，並進一步闡述客語「放」字在動賓結構中詞彙化為複合詞的現象。此外，本文亦檢視客語其他放置類動詞：方向同類動詞、工具同類動詞、方式同類動詞，經由審視其詞彙化類型與框架語義之互動，說明其語意內涵與句法上的表現。因此，本論文經由分析詞彙化類型與探討事件架構中參與角色的展現與否，說明客語放置類動詞語意與句法間的相互關係。 / English verbs describing putting, a prototypical exemplar of a caused-motion activity, have been pervasively found to be the first acquired and the most frequently used verbs in many languages. Their semantic compatibility with various syntactic structures reinforces the association between verbal meanings and the constructions, giving rise to a grouping of related but distinct senses (Goldberg et al. 2004). Piong3 (放) ‘to put’ in Hakka is abundant in semantics. The basic meaning of piong3 designates a common pattern of human experience: An animate entity exerts manual force upon a physical object and causes the object to move. Adopting Goldberg’s (1995) Constructions and Fillmore’s (1985) Frame Semantics, this study aims to account for the meaning relatedness latent in piong3 and explicate the shades of meaning rooted in the set of its congeners with different degree of family resemblance. It is argued that the delicate nuances denoted by piong3 are derived from the interaction between frames and constructions while the extended meanings of piong3 are linked to its typical use through various metaphors and metonymies such as CONTAINER, EVENT STRUCTURE, CHANGE OF STATE AS CHANGE OF LOCATION metaphors and ACTION FOR RESULT metonymy. Furthermore, with regard to congeners of piong3 in Hakka, it is maintained that differences in profiling and lexicalization patterns capture the primary difference between piong3 and its congeners. Specifically, piong3 does not lexicalize other semantic elements (i.e. path, means, manner, result, and etc.) into its lexical meaning whereas its congeners explicitly do so, in that three subtypes of the congeners can be identified: directional congeners, means congeners, and manner congeners.

國 立 政 治 大 學 研 究 所 碩 士 論 文 提 要 研究所別：語言學研究所 論文名稱：論台灣華語中的限定與非限定子句的區分 指導教授：何萬順 博士 研究生：何郁瑩 論文提要內容：〈共一冊，20013字，分七章〉 本篇論文藉由三段邏輯論證法推翻漢語沒有限定與非限定子句之分的論證；反之，支持此區分在台灣華語中的有效性。鑑於「時式」的普遍性，表現在構詞方面的限定與非限定區分在綜合型語言當中是顯而易見的。雖然台灣華語缺乏明顯的構詞標記，但此限定與非限定的區分透過句法類目以及句法現象的限制依然成立。此外，我們亦將次劃分子句為補語的動詞進ㄧ步區分為三類─限定補語動詞、非限定補語動詞、雙類動詞。限定補語動詞可同時次劃分有明顯主語的限定子句以及經由代詞刪略現象後無主語的限定子句，而非限定補語動詞僅能次劃分不帶主語的非限定子句。至於雙類動詞，一類從舊有文獻中劃分出來的新類動詞，擁有同時次劃分限定子句與非限定子句的能力。當雙類動詞次劃分限定子句為補語時，有兩個條件必須被滿足：一是情狀動詞的出現，此為必要條件；二是明顯主語的出現，此為充分條件。再者，子句主語的出現與否端視於主要句謂語與子句謂語間的緩衝詞是否出現。在詞彙功能語法的架構之下，情狀動詞的出現之所以為雙類動詞次劃分限定子句為補語的必要條件是由於雙類動詞要求其子句補語擁有「非實現貌」的元素，而此元素便是由情狀動詞所提供。基於本篇論文中強而有力的論述，我們強烈主張此限定與非限定子句的區分在台灣華語中是存在的，甚至普及於全人類的語言。 / This thesis provides robust argumentation via syllogisms so as to deny the argument that the distinction between finiteness and non-finiteness does not exist in Mandarin Chinese; on the contrary, to defend the proposition that this finite vs. non-finite distinction does exist in Taiwan Mandarin. In virtue of the universality of the category tense, the finite vs. non-finite distinction, morphologically manifested in synthetic languages, is taken for granted. Opaque as it is in Taiwan Mandarin, there still exist other ways for distinction, such as constraints on syntactic categories and operations. Furthermore, we re-classify verbs subcategorizing sentential complements into three types—finite-complement verb (FC verb), non-finite-complement verb (NC verb), dual-listing verb (DL verb). FC verbs can subcategorize not only finite clauses with overt subjects, but also those with covert counterparts left after pro-drop processes, while NC verbs can only subcategorize non-finite clauses as sentential complement. As for DL verbs, a neonatal one extracted from the so-called persuade-type verbs in the literature, has the capability of subcategorizing dual sentential complements, namely, finite clauses and non-finite clauses. When DL verbs subcategorize finite clauses as complement, two conditions must be satisfied to ensure the grammaticality. They are the presence of modals and the presence of overt subjects. The former is a necessary condition; the latter is a sufficient condition. Moreover, the presence of embedded overt subjects hinges on the presence of proper buffers between main predicates and embedded overt subjects. In LFG’s framework, the reason for the presence of modals being the necessary condition is that DL verbs require their sentential complements to have the value IRREALIS, which is denoted by modals obviously. On account of the tenable criteria mentioned in this thesis, we assert with confidence that this finite vs. non-finite distinction does exist in Taiwan Mandarin and that this distinction is considered universal.