本文的基本思路是要緊扣記者其人，重現他們在新聞史上應有的地位與歷史意義。從清末到民國時期各報刊對該詞的使用來觀察，「記者」概為報刊主筆自謂之詞，所以幾乎都是出現在評論文章之中。再者，在「記者」一詞逐漸被廣泛使用的同時，「訪員」、「主筆」等詞的使用在各報刊上也常司空見慣。當時，沒有一個新聞從業者對這種現象有過疑問，傳統中國知識份子好強調的「必也正名乎」，似乎在這個業界毫無發展空間。新聞從業者開始日趨專業化後，「訪員」「主筆」與「編輯」也隱然發生變化。逐漸的「記者」一詞彷如磁鐵一般，將上述各詞一一吸納其中，「記者」始成為新聞從業者的泛稱。隨著新聞工作範圍擴大，職業分工愈細的結果，「記者」一詞反定位於一尊，然而與國家之間的衝突、矛盾始終不斷。從近代中國新聞相關從業的精彩故事，也可展現近代中國多重變遷的一個側面。 記者的專業建立勢必與國家管控新聞的作法產生扞格，這就產生了國家與記者間的極度緊張。記者不似醫師、律師、會計師等專業人士一樣，需接受一套完整嚴密且極其深奧的專業知識培育。記者也不需要通過國家考試系統的測試，來取得一個專業執照。因此，新聞從業所需要的職業技能相對醫師、律師、會計師而言，門檻相當的低，這也就難免容易讓人質疑其專業所謂其何了。特別是在十九、二十世紀初的中國，政治性報紙的生產方式如實反映了新聞業者的專業低落現象。加之有些素行不良的記者，以新聞報導為其個人發橫財的工具，極盡歪曲捏造之能事，全然喪失新聞實務（追求報導的客觀公正）和記者素質（職業的倫理道德）。 本文擬另闢蹊徑，對記者在歷史脈絡中如何出現，及其扮演的角色，進行比較詳細的研究。從刻工、印刷業務的襄助到主筆編輯工作的擔負，甚至一躍為出資報人，最後到民國新聞記者的出現，這其中的內裡變化，包括新聞報道、報社文化、記者社群、公眾輿論的形塑、社會影響等等，都有著極鮮明的文化融合與再造的歷史意涵。透過這些觀察希望對於記者在新聞史上的地位及其在現代中國文化變遷場景的作用，有較為深入的了解。

Historically, Thai women were excluded from political participation either in national or local levels. The 1997 Constitutional reform led to fundamental changes in Thailand’s political system and strengthened women’s representation in high politics. The proportion of seats occupied by women in the national parliament showed less than 10 percent. Recently, the advancement of Thai women in political participation has extensively inspired through discussions and studies of gender politics. In other words, a number of prominent Thai women in decision making processes –female politicians have been encouraged to access to the political sphere. Meanwhile the male political enactment has still been dominant towards their experiences and background characteristics. Not only did aim to review the role of women’s participation in Thailand, this research also analyzed the factors either supporting or obstructing female political empowerment. So mixed method was designed as the research tool. As the quantitative methodology, 1,500 survey questionnaires were distributed to respondents throughout the country. The Linear Regression (RP2P) was used to analyze the relationship between the dependent variables and independent variables regarding women’s political participation in Thailand. As the qualitative methodology, the data from the interview questions were collected to cover the details of the main research questions. The findings revealed that both Constitution and political processes were the most crucial factors for Thai women’s empowerment. Accordingly, the non-institutional factors were also the major supporting elements for women’s participation and empowerment; those were, personal leadership, the acceptance from citizens, the context of society, family background, motivation, economic development and the cooperation of the related organizations. Although, the gender stereotype and prejudices had remained the most important barriers for Thai women in politics, the religious belief becomes beneficial in those situations. Regarding the quota system, most interviewees strongly agreed that this measure became a major temporary measure to increase a number of Thai women representatives whereas many respondents focused on the potential of the candidates instead of the gender. In conclusion, the promotion of Thai women’s political participation requires determined efforts not only by women themselves, but also governments, political parties, mass media, and NGOs. As a result, all levels of the political participation should be concerned by all parties through cooperative working in appropriate measures.

摘 要 在2003年波斯灣戰爭之後，中共「中央」軍委會修訂的「中國人民解放軍政治工作條例」中，正式把心理戰、輿論戰和法律戰列為新的作戰樣式，共軍即全面展開「三戰」的研究。除了「中國軍事科學院」率先展開研究，並出版各類型的「三戰」系列叢書之外，中共各大軍區也全面展開學習、研究與訓練的風潮。 事實上，「三戰」屬於「非戰爭軍事行動」的一個領域，共軍區分「軟殺傷」與「硬殺傷」兩種領域，顯示其與戰爭行動的差別，但實質上兩種領域都是戰爭行為，只是「硬殺傷」是指真實武器對抗的戰場，「軟殺傷」是虛擬的心理威懾與感知的戰場，它旨在影響敵人的內在力量，以爭取不戰而屈人之兵的目標。 事實上，中共所提出的「輿論戰」，雖非創新的概念或名詞，但引起外界的關注與疑慮的，是由於中共當局的有心提倡，且經由上下一致的黨國體制的貫徹執行，在操作媒體的手法已愈來愈嫻熟，並且愈來愈重視放出訊息後所形成的宣傳效果，以及它可攫取的實質利益。 中共領導人也認為，藉著媒體威力是無可比擬且只要運用技巧，即可達成於己有利、甚至是自己希望的宣傳效果。因此，自從中國綜合國力提升後，為了害怕各國疑慮中國會在國際間使用其迅速增長的力量，其所提出「和平世界」的口號，其主要目的是為了讓中國崛起的現象能夠在全球公共領域獲得信任與接受，中國不斷地在國際場域宣揚「和諧世界」的理念，並且達到了操控全球輿論、重塑國家形象的一個相當重要的目的。 顯然，中共已不再將輿論戰視為戰場上的非軍事行動而已，它也用於平時對內、對外的宣傳；因此，隨著兩岸關係的和緩，未來輿論戰將不是只用對台威懾、懷柔和分化的手段，而將擴大成為其進行國際宣傳傳播的一種手法。 / Summary After 2003 Persian gulf war, the Communist China" Central " Military Commission meeting will revise of in "Chinese People's Liberation Army political work regulation", formally list as the new battle style to the mental state war, public opinion war and law war, Communist China People's Liberation Army namely launches the research of "three wars" completely. In addition to initiative in" The military in China section college " launches a research, and publishes various "three wars" series cluster book outside, each battalion of Communist China area also launches to learn, study and train an unrest completely. In fact, "three wars" is belong to a realm of "the anti-war contend for a military action", Communist China People's Liberation Army district separately "soft kill harm" and "hard kill harm" two kinds of realms, show the difference that it acts with war, but all of substantially two kinds of realms are act of wars, be just "hard kill harm" mean the battlefield that the true weapon resists, "soft kill harm" is a virtual mental awe, know with feeling of battlefield, its aim is influencing the enemy's inside strength to fight for the target of the soldier that doesn't fight but bend a person. In fact, "public opinion war" put forth by Communist China, although not- creative concept or word, cause the external world concern and worry in uncertainty of, is because having of Communist China's authorities have heart promotes, and through the performance of the carrying through of top and bottom consistent Party country system, after operating the skill of media has already been familiar with more and more, and values to let out a message more and more the publicity effect become, and it can lay hands on of substantial benefit. Communist China leaders are also think, the media power is incomparable, as long as make use of properly, can immediately reached to beneficial to oneself and even is the publicity effect that oneself hopes. Consequently, after China comprehensive national strength promoted, for the sake of frightened all countries worry in uncertainty China will use it quickly increase the strength at international, the slogan of "peaceful world" that it put forth, it the main purpose can acquire trust and accept in the global public realm for the sake of the phenomenon making China grown and China constantly publicizes the principle of "harmonious world" in the international field area, and comes to operate global public opinion and re-establish the national image is a rather important purpose. Obviously, Communist China has already no longer treated public opinion war as the non- military of battlefield act, it is also used for peacetime to inside, outward of publicity; Consequently, alleviate along with the cross-strait relation, in the future the public opinion war will not be only to the Taiwanese awe, keep in mind soft the means, and become extension a kind of skill that it carries on an international publicity dissemination. Key word：Three wars、The public opinion war、Harmonious world、 International dissemination

中國帝制時期，統治者為鞏固其權位，強化政權之合法性，除憑藉武力外，或偽造符讖，以示天命所歸。此外，屢有箝制民間輿論之舉，禁止臣民私議朝政或非議天子，違者論罪。以中國法制歷史為例，與民間輿論最息息相關者，當首推誹謗法之設立。就其形式而論，大抵可分言語誹謗與文字誹謗兩類。然考察國史，口語誹謗之發展較早，秦漢時期，已有誹謗祅言令，《唐律》且有「指斥乘輿」之罪。惟兩宋以前之誹謗法，泰半以口語犯罪為主，以文字著述非議朝廷而獲罪者，尚屬零星。至宋代以降，文人因文字著作涉及影射或謗訕朝廷而受禍者，轉趨增多，然而何以有此轉變？該罪由早期之口語犯罪逐步擴展至文字犯罪，又顯現何種歷史意義？當今學界對此議題鮮有闡述，故本文擬就此一課題，深入討論之。

本研究的核心問題乃為探究在二次金改公股銀行私有化的政策變遷過程中相關的社會團體在新聞媒體上所進行的各項策略工作是否造成社會輿論的轉向？ 研究發現可區分為兩種不同層次來說明：首先在媒體報導上，本文透過內容分析發現針對公營（股）銀行私有化此一政策的相關新聞報導與評論不管在報導的數量或性質上，都發生在台灣中小企業銀行工會罷工的前後。此乃「為何」社會輿論發生重要的轉折的關鍵點，並與後續公營（股）銀行私有化方案轉向成為公營（股）銀行彼此之間整合具有在時間上高度的相關性。此外，除停留在新聞媒體報導內容的分析工作上，本論文亦透過消息來源的統計找到主要提出不同觀點的社會團體，並採用深入訪談的方式來了解其在推動相較於不同立場的政府與企業時，所採取的各種消息來源策略。

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中共「三戰」概念的形成，主要是因1991年及2003年二次波灣戰爭中，美軍靈活運用輿論戰、心理戰、法律戰的成功實例，促使中共在2003年12月新修訂的「中國人民解放軍政治工作條例」中，明確提出「三戰」為戰時政治工作之重點，開展輿論戰、心理戰、法律戰相關的研發與演訓工作。 中共對台「輿論戰」之用意，在於傳達北京當局處理兩岸問題之能力和決心不容動搖，目的在於營造中共保土衛國之決心不變，凸顯台灣是中國一部份的事實。而「輿論戰」既可用於戰時，亦可用於平時，沒有固定的模式、場域與戰場，不受時空限制，更不限於軍事行動相配合。 中共「輿論戰」開展已提升到國家戰略體系中，在實際操作上，透過政治、經濟、軍事、資訊等作為，對我國展開舖天蓋地的攻擊。中共這種戰略思維，確實指導著國家戰略層級與軍事戰略層級的建立、用力與造勢。因此，我國應該仿傚其做法，動員全國整體力量，進行反制、造勢與佈局，才得以竟全功。

改革開放以來實施的經濟改革，造成中共內部貪汙腐敗之現象日益嚴重，因此，新聞傳播媒體被賦予扮演權力監督機制的一環，針對一些違法亂紀的政府單位或商人進行監督懲處。然而，不同於西方新聞媒體的角色，在中共威權政體之下，輿論監督必須遵守黨國體制的輿論監督規範，以維持中共統治之合法性。為了探討中共輿論監督之樣貌，以及影響輿論監督的背後因素，本文以中央電視臺《焦點訪談》節目內容作為分析個案，在理論觀點上，以葛蘭西的文化霸權為基礎，結合理論與實證，以2013年該節目之新聞報導內容作為個案資料，討論國家對傳媒的影響，以及《焦點訪談》對政治和社會造成的影響，在此論述過程中，試圖釐清威權主義國家輿論監督的報導原則。 / The economic reforms in China after the opening policy, the corruption in the Communist Party of China (CPC) has become more and more severe.The media, consequently, has been used to endow itself with mechanism of supervising power, aiming at supervising and punishing the government department and businessman breaking laws and violating discipline.However, different from the western media, the public opinion supervision needs under the authentic regime of CPC,to abide by the public opinion supervision regulations of Party-State system.This thesis taking the Focus Report, program of China Central Television (CCTV) as the analysis case, will inquire into the public opinion supervision of CPC and the influencing factors behind it.And based on the cultural hegemony of Gramsci as the theoretical perspective, this thesis, combing the news report of Focus Report in 2013 to discuss how a country to influence its media and the influence for the politics and society of the program itself, will clarify the report principle of public opinion supervision of authoritarian state.

2005年3月14日通過「反分裂國家法」，把廿多年來對台方針政策法律化，不僅上升為國家意志，且規範兩岸關係，使反分裂、維護國家主權領土完整有法可依。中共的「反獨」政策是配合國際戰略，為其「和平崛起」創造穩定的週邊環境，以「爭取談、準備打、不怕拖」作為「反獨」的最高原則。因此，我們可發現，中共制定「反分裂國家法」後，對台是以「底線清晰、彈性務實」與「軟硬兼施、分而治之」為指導方針，更特別強調如何與台灣推展交流合作。所以在對台交流作法上更趨靈活細緻，如釋放選擇性利益，拉攏我特定地域、黨派、階層、行業，以及擴大交流，深化兩岸經貿關係，更強調「主動出撃、區別對待、軟硬兼施、入島入心」，積極推動兩岸交流、給予我國民待遇以及廣邀我青年學子赴大陸交流等等。 本論文共分六章，茲將其內容分述如下： （一）第一章為緒論，主要說明本文的研究動機與目的，相關文獻回顧、研究途徑與研究方法、研究範圍與限制以及研究架構等。 （二）第二章探討中共對台交流策略的環境因素，先以中國大陸內部因素加以分析，再對國際因素以及台灣因素進行探討。 （三）第三章敘述胡錦濤主政下「反分裂國家法」制定之內容與意涵，首先分析胡錦濤主政下對台政策新思維，其次探討「反分裂國家法」之內容及意涵，最後分析「反分裂國家法」之意涵。 （四）第四章是探討中共制定「反分裂國家法」後對台交流策略與作法，首先探討「反分裂國家法」之目標，再討論中共制定「反分裂國家法」後對台交流策略。最後探討中共制定「反分裂國家法」後對台交流作法。 （五）第五章探討中共對台交流策略之評估，如中共在「反分裂國家法」後對台交流作法更趨務實，企圖打開兩岸僵局，並且以國民待遇化爭取民間，以及造成我政府壓力。 （六）第六章結論，探討中共對台交流策略之研究發現與建議，為使台海地區保持和平，應繼續爭取美國的支持以及加強兩岸交流合作。 / Ever since the “Anti-Secession Law” passed on March 14, 2005, it has legalized Taiwan policy in the last twenty years, which has not only elevated national volition but also confined the cross-Straits relations to gain a legal ground for “anti-secession” and to preserve national right and its territorial intact. The “anti-idependence”policy of Chinese Communists is tied in international strategy to create stable surroundings for its “peace initiatives,” and to observe the ultimate principle of “anti-independence” in the context of “negotiation first, ready for war and no fears of prolonging.” Therefore we found out that after Chinese Communists have set their“Anti-Secession Law,”with provided guidelines to treat Taiwan under“clear bottom line, flexible and practical” and “hard and soft play, splitting will rule” principles and a strong emphasis on promoting interexchange collaborations with Taiwan. Therefore the execution of interexchange collaborations with Taiwan are seen rather flexible and thorough in terms of optional interest concerns with an intention to release preferential to certain regions, parties, bureaucracy and industries and expanding interexchange scope, deepening cross-Straits economic relations. Furthermore stressed on the propaganda of “making initiatives, discrepancy treatments, hard and soft play, penetrating island to win hearts” with such aggressive interexchange activity promotions and an offer of national treatment and wide open policy for academics exchange in Mainland China to our youngsters. This thesis contains six chapters and the descriptions of each chapter as follows: A. Chapter One is a preface, which mainly describes research motive and objective of this article, and it includes the related literatures with research channels and methods, scope and limitation and the research restructure. B. Chapter Two is discovering the environmental factors of Taiwan interexchange strategy by the Chinese Communists, first part will analyze the internal factor of Mainland China and then global and Taiwan accordingly. C. Chapter Three describes the contents and meanings of “Anti-Secession Law” led by Hu Jintao, first will be the analysis of new aspirations toward Taiwan by Hu Jintao, second will discuss the contents and meanings of “Anti-Secession Law” and last will be the analysis of the meanings of “Anti-Secession Law.” D. Chapter Four is discussing the Taiwan interexchange strategy and execution of “Anti-Secession Law” set by the Chinese Communists. It will discuss the objective of “Anti-Secession Law” first and then Taiwan interexchange strategy after the setting of “Anti-Secession Law” by the Chinese Communists, finally, it will discuss the implementation of Taiwan interexchange of “Anti-Secession Law” set by the Chinese Communists. E. Cheaper Five is a discussion of Taiwan interexchange strategy assessment by the Chinese Communist such as pragmatic ways of dealing Tawain interexchange after setting “Anti-Secession Law” by the Chinese Communists in order to break the deadlock of the cross-Straits and treat our civil with national treatment to put pressures on our government. F. Chapter Six will be the conclusion of this thesis; the main emphasis will be on exploring the discovery and proposition of Taiwan interexchange strategy research by the Chinese Communist with an objective in maintaining peaceful state of Taiwan Strait and continuously rallying for the support form the United States and reinforce the collaborations of cross-Straits interexchange.