O trabalho investiga a feição dos versos que dão vida à peça Gota dágua de Chico Buarque e Paulo Pontes, escrita e encenada em 1975. Procura desvendar a maneira como os versos se compõem na formação da estrutura dramática da peça e os efeitos que produz no leitor ou no espectador. Como a peça dialoga intensamente com o momento cultural e político dos anos 1970, há uma busca do ponto de encontro entre a realização estética concebida e os projetos culturais ou outras motivações extra-textuais que tenham influenciado a sua composição. O estudo abrange a realização sonora que se dá (ou que se imagina) no palco, os aspectos poéticos, lírico-musicais da peça, sua característica dramático-épica e os temas e idéias que permeiam o plano de conteúdo da obra. A análise foi feita em grande parte contrapondo Gota dágua com a obra que pretende recriar: a Medeia de Eurípides. Os diversos elementos manipulados no trabalho ora se complementam, ora se chocam, criando uma mescla significativa e de apreciação controversa, sobre a qual artistas e pesquisadores têm se debruçado no questionamento da produção teatral brasileira. Tais elementos são a absorção do popular e do erudito, da identificação catártica e do distanciamento crítico, da experiência totalizante do mito e daquela que é comum, socialmente demarcada por delineamentos temporais e espaciais, dentre outros exemplos. / This paper goes into the production process of the poetic lines which give life to Chico Buarque and Paulo Pontes´s play Gota dágua, published and performed in 1975. It aims to understand how they are put together to compose its drama structure as well as the effects they cause on the reader and audience. Since the play is deeply engaged in the cultural and political scenario of the 1970s, this analysis also seeks to examine the connections between its esthetics and the cultural projects or any other points of influence that may have motivated its form. The study involves the plays sounds listened to (or imagined) on stage such as the play´s poetic, musical-lyric aspects, its epic-drama characteristics and many of the themes and ideas that constitute the works content. The analysis frequently contrasts Gota dágua and the play it intends to recreate: Medea by Euripides. The various elements dealt with in Gota dágua are sometimes complementary, sometimes clashing, accounting for a meaningful mix and giving rise to controversial appraisal upon which researchers and artists have given a lot of thought when pondering about the Brazilian contemporary drama experience. Such contrasts bring together the resource to the popular and the scholarly, the use of cathartic identification and critical distance, the mythical and the anonymous ordinary human trajectory, among other examples.

O objetivo central desta tese é estudar o percurso artístico e intelectual de Leon Hirszman a partir dos filmes Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979- 90) e Eles não usam black-tie (1981). Discutindo as relações entre cinema e História, a pesquisa se concentra nas práticas culturais, estéticas e ideológicas do realizador, procurando analisar as interpretações que ele mobilizou em torno do Brasil durante a vigência do regime militar. A despeito de Hirszman ter consolidado a sua trajetória como integrante do Cinema Novo, questão que percorre as páginas deste doutorado, propõe-se também uma aproximação entre a sua obra e o projeto dramatúrgico construído por autores oriundos do Teatro de Arena. Na década de 1970, face à crise que se instalou no campo cultural da esquerda, em especial o colapso da crença revolucionária anterior a 1964 e o refluxo da leitura do povo como vanguarda heroica para uma transformação do mundo, o cineasta se aproximaria do revisionismo artístico proposto, principalmente, por Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes e Vianinha. Mantendo em seus filmes uma abordagem politizada da classe popular, sem abdicar da figura do intelectual como mediador de denúncias contra a ditadura, o diretor se voltaria para uma produção em sintonia com o viés comunista de engajamento, em diálogo com a tradição do realismo crítico e disposta a elaborar narrativas e registros documentais em confronto ao autoritarismo dos militares. Nesse sentido, mesmo sem partilhar do ideário do novo sindicalismo surgido sobretudo entre os metalúrgicos da cidade paulista de São Bernardo do Campo, Hirszman deslocaria a figura do operário para o centro do processo criativo de ABC da greve e de Black-tie, representando-o em uma chave próxima à resistência articulada pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), na qual o trabalhador seria visto como parte de uma ampla frente organizada para superar a ditadura e atuar em prol da redemocratização. Uma obra realizada com o intuito de responder aos dilemas sociais de seu contexto histórico, a propor uma abordagem particular sobre a classe popular e a militância antiautoritária, a partir de leituras e experiências estéticas construídas em meio aos impasses que percorreram a esquerda política e cultural na segunda metade dos anos 1970. / The main goal of this thesis is to study Leon Hirszman\'s artistic and intellectual trajectory through the films Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979-90) and They don\'t wear black-tie (1981). Discussing the relation between film and History, the research concentrates itself on the cultural, aesthetic and ideological practices of the director, aiming to analyze his interpretations about Brazil during its military dictatorship. Despite Hirszman\'s consolidated career as a member of the Cinema Novo movement, issue that is described during this doctoral thesis, it also proposes an approach of his work with the dramaturgical project originated by authors from the Teatro de Arena. On the 1970\'s, in virtue of the crisis installed in the left wing\'s cultural sphere, specially the collapse of the revolutionary belief preceding 1964 and the retrocession of the interpretation placing the people as the heroic vanguard leading a structural transformation, the filmmaker would court the artistic revisionism proposed by Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes and Vianinha. Maintaining a politicized approach about the popular class on his films, without abdicating the image of the intellectual as a mediator of denounces against the dictatorship, the director would proceed to a production in tune with the communist\'s active participation project, establishing a dialogue with the tradition of critical realism, willing to elaborate narratives and documental registers confronting with the authoritarian way of the military. In this sense, even without sharing the ideology originated from the newly born trade unionism, especially among the steelworkers from São Bernardo do Campo\'s city, Hirszman shifted the figure of the worker, making it the core of the creative process of ABC da greve and Black-tie. In these movies, it was represented as a key-piece close to the resistance articulated by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in which it was seen as part of a large front, organized to overcome the military regime and act in favor of the country\'s redemocratization. A work realized with the intention of responding to the social dilemmas of its time, proposing a singular approach about the popular class and the anti-authoritarian militancy, originating interpretations and aesthetic experiences constructed among conflicts that filled the left-wing politic and cultural manifestations on the second half of the seventies.

Jean-Baptiste Isabey (1767-1855) connaît une carrière exceptionnellement longue qui s’étend de la Révolution au Second Empire. Après avoir exposé ses premières œuvres au Salon de 1791, cet élève de Jacques-Louis David s’impose sur la scène artistique du Directoire comme le premier dessinateur et miniaturiste de son temps. En s'inscrivant dans un contexte favorable à la diffusion de portraits de moindre coût et de moindre format, sa réussite peu commune rend compte de l'évolution des critères de la reconnaissance artistique à la fin du XVIIIe. Elle témoigne également de la promotion du statut social de l'artiste autour de 1800. Lié aux proches du clan Bonaparte sous la Consulat, Isabey est un des portraitistes de la période les mieux introduits auprès des élites. Son habileté à exploiter des sujets qui répondent aux goûts de ses contemporains permets de mesurer l'importance des relations mondaines dans la naissance et la diffusion des réputations artistiques au tournant du XIXe siècle. Entre 1800 et 1805, Isabey est l'auteur de plusieurs grands dessins de propagande qui scandent les principales étapes de la consolidation du nouveau pouvoir. Familier de la noblesse impériale, l'artiste accumule honneurs et commandes officielles au lendemain du Sacre. Sa réputation est associée aux portraits miniatures de l’Empereur destinés à la caisse des présents diplomatiques et à quelques-unes des plus célèbres représentations officielles de Marie-Louise et du roi de Rome. Ses responsabilités sont extrêmement variées et sa production considérable : il est à la fois peintre des relations extérieures, dessinateur du cabinet et des cérémonies et décorateur en chef de l'Opéra. L'étude de ce parcours pluridisciplinaire offre un champ d'étude remarquable, qui nous fournit bien des clefs pour comprendre la carrière et le statut des artistes de cour sous l'Empire. Après Waterloo, Isabey est mis à l’écart du pouvoir en raison de ses engagements bonapartistes. L'artiste exécute alors plusieurs caricatures et portraits qui le montrent prompt à critiquer la monarchie restaurée. L'analyse des effets de la résistance au régime royaliste dans le monde des arts entre 1815 et 1820 aide à saisir le sens de son engagement dans l'opposition. La période qui s’ouvre au lendemain des Cent-Jours est également fondamentale pour comprendre le parcours artistique d'Isabey et pour apprécier la place que lui assignèrent ses contemporains dans l’art de la première partie du XIXe siècle. Son abondante production, qui se décline en miniatures sur vélin, dessins, lithographies, aquarelles et peintures à l’huile le montre soucieux de l'évolution du goût. Elle met aussi en lumière la difficulté qu'il éprouve à conserver sa réputation de portraitiste après 1820. Cette thèse fournit pour la première fois un catalogue de l’œuvre d'Isabey / Jean-Baptiste Isabey (1767-1855) had an exceptionally long career that spanned from the French Revolution until the Second French Empire. After his early works' exhibition at the Salon of 1791, this student of Jacques-Louis David rapidly became, on the art scene of the French Directory, the finest artist and miniaturist of his time. In a context that made the dissemination of low-cost and small-sized portraits easier, his unusual success reflects the change of artistic recognition criteria in the late eighteenth century. It also reflects the improvement of the social status of artists around 1800. Linked to people that were close to Bonaparte under the French Consulate, Isabey is one of the period's best introduced portraitists. His cleverness in using themes that meet his contemporaries' tastes clearly shows how important social relationships can be in the making and spreading of artistic reputations at the turn of the nineteenth century. Between 1800 and 1805, Isabey is the author of several large propaganda drawings that punctuate the main steps of the new power's consolidation. Familiar with the imperial nobility, the artist collects honours and official commissions in the wake of the Coronation. His reputation is associated with miniature portraits of the Emperor made for the fund of diplomatic presents and with some of the most famous official representations of Marie-Louise and of the King of Rome. His responsibilities are manifold and he produces a lot: he is the official painter for external relations, designer of the Cabinet, designer of Ceremonies and chief decorator of the Opera. The study of this multidisciplinary career gives many keys to a better understanding of the career and status of court artists under the Empire. After Waterloo, Isabey is sidelined because of his bonapartist commitments. At this time the artist performs several caricatures and portraits where he clearly criticizes the freshly restored monarchy. Analysing the effects of this resistance to the royalist regime in the world of arts between 1815 and 1820 helps in understanding his commitment to the opposition. The period opening in the aftermath of the Hundred Days is also fundamental to understanding Isabey's artistic career and to appreciate the place he was assigned by his contemporaries in the art of the first part of the nineteenth century. His prolific output, which comes in miniature on vellum, drawings, lithographs, watercolours and oil paintings shows his constant concern about changing tastes. It also highlights the difficulty he has to maintain his reputation as a portraitist after 1820.This thesis provides for the first time a catalogue of Isabey's works

Cette thèse se propose de décomposer le spectre des commentaires critiques, historiques ou littéraires qui se sont projetés sur l'œuvre d'Édouard Manet dans la première moitié du XXe siècle, en regard de multiples contrepoints visuels. Cet «exercice de style méthodologique total» que permet Manet, selon les mots de Pierre Bourdieu, vise à rendre compte d'une réception mythique, monumentale et pourtant méconnue, tout en procédant en permanence à l'analyse réflexive de ses propres outils d'investigation. Par le prisme de ces présences posthumes très hétérogènes, souvent d'une grande violence, le but est de retracer la généalogie du concept narratif de «modernité» qui s'est déployé à partir d'Édouard Manet, en Europe et aux États-Unis, alors que son œuvre était simultanément défigurée en incarnation du classicisme national. Plus qu'une origine, Manet peut alors se définir comme un «carrefour» : un embranchement, à la puissance spéculaire considérable, d'idéologies, d'historicités et de projections fantasmagoriques. Ces analyses ont pour objet des réseaux très denses d'attraction, de répulsion, et de contamination entre différents systèmes d' énonciation dissonants, envisagés en regard des procédés déployés par Manet lui-même, dans le mouvement d'une œuvre à la fois profondément relationnelle et d'une radicale altérité. La problématique récurrente du fractionnement - dans la multiplicité de ses enjeux et de ses déterminations schizoïdes, du dualisme au fétichisme - forme le fil directeur de cet effort d'exhumation intellectuelle : est ici retracée en détail l'impossible tentative d'en finir avec un peintre qui ne cesse d'inquiéter une modernité constituée sur son nom. / The purpose of this dissertation is to decompose the spectrum of commentary, historical and literary, along with the multiple visual counterpoints, that were generated from the work of Édouard Manet in the first half of the 20th century. Manet allows for this « total methodological exercise », in Pierre Bourdieu's words, which endeavours to reckon with a mythical, monumental, yet mostly unknown reception, while continually conducting a reflexive analysis of its own investigative tools. Through the scope of these posthumous, heterogeneous and often extremely violent occurrences, the goal is to retrace the genealogy of the narrative concept of« modernity » which was uncoiled from the figure of Édouard Manet, in Europe and the United States, during a time when his work was simultaneously being distorted as an incarnation of national classicism. More than a point of origin, Manet can be defined as a « crossroad » : a powerful specular junction of ideologies, historicities and phantasmagorical projections. The abject of these analyses is the dense network of attraction, repulsion, and contamination that has been woven between the various and discordant systems of enunciation, studied in the light of processes set up by Manet himself, through a body of work both profoundly relational, yet radically alien. The recurrent question of fractioning, in its multiple issues and schizoid determinations - from dualism to fetishism - make up the guiding principle of this effort of intellectual exhumation; here are retraced in detail the impossible attempts that were made to do away with a painter who has time and again proven to be cause for concern to an idea of modernity created under his name.

Entre 1954 et 1962, la guerre d’indépendance ou d’Algérie, selon que l’on se place du côté de la victoire ou de la défaite, marque durablement plusieurs générations d’artistes internationaux, tout en traversant et bousculant des questionnements esthétiques quant à la représentation de l’innommable. Cette thèse, qui récolte les traces de cette déchirure franco-algérienne au travers du prisme de l’art, révèle l’importance d’un sujet historique, ignoré par l’histoire de l’art, dont les répercussions sur la politique contemporaine de la France sont encore perceptibles. Terreau d’une génération d’artistes en devenir, qui confortera son engagement social et artistique dans les évènements de Mai 68, mais aussi d’artistes de l’hybridité postcoloniale, qui revendiquent une modernité non hiérarchisée et l’écriture d’une histoire du non dit, la guerre d’Algérie revêt des enjeux fondamentaux dans la construction contemporaine de la scène artistique française et algérienne. Or, alors que la prescription historique d’une cinquantaine d’années est maintenant révolue, il semble que les conflits mémoriaux inhérents à cette défaite française continuent à entraver l’écriture et l’exposition sereines d’une séquence historique, qui apparaît pourtant matricielle dans la construction de la France contemporaine. Aussi, cette étude se propose de porter un regard critique sur la place des représentations de cette « non-histoire » dans les institutions muséales françaises et tente alors de mesurer l’impact d’une histoire encore non consensuelle dans la création artistique actuelle, aujourd’hui percutée par des enjeux de mémoire et politique, et qui de fait interroge la notion même d’identité(s). / From 1954 to 1962, the Independence War or Algerian War — depending on whether the story is narrated from the perspective of the victors or the defeated — touched many generations of international artist, while also penetrating and pushing aesthetic questions about representations of the unspeakable. By tracing the scar of this break between France and Algeria through the prism of art, this thesis reveals the importance of a crucial historical moment, hitherto unexamined by art history, which continues to bear upon contemporary politics in France. Offering exploratory themes not only to a generation of budding artists who affirmed their social and artistic commitments during the events of Mai 68, but also to artists from postcolonial world who proclaimed a modernity without hierarchy and the writing of unsaid histories, the Algerian War produced some of the fundamental issues underpinning the contemporary French and Algerian art worlds. With the historic prescription of a fifty years’ deferral now being over, the conflicted memories of the French defeat continue to trouble the undisturbed writing and exhibition of this sequence of historical events, formative key to construction of contemporary France. Consequently, this study proposes a critical examination of the representation of this “non history” in the French museum. In so doing, it estimates the impact of a “non-consensual” history on contemporary artistic practice touched by issues of memory and politics, and which interrogate notions of identity(ies).

No description available.

O objetivo central desta tese é estudar o percurso artístico e intelectual de Leon Hirszman a partir dos filmes Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979- 90) e Eles não usam black-tie (1981). Discutindo as relações entre cinema e História, a pesquisa se concentra nas práticas culturais, estéticas e ideológicas do realizador, procurando analisar as interpretações que ele mobilizou em torno do Brasil durante a vigência do regime militar. A despeito de Hirszman ter consolidado a sua trajetória como integrante do Cinema Novo, questão que percorre as páginas deste doutorado, propõe-se também uma aproximação entre a sua obra e o projeto dramatúrgico construído por autores oriundos do Teatro de Arena. Na década de 1970, face à crise que se instalou no campo cultural da esquerda, em especial o colapso da crença revolucionária anterior a 1964 e o refluxo da leitura do povo como vanguarda heroica para uma transformação do mundo, o cineasta se aproximaria do revisionismo artístico proposto, principalmente, por Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes e Vianinha. Mantendo em seus filmes uma abordagem politizada da classe popular, sem abdicar da figura do intelectual como mediador de denúncias contra a ditadura, o diretor se voltaria para uma produção em sintonia com o viés comunista de engajamento, em diálogo com a tradição do realismo crítico e disposta a elaborar narrativas e registros documentais em confronto ao autoritarismo dos militares. Nesse sentido, mesmo sem partilhar do ideário do novo sindicalismo surgido sobretudo entre os metalúrgicos da cidade paulista de São Bernardo do Campo, Hirszman deslocaria a figura do operário para o centro do processo criativo de ABC da greve e de Black-tie, representando-o em uma chave próxima à resistência articulada pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), na qual o trabalhador seria visto como parte de uma ampla frente organizada para superar a ditadura e atuar em prol da redemocratização. Uma obra realizada com o intuito de responder aos dilemas sociais de seu contexto histórico, a propor uma abordagem particular sobre a classe popular e a militância antiautoritária, a partir de leituras e experiências estéticas construídas em meio aos impasses que percorreram a esquerda política e cultural na segunda metade dos anos 1970. / The main goal of this thesis is to study Leon Hirszman\'s artistic and intellectual trajectory through the films Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979-90) and They don\'t wear black-tie (1981). Discussing the relation between film and History, the research concentrates itself on the cultural, aesthetic and ideological practices of the director, aiming to analyze his interpretations about Brazil during its military dictatorship. Despite Hirszman\'s consolidated career as a member of the Cinema Novo movement, issue that is described during this doctoral thesis, it also proposes an approach of his work with the dramaturgical project originated by authors from the Teatro de Arena. On the 1970\'s, in virtue of the crisis installed in the left wing\'s cultural sphere, specially the collapse of the revolutionary belief preceding 1964 and the retrocession of the interpretation placing the people as the heroic vanguard leading a structural transformation, the filmmaker would court the artistic revisionism proposed by Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes and Vianinha. Maintaining a politicized approach about the popular class on his films, without abdicating the image of the intellectual as a mediator of denounces against the dictatorship, the director would proceed to a production in tune with the communist\'s active participation project, establishing a dialogue with the tradition of critical realism, willing to elaborate narratives and documental registers confronting with the authoritarian way of the military. In this sense, even without sharing the ideology originated from the newly born trade unionism, especially among the steelworkers from São Bernardo do Campo\'s city, Hirszman shifted the figure of the worker, making it the core of the creative process of ABC da greve and Black-tie. In these movies, it was represented as a key-piece close to the resistance articulated by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in which it was seen as part of a large front, organized to overcome the military regime and act in favor of the country\'s redemocratization. A work realized with the intention of responding to the social dilemmas of its time, proposing a singular approach about the popular class and the anti-authoritarian militancy, originating interpretations and aesthetic experiences constructed among conflicts that filled the left-wing politic and cultural manifestations on the second half of the seventies.

Cette thèse analyse les échanges artistiques entre la France et l’URSS durant l’entre-deux-guerres, leurs rouages et les avantages mutuels qu’ils présentent. Cette période connaît quatre phases successives, ce qui permet de découper la recherche en autant de parties. La première étudie la période d’avant la reconnaissance de l’URSS par la France et la mise en place des relations diplomatiques (avant 1924) ; la deuxième se penche sur les premiers liens officiels qui suivent ladite reconnaissance (1925-1928) ; la troisième s’intéresse aux années 1928-1934, période du « Grand Tournant » dans l’économie soviétique, et enfin la quatrième englobe les années qui suivent l’instauration du réalisme socialiste en 1934 et se termine avec la guerre. Notre projet tente d’évaluer la pertinence de l’approche stéréotypée portant sur le lien entre art et idéologie, de voir si la peinture soviétique, telle que présentée lors des expositions en France, était similaire à celle exposée en URSS et constituait un outil de propagande à part entière. Sous quelle forme l’art soviétique est-il présenté en France et quel est le rôle des instances dans la mise en place de ces manifestations ? Il s’agit d’étudier le rôle des acteurs de ces échanges : instances étatiques, associations, galeries, spécialistes d’art, intellectuels, collectionneurs ou enfin les artistes eux-mêmes. Nous nous intéressons également aux expositions d’artistes français et à l’organisation de leurs voyages en URSS. Ce travail montre que les maillons de la chaîne « politique-idéologie-finances » sont intimement liés entre eux et que l’argent a souvent un rôle décisif pour les instances soviétiques. / This dissertation focuses on artistic exchange between France and the USSR in the interwar period, its mechanisms and the benefits it presented. This period can be divided into four successive phases, accounting for the four parts this research falls into. The first part studies the years leading up to the recognition of the USSR by France and the setting up of diplomatic relations (prior to 1924); the second part deals with the first official links following the recognition (1925-1928); the third part focuses on the years 1928-1934, a period of economic change also known as « the Great Turn » in Soviet economy and the fourth and final part spans the years after socialist realism was established from 1934 on up to the outbreak of the war. This research questions the stereotypical approach to the link between art and ideology and asks whether Soviet painting, as shown during exhibitions in France, was similar to that shown in the USSR and whether it was, or not, a sheer tool for propaganda. Under what form was Soviet art presented in France and what role did authorities play in organizing artistic events? The role played by the actors of this exchange is studied: state authorities, associations, art galleries, art specialists, intellectuals, collectors, intellectuals, and last but not least the artists themselves. Also studied are the exhibitions of French artists and how their trips to the USSR were organized. This research shows that politics, ideology and money are tightly linked together and that money played a decisive role for Soviet authorities.

No description available.

[ES] En esta investigación analizo como a partir de 1984, en el panorama de las artes visuales cubanas, entra en escena una nueva generación que, desde la práctica artística, jugó con las estructuras estéticas y conceptuales que sustentas al objeto artístico y, desde ahí, logró abrir un debate que problematizó temas tabúes como la identidad nacional, el trato a la figura de los héroes, el humor, la religiosidad popular, la ideologización de la cultura, entre otros; que fueron percibidos por las instituciones oficiales como amenaza a la hegemonía narrativa del Estado, que desde el triunfo de la revolución en 1959 se propuso domesticar a los artistas e intelectuales. Sentencias como "con la revolución todo, contra la revolución nada" definieron el derrotero de la política cultural cubana, volviéndose progresivamente más represiva hasta la llegada de los años 80, periodo en el que hubo una leve relajación, oportunidad que aprovecharon los artistas jóvenes para abrir el arte cubano a tendencias internacionales. En la medida que avanzó la década, los artistas jóvenes se fueron alejando de la utopía ideológica convertida en ideología de masas, esforzándose por mantener su autonomía y capacidad crítica en un entorno altamente controlado, dando lugar intersecciones complejas entre arte y política. Los artistas jóvenes desarrollaron proyectos colectivos y cooperativos que crearon espacios artísticos independientes, investigaciones sociológicas participativas y el performance emergió como una estrategia privilegiada, que permitió llevar el arte directamente al público, evadiendo la censura estatal. Estos proyectos ampliaron el alcance del arte, transformaron a los espectadores en participantes y redefinieron la relación arte y la sociedad cubana. La politización del arte impuesta por el Estado trajo como consecuencia que todo arte que se produjo en Cuba se interpretara en clave política, ya sea de manera activa o pasiva. Esto condujo a las autoridades a creer que los jóvenes -nacidos y educados en la Revolución- no estaban comprometidos con el sistema. A pesar de su compromiso inicial con la Revolución, muchos artistas experimentaron censura y persecución; de este modo, la Revolución convirtió a su "potencial hombre nuevo" en el artista disidente y volvió a las tácticas represiva de las dos décadas anteriores, recrudeciendo la censura, persiguiendo y encarcelando a los artistas y, por último, empujándolos al exilio. / [CA] En aquesta investigació analitze com, a partir de 1984, en el panorama de les arts visuals cubanes, entra en escena una nova generació que, des de la pràctica artística, va jugar amb les estructures estètiques i conceptuals que sustenten l'objecte artístic i, des d'ací, va aconseguir obrir un debat que problematitzà temes tabús com la identitat nacional, el tracte a la figura dels herois, l'humor, la religiositat popular, la ideologització de la cultura, entre altres; que foren percebuts per les institucions oficials com a amenaça a l'hegemonia narrativa de l'Estat, que des del triomf de la revolució en 1959 es proposà domesticar els artistes i intel·lectuals. Sentències com "amb la revolució tot, contra la revolució res" definiren el rumb de la política cultural cubana, tornant-se progressivament més repressiva fins a l'arribada dels anys 80, període en el qual hi hagué una lleugera relaxació, oportunitat que aprofitaren els artistes joves per a obrir l'art cubà a tendències internacionals. A mesura que avançà la dècada, els artistes joves s'anaren allunyant de la utopia ideològica convertida en ideologia de masses, esforçant-se per mantindre la seua autonomia i capacitat crítica en un entorn altament controlat, donant lloc a interseccions complexes entre art i política. Els artistes joves desenvoluparen projectes col·lectius i cooperatius que crearen espais artístics independents, investigacions sociològiques participatives i la performance emergí com una estratègia privilegiada, que permeté portar l'art directament al públic, evitant la censura estatal. Aquests projectes ampliaren l'abast de l'art, transformaren els espectadors en participants i redefiniren la relació art i la societat cubana. La politització de l'art imposada per l'Estat portà com a conseqüència que tot art que es produí a Cuba s'interpretara en clau política, siga de manera activa o passiva. Això portà les autoritats a creure que els joves -nascuts i educats dins la Revolució- no estaven compromesos amb el sistema. Malgrat el seu compromís inicial amb la Revolució, molts artistes experimentaren censura i persecució. Consegüentment, la Revolució convertí el seu "potencial home nou" en l'artista dissident i tornà a les tàctiques repressives de les dues dècades anteriors, intensificant la censura, perseguint i empresonant els artistes i, finalment, empenyent-los a l'exili. / [EN] In this research, I analyze how, starting in 1984, a new generation entered the Cuban visual arts scene. Through artistic practice, this generation played with the aesthetic and conceptual structures that underpin the artistic object. In doing so, they initiated a debate that problematized taboo topics such as national identity, the treatment of heroic figures, humor, popular religiosity, and the ideological aspects of culture, among others. These issues were perceived by official institutions as a threat to the state's narrative hegemony. Since the triumph of the revolution in 1959, the state aimed to domesticate artists and intellectuals. Maxims like "with the revolution, everything; against the revolution, nothing" defined the course of Cuban cultural policy, progressively becoming more repressive until the arrival of the 1980s when there was a slight relaxation. This was an opportunity seized by young artists to open Cuban art to international trends. As the decade progressed, these young artists distanced themselves from the ideological utopia turned mass ideology. They strived to maintain their autonomy and critical capacity in a highly controlled environment, giving rise to complex intersections between art and politics. Young artists developed collective and cooperative projects that created independent artistic spaces. Participatory sociological investigations and performance emerged as privileged strategies, allowing art to reach the public directly and evade state censorship. These projects expanded the scope of art, transformed spectators into participants, and redefined the relationship between art and Cuban society. The state's imposition of art politicization resulted in all art produced in Cuba being interpreted through a political lens, either actively or passively. This led authorities to believe that young individuals, born and educated within the Revolution, were not committed to the system. Despite their initial commitment to the Revolution, many artists experienced censorship and persecution. Consequently, the Revolution turned its "potential new man" into a dissident artist and reverted to the repressive tactics of the two previous decades, intensifying censorship, pursuing and imprisoning artists, and ultimately pushing them into exile. / Estrada Tamayo, LP. (2024). Estética e ideología en las artes visuales cubanas de la generación de los 80 [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/207290