Anchored in affect theory, how power is understood through feelings rather than logic (Schaefer 2016), and civic imagination, the desire to create shared spaces to communicate hopes for the future (Jenkins, Peters-Lazaro & Shresthova 2020, s. 183), this paper aims to discuss two questions: How are political and/or social messages reproduced in entertainment media? What effect does it have to implement political messages and/or social issues in entertainment related media content?  Two music videos from Taylor Swift’s discography will be analyzed through a multimodal analysis: The man (2020), which addresses the gender equality issue, and You need to calm down (2019), which addresses hatred directed towards the HBTQ+-community. Edutainment, education through entertainment, is understood to be a good way of achieving attitude changes in society, since it targets the audience’s emotions rather than their rational mind, which is a more effective way to create engagement (Usdin, Scheepers, Goldstein & Japhet 2005). The media habits of younger generations are understood to adhere foremost to the individual’s interests, and media content is evaluated by its ability to entertain or its use for personal development (Boczkowski, Mitchelstein & Matassi 2018; Galan, Osserman, Parker & Taylor 2019).     This paper concludes that infotainment/edutainment imitates current discourses as well as challenge these from the perspective of civic imagination and the thought of a better future, with the help of storytelling through characters that are meant to evoke interest and engagement through emotions. / Med resonemang förankrade i affektteori, att makt upplevs och förstås genom känslor (Schaefer 2016), och begreppet civic imagination, strävan efter att skapa gemensamma utrymmen för att diskutera möjliga framtider (Jenkins, Peters-Lazaro & Shresthova 2020, s. 183), ämnar uppsatsen undersöka två frågor: Hur reproduceras politiska och/eller sociala budskap i nöjesmedia? Vilken effekt uppnås av att implementera politiska budskap och/eller sociala frågor i nöjesrelaterat medieinnehåll?   Med multimodal analys som metod analyserar uppsatsen två musikvideor från Taylor Swifts katalog: The man (2020) och You need to calm down (2019) som behandlar jämställdhetsfrågan respektive hat mot HBTQ+-rörelsen. Uppsatsens teoretiska utgångspunkt består i edutainment, kunskapsförmedling via underhållning, som Usdin, Scheepers, Goldstein och Japhet (2005), menar är ett bra sätt åstadkomma en attitydförändring i samhället, då det spelar an på mediekonsumenternas känslor istället för att presentera fakta och argument. En förståelse för dagens medievanor hämtas från Boczkowski, Mitchelstein och Matassi (2018) och Galan, Osserman, Parker och Taylor (2019), som beskriver att mediekonsumtion utgår från individens intressen och bedöms efter sitt underhållningsvärde och utvecklingsvärde.    Uppsatsen landar i förståelsen att infotainment/edutainment spelar an på befintliga diskurser, och utmanar dessa med hjälp av civic imagination för att introducera en alternativ, bättre värld, genom att berätta berättelser genom karaktärer för att engagera mediekonsumenternas känslor.

This study focused on the teaching of Civic Education in Zambia. Specifically, the study examined pedagogical practices in relation to the teaching of Civic Education in schools. It is argued in this study that following right pedagogical practices in the teaching of Civic Education can lead to social change and transformation of society. As such, the purpose of the study was to ascertain therefore the extent to which Civic Education was enhancing or impeding social change and transformation in society. In order to realize the objectives of the study, an exploratory research design was used. The study found out that Civic Education in schools was not modelled on practices that can lead to social change and transformation of society; service learning approaches were rarely promoted in Civic Education lessons; teaching approaches in colleges and the university with respect to Civic Education are greatly lacking; teaching and learning materials in Civic Education were not readily available in schools; teachers of Civic Education were not grounded in the key theoretical and pedagogical perspectives underpinning Civic Education. The study therefore concludes that with correct pedagogical practices and approaches Civic Education can lead to social change and transformation of society. / Educational Foundations / D. Ed. (Socio-Education)

This study focused on the teaching of Civic Education in Zambia. Specifically, the study examined pedagogical practices in relation to the teaching of Civic Education in schools. It is argued in this study that following right pedagogical practices in the teaching of Civic Education can lead to social change and transformation of society. As such, the purpose of the study was to ascertain therefore the extent to which Civic Education was enhancing or impeding social change and transformation in society. In order to realize the objectives of the study, an exploratory research design was used. The study found out that Civic Education in schools was not modelled on practices that can lead to social change and transformation of society; service learning approaches were rarely promoted in Civic Education lessons; teaching approaches in colleges and the university with respect to Civic Education are greatly lacking; teaching and learning materials in Civic Education were not readily available in schools; teachers of Civic Education were not grounded in the key theoretical and pedagogical perspectives underpinning Civic Education. The study therefore concludes that with correct pedagogical practices and approaches Civic Education can lead to social change and transformation of society. / Educational Foundations / D. Ed. (Socio-Education)

The focus of this investigation is civics in the Swedish upper secondary school. In addition to subject matter, civics is also an agent for democratic socialisation. The study explores and analyses the reflections of six teachers on their teaching about globalisation. These reflections, or voices, are researched through interviews and classroom observations. The starting point is the teachers’ description of content and goals in their teaching. The overall aim is to identify and analyse first and second order concepts in their teaching and analyse the relationship between the concepts and democratic socialisation. Despite the strong position of civics as one of the main subjects in school curricula very little research has been done. By focusing on one substantial case, globalisation, this study tries to reach beyond the various topics covered in civics. In order to understand civics teaching the researcher use the history didactic terms of first and second order concepts to find a new way to explore and understand civics. Manifested in the teachers’ voices are ideas on how to organise, analyse, interpret and critically review discourses in society. The second order concepts of civics found in the teachers’ voices are social science perspectives, social science causality, social science inference, social science evidence and social science abstraction. In order to reach their goals in civics the teachers underline the importance of using second order concepts. When pupils work more scientifically they develop a way of thinking about society and they have to challenge their set opinions about different topics. Therefore, the second order concepts are important for achieving civic literacy.

This diploma thesis introduces case study that deals with problems of professionalization of non-profit organization Atmosféra, o. s., organization arranging experience programs for elementary and secondary schools mainly in Zlín Region. The aim of this thesis is to analyze members' attitudes to professionalization of the organization and on the bases of this analysis to recommend and suggest procedure leading to improvement of services of the organization. Theoretical part describes problems of voluntary work and professionalization. Practical part contains research dealing with members' attitute to professionalization of the organization. Due to specialization of this thesis, I chose method of case study, in which I use qualitative research methods.

The study explores the meaning of knowing how to reason about justice in civics in upper secondary school. This is examined through the analysis of students’ conceptions of justice, and of their conceptions of civic reasoning about justice. It is also examined through the analysis of civic education practise. In the study, teaching was designed using Variation Theory and the theory of intersubjectivity in Activity Theory, and examined and evaluated in three Learning Studies. The empirical material consists of filmed and transcribed research lessons and interviews, as well as of written pre- and post-tests. The material was first analysed using phenomenography, and then analysed using content-oriented conversation analysis. Students’ conceptions of justice were found to move between the conception of justice as (A) a universal value, (B) a personal value or (C) a value of principle. Students’ conceptions of civic reasoning about justice were found to move between three conceptions: (a) reporting about justice, (b) analysing causes of different perspectives on justice or (c) critical reasoning about principles of justice. The critical aspects of knowing how to reason about justice in civics that students needed to discern were the relativity of justice, the basis for arguments for principles of justice and the analysing as well as the criticizing aspects of reasoning. The subject-knowledge that the teachers expressed in their teaching was one condition of the practise of civics that was found to be of importance for the students’ learning. Others were the assumed purpose of the practise of civics and a genuine need for the intended knowledge in the practice. Communicative actions that seem to facilitate these conditions are real learning tasks and a subject-specific language and variation of critical aspects as mediating tools. The findings are discussed in relation to theories of justice in political science and to the practise of civics education.

In this thesis I explore a novel context sensitive conceptualisation of civic duty according to which the conduct (or misconduct) of elected officials affects whether eligible voters feel either a duty to vote (DTV) or a duty to abstain (DTA). Specifically, I argue that under conditions of corruption the norm of electoral accountability may override peoples’ sense of DTV in which case they instead feel a DTA. This context sensitive account is contrasted with a Kantian account of civic duty according to which eligible voters feel a duty to always vote, regardless of contextual factors. The empirical results provides tentative support for the claim that corruption not only decreases eligible voters’ sense of DTV but also increases their sense of DTA. This thesis thus contributes not only to the advancement of the conceptualisation of civic duty in relation to voter turnout, but its results also has important implications for how the rational choice perspective approaches the cost/benefit analysis commonly associated with the voting decision. In the latter case these results indicate that abstainers too may act out of duty and can therefore be assumed to gain positive utility from their abstention. However, the possibility that abstention (just as voting) yields unique costs and benefits has to my knowledge never been acknowledged in the rational choice literature on voter turnout. I therefore conclude by presenting a novel suggestion of how the potential costs and benefits of abstention can be incorporated into the calculus of voting.

[ES] La presente tesis doctoral recoge una investigación basada en la práctica artística propia desarrollada entre 2017 y 2022, en el territorio de la comarca de l'Horta. Los trabajos y procesos que componen dicha investigación se inscriben principalmente en el ámbito de las prácticas en contexto, y presentan especial interés por los relatos, memorias y luchas asociadas a las transformaciones territoriales locales. A través de los proyectos L'Horta, ni oblit ni perdó (2017), Aturem la ZAL, recuperem La Punta (2018), Ara vindran les màquines. Relats subalterns de la València Sud (2018), La Retaguardia (2020) y A hores d'ara. Experiències i memòria de la defensa de l'Horta a través del seu arxiu (2022), esta investigación plantea explorar la capacidad que tienen las prácticas artísticas contextuales y colaborativas de generar rupturas en el relato histórico hegemónico, mediante la producción de dispositivos críticos y situados que posibiliten la visibilización y articulación de memorias subalternas. Asimismo, este trabajo propone investigar si dichas prácticas pueden contribuir a reforzar relaciones de apego y empatía con un territorio dado a través de la consolidación de contramemorias locales propias, así como procesos de afectación, dentro del contexto de la defensa de l'Horta de València. / [CAT] La present tesi doctoral recull una investigació basada en la pràctica artística pròpia desenvolupada entre 2017 i 2022, en el territori de la comarca de l'Horta. Els treballs i processos que composen aquesta investigació s'inscriuen principalment en l'àmbit de les pràctiques en context, i presenten especial interés pels relats, memòries i lluites associades a les transformacions territorials locals. A través dels projectes L'Horta, ni oblit ni perdó (2017), Aturem la ZAL, recuperem La Punta (2018), Ara vindran les màquines. Relats subalterns de la València Sud (2018), La Retaguardia (2020) i A hores d'ara. Experiències i memòria de la defensa de l'Horta a través del seu arxiu (2022), aquesta investigació planteja explorar la capacitat que tenen les pràctiques artístiques contextuals i col·laboratives de generar ruptures en el relat històric hegemònic, mitjançant la producció de dispositius crítics i situats que possibiliten la visibilització i articulació de memòries subalternes. Així mateix, aquest treball proposa investigar si aquestes pràctiques poden contribuir a reforçar relacions d'aferrament i empatia amb un territori donat a través de la consolidació de contramemòries locals pròpies, així com processos d'afectació, dins del context de la defensa de l'Horta de València. / [EN] This thesis presents a research based on artistic practice developed between 2017 and 2022, in the regional territory of l'Horta (València). The works and processes that make up this dissertation are mainly inscribed in the field of practices in context, and present special interest in the narratives, memories and struggles associated with local territorial transformations. The capacity of contextual and collaborative artistic practices is investigated in five different field studies; L'Horta, ni oblit ni perdó (2017), Aturem la ZAL, recuperem La Punta (2018), Ara vindran les màquines. Relats subalterns de la València Sud (2018), La Retaguardia (2020) and A hores d'ara. Experiències i memòria de la defensa de l'Horta a través del seu arxiu (2022). The totality of these projects serve to create generative ruptures in the hegemonic historical narrative, through the production of critical and situated devices making possible the visibilization and articulation of subaltern memories. Correspondingly, this work proposes how such practices can contribute to reinforce relationships of attachment and empathy with a given territory: through the consolidation of local counter-memories, as well as processes of affectation, within the context of the defense of l'Horta de València. / Florin, AMC. (2023). Ahora o nunca. Prácticas artísticas contextuales en torno a la defensa de l'Horta y su memoria [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/192824

Cette thèse traite de la formation progressive, à partir des années 1990, d’un tissu associatif dédié à l’eau potable et de la manière dont cette « nébuleuse bleue » contribue à la régulation du secteur. Elle analyse comment des usagers, ayant expérimenté un problème vis à vis du secteur de l’eau, se rassemblent en publics au sens de Dewey (1927) pour mener une enquête sociale à son propos. Ces individus s’indignent, s’engagent et acquièrent des connaissances et des compétences relatives à la gestion du service. Ils exercent, dans des registres à la fois critiques et contributifs, une régulation qui leur est propre et que nous qualifions de civique. Cette régulation civique est constituée de trois composantes complémentaires : la politisation de l’eau qui permet de maintenir une attention publique sur le sujet, l’exercice d’une vigilance sur les responsables du secteur, et la participation dans et hors des arènes prévues à cet effet. Cette régulation civique, qui s’exerce souvent en conflit avec les élus et les opérateurs, va agir sur le secteur de l’eau comme un contre-pouvoir démocratique au sens de Rosanvallon (2006) / This thesis focuses on the progressive creation of a “blue nebula”, an associative network dedicated to drinking water, and how it contributes to the regulation of its sector. It analyses how water users facing a problem gather in publics, as understood by Dewey (1927), in order to lead a social investigation. Those local activists express indignation, commit and proceed to the acquisition of knowledge and competencies for the service management. They exercise their own form of regulation, referred to now on as civic regulation. It consists of two faces, one being corrective and the other projective, and is composed of three complementary components: the politicisation which enables them to keep public attention on drinking water, the use of vigilance over the sector stakeholders, and civic participation. This civic regulation in the field of water management often expresses itself through conflict with local decision-makers and water operators, and can be conceived as a democratic counter-power (Rosanvallon, 2006).

Les ambassades des cités d’Asie Mineure constituent un poste d’observation commode pour qui veut apprécier les évolutions politiques et institutionnelles qui travaillèrent les communautés grecques de l’irruption des légions en Orient à la fin du Haut-Empire. Cette enquête portant sur un temps long permet notamment de cerner les évolutions dans les raisons qui poussaient les cités à en référer aux autorités romaines. Si l’institution du principat constitua une rupture indéniable en personnalisant les relations entretenues par les communautés de l’Orient grec avec une Rome conçue jusque-là par elles comme une puissance collective, il n’en reste pas moins que plusieurs éléments de permanence prouvent que la mue des ambassades civiques d’actes éminemment diplomatiques en faits purement administratifs n’était pas totalement réalisée à la fin du IIe siècle apr. J.-C. Les pratiques ambassadoriales ont quant à elles fortement évolué, car elles étaient tributaires des mutations institutionnelles, diplomatiques mais aussi sociales du monde romain. Toutefois, on a pu entrevoir à travers plusieurs phénomènes de contournement par les communautés grecques des normes diplomatiques romaines l’aspiration persistante des entités civiques à manifester une forme de vie extérieure, et donc un semblant d’autonomie à l’égard de Rome. Malgré l’apparition, notamment au sein des élites civiques, d’un discours dépréciatif condamnant l’envoi intempestif de délégations, dépêcher pour de bonnes raisons une ambassade à Rome permettait de donner à voir, non plus la liberté absolue de l’entité émettrice, mais le dialogue qu’elle était capable d’instaurer avec les maître du monde antique. / Asia Minor cities embassies are a good vantage point to assess political and institutional evolutions that went through Greek communities from the arrival of legions in the East to the end of the Early Empire. This investigation focuses on a long time scale that allows us to see evolutions in the reasons why cities would refer to Roman authorities. Principate institution was a break away in the relationships between oriental Greek communities and Rome, that they considered until then as a joint power. However, many continuities show that civic missions haven't quite shifted from being diplomatic acts to purely administrative facts at the end of the 2nd century. Ambassadorial practices have evolved a lot, being linked to institutional, diplomatic and social mutations of the Roman world. However, the several workarounds of Roman diplomatic rules can be seen as a persistent will for Greek communities to express their autonomy towards Rome. Despite the outbreak, especially among civic elites, of critical views towards inopportune delegations, sending a mission to Rome for good reasons would allow to show, not the complete freedom of the sending entity, but the dialog that it was able to establish with the masters of the antique world.