Cette enquête est partie du constat de la déshérence du nom de guerre lors des bombardements de l’OTAN contre la Serbie pour s’affirmer lors des guerres contre l’Afghanistan (2001) et l’Irak (2003). En effet, depuis la Serbie, des locutions telles que « maintien de l’ordre international », « militarisation de l’Empire », « guerre comme ordre permanent » se proposent comme les termes analytiques de ce que, ici, on persiste à appeler guerre. Ces locutions sont néanmoins à la base de thèses contradictoires : celle de la démultiplication de la guerre (tout est guerre), et celle de son abolition pour le terrorisme ou les violences civiles. Ces deux thèses présentent un point commun : l’impossibilité de singulariser la guerre pour elle-même et une entente sur la fin de son assignation étatique. Notre réponse aux thèses de la déshérence est de deux ordres. Le premier réside dans la décision de maintenir le nom de guerre, convaincue que l’élucidation du contemporain politique et guerrier passe par sa nomination et sa qualification. Ce maintien constitue la condition d’une enquête nous permettant de connaître, selon les occurrences, ce que le mot de guerre recouvre. Pour ce faire, c’est le second aspect de notre réponse, nous avions besoin d’un dispositif d’enquête : ce sera la démarche en termes de modes politiques de guerre nous permettant de qualifier différentes occurrences de pensées de la guerre en regard des conceptions singulières de la politique qui s’y déploient. Nous avons mis en œuvre cette démarche pour les pensées de Clausewitz, de Carl Schmitt, de Mao Zedong et de l’Administration Bush (2001-2003). / The present investigation...

Uppsatsens undersökande studie ämnar till att skapa en förståelse till varför två till synes diametralt motsatta politiska perspektiv kan sammanstråla, via två framträdande opinionsbildare, i sitt uttalade stöd till en och samma presidentkandidat. Analysen utgår ifrån tre olika policyområden för Trumps, 2016, presidentkandidatur, och hur Richard Spencer samt Stefan Molyneux förhåller sig till dessa. Spencer är en av den amerikanska alternativa högerns förgrundsfigurer och Molyneux en politisk opinionsbildare för voluntarism och anarko-kapitalism. De båda stödjer Trumps policyinriktningar fullt ut, stödet motiveras dock olika utifrån respektives teoretiska utgångspunkt, men det finns ändå tydliga föreningspunkter som binder dem samman som ger upphov till vad som skulle kunna hänvisas som anarko-fascism.

Thesis advisor: Andrew Prevot / Decisions: Political Theology and the Challenges of Postmodernity, argues that political theologies are both partially responsible for and responsive to the intrinsically related problems of racism, capitalism, and essentialist metaphysical thinking. Relying on dialectical materialist and post-structuralist theories, Decisions critically engages a wide range of classical and contemporary figures such as Karl Marx, Søren Kierkegaard, Carl Schmitt, Jacques Derrida, James Cone, Chantal Mouffe, Cornel West, Martin Hågglund, and Karl ove Knausgaard. These engagements are attentive to not only the particular theoretical and political decisions any one thinker makes, but also to the ways in which “decision” is itself understood as an important theoretical and political category. Although “decisionism” has become a popular motif in contemporary political theology, the concept remains under theorized. This is unfortunate, because contemporary ontological racisms and exploitative market structures aim to prevent political decisions: ontological racism decides in advance the essential “racial” characteristics of a person and market economies ensure that the distribution of goods is “decided” by the so- called invisible hand of the market. Moreover, both racisms and capitalism can imply an underlying modern metaphysics of substance and essence. While the postmodern critique of metaphysics is often read as a challenge to religion, this reading suggests that postmodernity presents an opportunity for the reemergence of an historical and politically engaged form of religion. Such an emancipatory and non-metaphysical approach can be found throughout various religious traditions, but is especially prominent amongst black political theologians working out of the Christian tradition. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Theology.

This dissertation examines jury nullification - the ability of American juries in particular criminal cases to ignore or override valid law to be applied to defendants by acquitting them in cases in which the facts are undisputed or clear - as an exercise of sovereignty over the friend-enemy distinction as those terms are defined by Carl Schmitt. It begins with a biography of Schmitt and a description of his concept of sovereignty as ultimate decisional power. It then discusses sovereignty in the American context, with particular attention to the principles of the Founding and the nature of the fictively constructed American people. It next applies Schmitt's concept of decisional sovereignty to the American context, concluding that sovereignty in America is diffuse, and its exercise by particular governmental actors is to some degree cloaked, and that the sovereignty of the American people, while crucial to the founding moment, is largely latent in ordinary times. This application of Schmitt to sovereignty in America also demonstrates the deep tension between democratic popular sovereignty and rule-of-law liberalism. The dissertation then turns to Schmitt's understanding of the distinction between friend and enemy as the central political axis, and argues that the criminal in the American context is functionally the enemy, if not the absolute enemy of the polity. It then discusses in detail the mechanics and history of jury nullification, ultimately concluding that jury nullification both operates at the crucial political moment at which enemies are generated (or not) through the application of criminal law to defendants, and is an act of popular sovereignty, intended by the Founders to help preserve a balance between democracy and liberalism by maintaining a central political role for the people.

This dissertation’s aim is to evaluate the Hegelian and Catholic foundations of Carl Schmitt’s National Socialist theory of law. In 1934 Schmitt called his theory “concrete order thinking,” in contrast to both normative and decisionist theories of law. On the one hand, Schmitt positively described Hegel’s state as a “concrete order of orders” where corporations mediated between state and civil society. Despite the incompatibility of the National Socialist concepts of the Führer principle and racial identity with Hegel’s theory, Schmitt saw in the National Socialist triadic structure (State, Movement, People) a common Hegelian heritage that overcomes the dualistic principles of state vs. civil society found in liberalism. On the other hand, going beyond this Hegelian heritage, Schmitt affirmed that a defense of concrete orders requires maintaining the proper distinction between a pluralism of concrete orders and a universalist divine order. After examining the Hegelian National Socialist jurist Karl Larenz’ view that Schmitt’s concrete order theory is made more coherent by rejecting an eternal divine order, I entertain the alternative hypothesis that the Catholic perspective makes concrete order theory more coherent. Under this hypothesis, I explore the political theology in Schmitt’s earlier writings and those of his Catholic contemporaries, where appeal is made to an analogy of proportionality between church and state as “perfect societies” to uphold the distinction between divine order and plural human “concrete orders.” I argue that this appeal excessively separates divine and concrete orders and fails to see them as united through an analogy of image and archetype. At this juncture I turn to corrective supplements by Schmitt’s contemporaries who explicitly emphasized the need to conjoin church and state more intrinsically. The most promising such avenue emphasizes the paradigm of Christ as a model for the relation of church and state. Once this Christological framework is affirmed, the immanence of the Führer principle and Hegelian state personality, as well as the separation entailed in analogy of proportionality, must fall away as incompatible with concrete order thinking. To some extent Schmitt recognizes this framework himself, but it is, I argue, insufficiently articulated and leaves his thought incomplete.

[pt] Esta tese de doutorado é um estudo sobre a política internacional de banimento, uma política internacional de criminalização e proscrição. A partir da leitura de alguns dos memorandos norte-americanos da Guerra contra o Terror, e influenciado pelo quase-conceito de rastro de Jacques Derrida, bem como pelo insight de Carl Schmitt sobre o dualismo exceção/regra, este trabalho segue certos rastros constitutivos daqueles documentos e, sobretudo, do status de combatente ilegal daqueles prisioneiros determinado ali. A partir destes rastros constitutivos da categoria de combatente ilegal, identificam-se os rastros da categoria de pirata na arquitetura político-jurídica da ordem internacional, e, a partir destes, os de uma alteridade excepcional que Schmitt identificou como a de um inimigo fora-da-lei, ou fora-da-lei da humanidade. Nesse sentido, destacam-se a alteridade e o espaço-tempo excepcionais do pirata, comentando-se seu ambíguo status político-jurídico – de fora-da-lei internacional e inimigo da humanidade (hostis humani generis) –, bem como seu banimento do espaço-tempo do sistema internacional moderno e da humanidade. A partir daí, e influenciado pelos estudos mais recentes de R. B. J. Walker sobre o fora constitutivo e as práticas soberanas de exclusão do sistema internacional moderno, identificam-se e comentam-se os rastros, sobretudo contemporâneos, da política internacional de criminalização e proscrição. E então, influenciado por aquele quase-conceito de rastro de Derrida, conclui-se este trabalho posicionando-o em relação a esta política internacional de banimento; ou seja, rastreando o Fora-da-lei da Humanidade. / [en] This PhD dissertation is a study on the international politics of outlawing, an international politics of criminalization and proscription. Starting from the reading of some of the US Memos on the War on Terror, and influenced by Jacques Derrida s quasi-concept of trace, as well as by Carl Schmitt s insight on the exception/rule dualism, this work follows certain traces which are constitutive of those documents and, most importantly, of the unlawful combatant status of those detainees as determined therein. Thus, from these constitutive traces of the category of unlawful combatant, this work identifies the traces of the category of the pirate within the political-legal architecture of the international order, and, from them, those of an exceptional alterity which Schmitt has identified as one of an outlaw enemy, or an outlaw of humanity. In this regard, it focuses on the exceptional alterity and space-time of the pirate, analyzing his ambiguous political-legal status – as both an international outlaw and an enemy of humankind (hostis humani generis) –, as well as his outlawry from the space-time of the modern international system and of humanity. From this analysis, then, and influenced by R. B. J. Walker s most recent studies on the constitutive outside and the exclusionary sovereign practices of the modern international system, it identifies and comments on the traces, most especially on the contemporary traces, of the international politics of criminalization and proscription. And then, influenced by that Derridian quasi-concept of trace, this PhD work concludes positioning itself in relation to this international politics of outlawing; that is, tracing the Outlaw of Humanity.

[pt] A presente pesquisa alinha-se com os estudos que investigam as transformações constitucionais e o pensamento constitucional contemporâneo. Tomando por ponto de partida a teoria de Günter Frankenberg, propõe-se uma adaptação do programa clássico da teoria da constituição a uma gramática normativa complexa, capaz de compreender outros pontos de vista, não só na esfera das relações intersubjetivas, como na esfera transnacional. A pesquisa, de caráter descritivo e prospectivo, teve a finalidade de propor a reabilitação do conflito, definido a partir do conceito de político, elaborado por Carl Schmitt em sua famosa obra de 1932. Assim, tomou-se por recorte deste estudo a janela de tempo que se inicia na República de Weimar e vai até os dias atuais. A premissa adotada é a de que a teoria da constituição se coloca de forma limitada ao não enxergar a continuidade no processo constituinte ao qual se vincula e pretende descrever. Embora a maior parte das ideias deste trabalho investigativo tenha sido originada em um ambiente jurídico e sociopolítico diferente, o intercâmbio destas reflexões e sua harmonização com o contexto brasileiro é, sem dúvida, de grande importância para o desenvolvimento do pensamento constitucional no Brasil. O constitucionalismo contemporâneo vive hoje o impasse do consenso: negar as divergências e buscar um único ideal de vida boa não permite realizar o devido arranjo dos conflitos no seio da sociedade. A tensa relação entre Direito, Política e Constituição encontra-se sobrecarregada com a demanda por integração de uma pluralidade de sociedades e culturas. O objetivo do presente trabalho é verificar se uma configuração contemporaneamente adequada desta relação pode passar pela reabilitação de uma teoria do conflito. / [en] This research aligns with studies investigating the constitutional changes and contemporary constitutional thought. Taking as a starting point Günter Frankenberg’s theory of constitution, we propose an adaptation of the classic program of the theory of constitution of a complex normative grammar, able to understand other points of view, not only in the sphere of interpersonal relations, as in the transnational sphere. The research, descriptive and prospective, aimed to propose the rehabilitation of the conflict, defined from the concept of politics, written by Carl Schmitt in his famous work of 1932. The premise adopted is that the theory of the constitution is placed in a limited way to not see the continuity in the constitutional process to which it links and is intended to describe. Although most of the ideas in this research work have been originated in a different sociopolitical and legal environment, the exchange of ideas and their harmonization with the Brazilian context is undoubtedly of great importance for the development of constitutional thought in Brazil. The contemporary constitutionalism is now living the breakthrough of consensus: to deny the differences and aim a single ideal of good life is incompatible with the conflicts within society. The tense relationship between law, politics and the Constitution is overwhelmed by the demand for integration that comes form a plurality of societies and cultures. The objective of this study is to verify that an adequate contemporary setting of this relationship can go through the rehabilitation of a theory of conflict.

Évènement exceptionnel, les attentats du 11 septembre ont marqué l'entrée de la politique mondiale dans l'ère de la crise du jihadisme international. Si l'apparition de la menace jihadiste est antérieure à 2001, l'attaque qaidiste perpétrée à l'encontre des États-Unis a en effet représenté un saut qualitatif d'envergure, en ce qu'elle a été synonyme d'agression commise par des acteurs privés aucœur de l'hyperpuissance d'après-Guerre froide, et en ce qu'elle a constitué le point de départ d'un essor considérable du péril jihadiste. De la destruction du World Trade Center aux attentats du 13 novembre, en passant par le rapt des lycéennes de Chibok ou l'érection de l'État islamique, le jihadisme en est ainsi arrivé à représenter un défi protéiforme et véritablement global. Ciblesprivilégiées des forces jihadistes, les démocraties libérales occidentales ont dès lors répondu à ce challenge en s'engageant dans une « guerre contre le terrorisme » aux facettes multiples (interventions armées, mesures antiterroristes, etc.). Si plusieurs intellectuels d'extrême gauche, inscrits dans une perspective de critique du libéralisme politique, ont considéré, en s'inspirant de la réflexion de Carl Schmitt, que les États occidentaux contemporains sont plongés dans un étatd'exception permanent, dont la lutte contre le jihadisme a constitué soit le déclencheur, soit le révélateur, nous estimons pour notre part, que cette thèse ne permet tout simplement pas de se faire une idée exacte des retombées juridico-politiques de l'anti-jihadisme post-11 septembre. D'où la nécessité de la discuter en procédant à l'étude approfondie des éléments contextuels et principiels auxquels elle renvoie. / Outstanding event, September 11 attacks marked the entrance of the world politics to the era of the threat of the international jihadism. If the appearance of this threat is previous in 2001, the qaidiste attack committed against the United States indeed represented a large-scale qualitative jump, in the fact that it was synonymic of aggression committed by private actors at the heart of the cold postwar hyperpower, and in the fact that it constitued the starting point of a considerable development of the jihadist danger. From the spectacular destruction of the World Trade Center to the attacks of November 13th, via the kidnapping of the high school students of Chibok or the erection of the Islamic State, the jihadism came to represent a really global challenge, in the forms as diverse asvaried. Privileged targets of the Jihadist strengths, the western liberal democracies have then answered this challenge by making a commitment in a multifaceted ''war against the terrorism'' (military interventions, antiterrorist measures, etc.). If several extreme left-wing intellectuals, registered in a perspective of critic of the political liberalism, considered, by being inspired by Carl Schmitt's reflection, that the contemporary western States are plunged into a permanent state of exception, which the fight against the jihadism constitued either the trigger, or the revelation, we consider for our part, that this thesis does not simply allow to be made an exact idea of the legal and political effects of the post-September 11's anti-jihadism. Where from the necessity of discussing it by proceeding to the in-depth study of the context and the principles to which refers.

Submitted by Biblioteca Central (biblioteca@unicap.br) on 2017-10-11T22:07:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_carmem_lucia_brito_tavares_barreto.pdf: 903660 bytes, checksum: 3ec8821b3b8abdaa36976406e4a41230 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-11T22:07:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_carmem_lucia_brito_tavares_barreto.pdf: 903660 bytes, checksum: 3ec8821b3b8abdaa36976406e4a41230 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002-01-30 / Departing from clinical experience, this study aims to comprehend the contemporary uneasiness. It shows the author's true testimony not only as a researcher, but also as a psychotherapist and supervisor. This research is based on disruptive clinical experiences by taking into account, as object for theoretical reflection, within the Person-Centered Approach, the Client-Centered Therapy. It makes a critical overview of the Client-Centered Therapy theory by analyzing Carl Rogers' concept of science as well as his conceptual path. Such analysis points to an insufficiency of the Actualizing Tendency and Anguish concepts toward sheltering and, at the same time, to promote a passage for the contemporary uneasiness. Thus, it indicates the need of another way to access and comprehend the fundamental and original human condition. Finally, this study presents Heidegger's anguish concept as a possible contribution to fertilize and re-signify the clinical praxis. As a result of such path, the author reveals her transitional moment of theoretical reflection, directing herself toward a psychological conception of clinic as "care" (Sorge), linked to a human existence theory conceived as an ethics of finitude acceptance, of transivity and conflicts. Such a theory demands a clinical praxis by conceiving a creation act as an opening to shelter something unknown, plenty of availability to carry forward onweself towards the "being-there” complexity. The author manifests that, in spite to have found some possible answers to her dislodged inquietude experience that motivated this actual work, its approached thematic, by its own complexity and dynamic involved, implies in an always present openness that instigate new sights and reflections, thus deserving further re-readings. / Este estudo tem como objetivo compreender o mal-estar contemporâneo partindo da experiência clínica. Traduz um verdadeiro testemunho da autora enquanto pesquisadora, psicoterapeuta e supervisora. Parte de inquietações desalojadoras experienciadas na clínica e utiliza como objeto de reflexão teórica a Abordagem Centrada na Pessoa, mais especificamente, a Terapia Centrada no Cliente. Realiza uma leitura crítica da teoria da Terapia Centrada no Cliente, analisando a concepção de ciência e a trajetória conceitual empreendida por Carl Rogers. Partindo dessa analise, aponta para a insuficiência dos conceitos de Tendência Atualizante e Angústia para acolher e dar passagem ao mal-estar contemporâneo, indicando a necessidade de uma outra via de acesso que apreenda a condição fundamental e originária do homem. Por fim, apresenta o conceito de angústia de Heidegger enquanto possível contribuição para fecundar e re-significar a prática clínica. Como resultado do percurso empreendido, a autora revela o momento de trânsito em que se encontra, encaminhando-se para uma clínica psicológica enquanto cuidar (Sorge), vinculada a uma teoria do existir humano que pode ser lida como uma ética de aceitação da finitude, da transitoriedade, e dos conflitos. Tal teoria enseja uma prática clínica, que envolva um ato de criação, como abertura de acolhimento para algo que não se conhece, com disponibilidade para se lançar nas complexidades do ser-aí. Aponta que, apesar de ter encontrado algumas respostas para as inquietações desalojadoras que motivaram o presente estudo, a temática abordada, pela sua complexidade e dinâmica própria, esteve e estará sempre aberta a novos olhares e leituras.

Phénoménologie de l'espace politique est une étude à la fois généalogique et phénoménologique d'un sujet auquel la philosophie ne se confronte que rarement, à savoir l'espace politique. Les principaux acteurs en sont Maurice Merleau-Ponty et Jan Patočka. Il s'agit donc d'une thèse de philosophie contemporaine, pour ce qui concerne les auteurs étudiés, tandis que l'objet de notre recherche est politique - comme en témoigne le fait que même l'expression «espace politique» n'est pas utilisée dans le domaine philosophique. Puisque notre objectif est de conduire une recherche à la fois politique et phénoménologique sur l'espace politique, il sera essentiel de l'aborder simultanément de ces deux points de vue. Il s'agira en effet de tracer une généalogie de l'espace politique, précédée par une étude phénoménologique du concept d'espace et de celle de mouvement. Nous en tirerons l'idée centrale de la partie plus proprement politique, à savoir l'opposition, dans la pensée politique moderne, entre apparition et représentation, ou en d'autres termes, entre immédiateté et médiation, que l'on peut trouver respectivement chez Machiavel et Hobbes et chez les auteurs qui, au XXe siècle, ont étudié leurs œuvres, notamment Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Jan Patočka et Carl Schmitt. C'est à partir de ces concepts d'apparition et de représentation, et de leur opposition, que nous allons développer une analyse à la fois phénoménologique et politologique de l'espace politique. / Phenomenology of Political Space is an attempt to provide both a genealogical and a phenomenological account of a subject that philosophy rarely confronts, namely political space. Our analysis thus encompasses all the dimensions of political space - political, historical, geographical, and juridical - without dismissing any of them. It aims at showing the intrinsic connection between phenomenology and modern and contemporary political thought. It does so by identifying the two opposing models of political space, respectively shaped by Machiavelli and Hobbes, which we claim correspond to two opposing systems of visibility: a logic of appearance versus a logic of representation. It then moves to the contemporary phenomenological approach and gives both a phenomenology of movement and a phenomenology of political space. The central idea is the opposition, in modern and contemporary political thought, between appearance and representation, or in other words, between immediacy and mediation, as the terms are used respectively by Machiavelli and Hobbes, as well as by other authors who, in the twentieth century, studied their works (Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Jan Patočka, Carl Schmitt). Our current research focuses on both their conceptions of movement, desire and fear; and on their interpretation of political space.