The contemporary society is in many ways a society of consumers where individuals consume to satisfy their desires at the expense of our world’s health for our future generations. Consumption and a pro-environmental lifestyle have a polarized relationship and research indicates that society needs a change. Consumption should take place in decreased amounts and in a way that emphasizes the environment. Education has proven to have a positive effect on behavioral changes in individuals towards a lifestyle that emphasizes the environment. The aim of this quantitative essay is to study the importance of cultural and economic resources for an environmentally friendly lifestyle. In addition, it examines how environmentally oriented consumption, degree of consumption, consumerism and concern for the environment are in relation to a lifestyle that emphasizes the environment by recycling. The study’s theoretical frame of reference is based on Bauman’s theory of the society of consumers and Bourdieu’s concepts of the social space, capital and habitus. Data material retrieved from the Swedish National Data Service collected for the SOM-Survey 2018 is used and analyzed through univariate, bivariate analysis and multiple regression analyzes. Results show that higher capital, especially cultural, has a positive impact on individual pro-environmental lifestyles. In addition, the individual's environmentally friendly lifestyle increases through positioning such as shopping eco-labeled products, shopping secondhand and through concern for the environment. Shopping more than you can afford turns out to have a negative impact. / Samhället vi lever i idag är på många sätt ett konsumtionssamhälle där individer konsumerar för att mätta sina begär på bekostnad av vår världs hälsa för våra kommande generationer. Konsumtion och en miljöfrämjande livsstil har ett polariserat förhållande och tidigare forskning pekar på att samhället behöver en förändring. Konsumtionen bör ske i minskad volym och på ett sätt som framhåller miljön. Utbildning har visat sig ha en positiv effekt på beteendeförändringar hos individerna mot en livsstil som framhåller miljön. Denna kvantitativa uppsats har som syfte att studera vilken betydelse kulturella och ekonomiska resurser har för en miljöfrämjande livsstil. Därtill undersöks hur miljöinriktad konsumtion, grad av konsumtion, konsumism och oro för miljön står i relation till en livsstil som framhåller miljön genom att återvinna. Undersökningens teoretiska referensram utgår från Baumans teori om konsumtionssamhället samt Bourdieus begrepp det sociala rummet, kapital och habitus. Ett datamaterial som hämtats från Svensk Nationell Datatjänst insamlat till SOM-undersökningen 2018 används och analyseras genom univariat, bivariat analys samt multipla regressionsanalyser. Resultat visar att högre kapital, i synnerhet kulturellt, har ett positivt samband med en miljöfrämjande livsstil. Därtill ökar individens miljöfrämjande livsstil genom positioneringar som att handla kravmärkt, handla secondhand samt genom en oro för miljön. Att handla för mer än man har råd med visar sig ha en negativ påverkan.

Den här studien undersöker nyhetstidningarnas del i kontexten för hur ansvar för klimatkrisen formas i det svenska samhället. Detta görs genom att studera hur två av de största nyhetstidningarna i Sverige, Dagens Nyheter och Aftonbladet, framställer olika aktörers ansvar för klimatkrisen i sina nyhetsartiklar. Det är relevant att studera nyhetstidningarnas ansvarsbeläggning för klimatkrisen då tidigare forskning har visat att nyhetsmedier kan påverka både uppfattningen om ämnen i samhället samt attityder och beteenden i relation till de ämnena. Studiens avsikt är därför att bidra till förståelse för hur nyhetstidningarnas ansvarsbeläggning av klimatkrisen kan påverka uppfattningen om ansvar och således hanteringen av klimatkrisen i samhället. Materialet analyseras utifrån gestaltningsteorin och miljökommunikationsforskningens syn på miljökommunikation som formande av miljön. Resultatet visar på att artiklarna till störst del ansvarsbelägger politiska aktörer, att företags ansvar förskjuts till politiska aktörer eller fördelas mellan politiska aktörer där företagen då får minst ansvar, samt att individers ansvar knappt gestaltas. Slutsatsen är att nyhetstidningarna inte ansvarsbelägger väsentliga aktörer i klimatkrisen lika mycket, vilket kan ses som problematiskt då klimatforskning menar att alla aktörer i samhället måste agera. / This study examines the part that Swedish newspapers play in the context of constructing responsibility for the climate crisis in Swedish society. This is done by studying how two of the biggest newspapers in Sweden, Dagens Nyheter and Aftonbladet, portray different actors’ responsibilities in the climate crisis in their news articles. It is of high relevance to study newspapers’ distribution of responsibility since previous research has shown that news media can affect both the perception of events and topics in society, as well as attitudes and behaviours in regards to those events and topics. Therefore, this study aims to contribute to a better understanding of how the newspapers’ distribution of responsibility can affect the perception of responsibility as well as the management of the climate crisis in the Swedish society. The material is analyzed through the theory of framing and the environmental communication research’s view that communication about the environment shapes the perception and therefore the form of the environment. The result shows that news articles mainly give responsibility to political actors, that companies’ responsibility is pushed over to political actors or placed between both companies and political actors where companies get the lesser responsibility, and that individuals are given a minimal amount of responsibility. The main conclusion is that the newspapers do not distribute responsibility evenly among the essential actors, which can be seen as problematic since climate research mean that all actors in society must act to solve the climate crisis.

Denna studie undersöker Instagrams roll i klimatfrågan och hur dess funktioner fungerar för att sprida information om klimatkrisen bland generation Z. Studien fokuserar på detta begränsade ämnesområde eftersom det är en av vår tids viktigaste frågor. Rapporten undersöker hur unga människor upplever, tar emot och interagerar med klimatrelaterat innehåll på Instagram. Det har även undersökts hur interaktion med innehållet påverkar möjligheten att åstadkomma förändring utanför plattformen. Studien utfördes genom att ta del av tidigare forskning samt utföra en kvantitativ enkätundersökning och en kvalitativ fokusgruppintervju. Vår slutsats är att även om det finns utmaningar med att använda Instagram som en plattform för klimataktivism, finns det också stora möjligheter. Genom att presentera klimatrelaterat innehåll på ett tillgängligt och relaterbart sätt kan Instagram spela en ännu viktigare roll i att öka medvetenheten om klimatkrisen och främja större kollektiv handling. För att uppmuntra engagemang bland generation Z föreslår studien även att Instagram fortsätter utveckla sina funktioner för att göra det lättare för användare att hitta och dela klimatrelaterat innehåll, samt förbättra hanteringen av källor och information. / This study examines Instagram's role in the climate crisis and how its features work to spread information about the climate crisis among generation Z. The study focuses on this limited area because it is one of the most important issues of our time. The report investigates how young people experience, receive, and interact with climate-related content on Instagram. It has also been examined how interaction with the content affects the ability to achieve real change. The study was conducted by reviewing previous research and conducting a quantitative survey study and a qualitative focus group interview. Our conclusion is that although there are challenges in using Instagram as a platform for climate activism, there are also great opportunities. By presenting climate-related content in an accessible and relatable way, Instagram can play an important role in raising awareness about the climate crisis and promoting collective action. To encourage engagement among generation Z, the study also suggests that Instagram continues to develop its features to make it easier for users to discover and share climate-related content, as well as improve source and information management.

Modern protest movements rely on digital activism on social media, which serves as a conduit for mobilization. In the social media landscape, internet memes have emerged as a popular practice of expressing political protest. Although it is known that social media facilitates mobilization, researchers have neglected how distinct types of content affect mobilization. Moreover, research regarding users’ perspectives on mobilization through memes is lacking. To close these research gaps, this study investigates memes in the context of climate protest mobilization. Based on the four-step model of mobilization, a survey of users who create and share memes related to the Fridays for Future movement on social media (N = 325) revealed that the prosumption of climate crisis memes increases users’ issue involvement and strengthens their online networks. These factors serve as crucial mediators in the relationship between users’ prosumption of climate crisis memes and political participation. The results suggest that mobilization through memes is effective at raising awareness of political issues and strengthening online discussion networks, which means that it has strategic potential for protest movements. By looking at memes from the perspective of their creators and examining a specific type of social media content, this study contributes to the literature on digital mobilization.

[pt] A sociedade de risco simboliza o momento civilizatório atual, em que os efeitos secundários não desejados de uma modernização exitosa (para os que com ela se beneficiam, frise-se) se tornaram incontroláveis. Mais do que isso. Vive-se atualmente em um mundo em metamorfose, no qual as certezas da sociedade moderna estão sendo solapadas diante de eventos globais significativos (Beck, 2017), como as mudanças climáticas e a pandemia do Covid-19. Dessa forma, não se pode prever, mesmo diante de todo o avanço do conhecimento técnico-científico, qual será o impacto dessa crise humanitária avassaladora que atinge a todos e ressalta a efemeridade do ser humano diante dos efeitos colaterais do mundo moderno. Embora os riscos climáticos apresentem uma tendência globalizante e um efeito equalizador, a distribuição de tais riscos costuma seguir a lógica da vulnerabilidade local, ocorrendo de forma socialmente desigual e injusta. A articulação da teoria do risco com o movimento da justiça ambiental e climática possibilita questionar a iniquidade na distribuição de riscos ambientais, em especial os climáticos, além de introduzir importantes ferramentas conceituais que problematizam a privatização de bônus e a socialização de ônus decorrentes da exploração de atividades poluentes. As instituições, como o Estado e o próprio Direito, que deveriam regulamentar e controlar a sua produção e externalidade, acabam produzindo uma espécie de normalização de riscos, de modo a legitimar os conflitos resultantes de situações de injustiça socioambiental, fenômeno que Ulrich Beck (1995) denomina de irresponsabilidade organizada. A insuficiência de respostas domésticas à produção de riscos globais e a ausência de coercitividade do direito internacional sinalizam o relevante papel que os Tribunais em todo o mundo – apesar das limitações e contradições inerentes ao próprio Poder Judiciário enquanto instituição estatal – estão sendo instados a atuar na governança climática, decidindo ações em que se discutem lacunas legislativas e regulatórias, descumprimento de metas de redução e compromissos climáticos, sob a releitura de direitos fundamentais no tratamento de conflitos climáticos, à luz do chamado constitucionalismo climático. Utiliza-se o método indutivo e a metodologia de pesquisa se baseia, além da análise da previsão normativa, na revisão bibliográfica nacional e internacional e no estudo dos precedentes judiciais brasileiros e estrangeiros de maior repercussão envolvendo matéria climática. Espera-se que a análise articulada da teoria da sociedade de risco e do movimento da justiça ambiental aliado à perspectiva climática forneça importantes subsídios teóricos para a confirmação da hipótese levantada nesta tese, a saber: se (e como) a litigância climática pode representar uma importante estratégia de promoção da justiça climática para contribuir para a redução das desigualdades socioambientais resultantes da produção e externalização injusta e desigual de riscos climáticos, mediante aplicação de ferramentas já existentes no sistema jurídico pátrio voltadas à prevenção e reparação de impactos e danos climáticos. / [en] The risk society symbolizes the current civilizational moment, in which the unwanted side effects of successful modernization (for those who benefit from it, it should be noted) have become uncontrollable. More than that. We currently live in a world in metamorphosis, in which the certainties of modern society are being undermined in the face of significant global events (Beck, 2017), such as climate change and the Covid-19 pandemic. In this way, it is not possible to predict, even in the face of all the advance of technical-scientific knowledge, what will be the impact of this overwhelming humanitarian crisis that affects everyone and highlights the ephemerality of the human being in the face of the side effects of the modern world. Although climate risks have a globalizing trend and an equalizing effect, the distribution of such risks usually follows the logic of local vulnerability, occurring in a socially unequal and unfair way. The articulation of risk society theory with the environmental and climate justice movement makes it possible to question the inequity in the distribution of environmental risks, especially climatic ones, in addition to introduce important conceptual tools that problematize the privatization of bonds and the socialization of burdens resulting from the exploitation of polluting activities. Institutions, such as the State and the legal system, which should regulate and control the production and the externality of these risks, end up producing a kind of risk normalization, in order to legitimize conflicts resulting from situations of socio-environmental injustice, a phenomenon that Ulrich Beck (1995) calls organized irresponsibility. The insufficiency of domestic responses to the production of global risks and the lack of coerciveness of international law signal the relevant role that Courts around the world - despite the limitations and contradictions inherent to the Judiciary itself as a state institution - are being urged to act in climate governance, deciding actions that discuss legislative and regulatory gaps, non-compliance with reduction targets and climate commitments, under the reinterpretation of fundamental rights in the treatment of climate conflicts, in the light of the so-called climate constitutionalism. The inductive method is used and the research methodology is based, in addition to the analysis of applied legislation, on the national and international bibliographic review and on the study of Brazilian end foreign judicial precedents of greater repercussion involving climate matters. It is expected that the articulated analysis of the risk society theory and the environmental justice movement allied to the climate perspective will provide important theoretical support to confirme the hypothesis raised in this thesis, namely: if (and how) climate litigation can represent a important strategy to promote climate justice to contribute to the reduction of socio-environmental inequalities resulting from the unjust and unequal production and externalization of climate risks, through the application of existing tools in the national legal system aimed at preventing and repairing climate impacts and damages.

[pt] O objetivo da dissertação é analisar criticamente o uso do conceito do Antropoceno pela linha crítica de teoria das Relações Internacionais. Isso se faz com um foco específico na origem do conceito em Ciência do Sistema Terrestre (CST), e através de uma discussão geral sobre autoridade científica atribuída à ciência moderna e suas conexões com práticas de world-making, entendidas especificamente como cosmologias científicas, e em relação com mobilização de propostas na política internacional. Nesse sentido, a discussão explora a construção de CST e propõe a formulação do Antropoceno como relacionada com os comprometimentos políticos dessa disciplina – a partir daí, sugere-se o uso da problematização Foucaultiana como forma de análise das soluções políticas ao Antropoceno propostas pela disciplina. A seguir, a dissertação conecta as Ciências do Sistema Terrestre com outros momentos de desenvolvimento da ciência moderna com o âmbito de mover uma discussão geral sobre o poder de uma autoridade científica legitimar formas de política internacional através de práticas de world-making. Com isso, a discussão expande em dois mundos e formulações de política internacional possíveis advindos de distintas interpretações do Antropoceno. Finalmente, no que se refere à literatura de Relações Internacionais, a dissertação avalia como a apropriação do conceito de Antropoceno a partir de CST é realizada, prestando atenção especificamente na chamada por uma mudança na ontologia da disciplina e na relação entendida como desejável entre teoria e prática política presente na literatura, ambos elementos associados à CST. Por último, a noção de problematização é retomada para se analisar as soluções políticas e intelectuais propostas pela literatura Crítica de Relações Internacionais em sua mobilização do Antropoceno. / [en] This dissertation attempts to critically analyze the mobilization of the concept of the Anthropocene by Critical International Relations literature. It does so with a particular focus on the origins of the concept within Earth System Sciences (ESS), and within a more general discussion over the scientific authority of modern science and its connections to practices of world-making - discussed specifically in terms of scientific cosmologies - and propositions over international politics. As such, the discussion explores the construction of ESS and the formulation of the Anthropocene as related to the political commitments of the discipline and proposes the use of the Foucauldian problematization to analyze the political solutions stemming from the discipline. Then, the dissertation connects Earth System Sciences to other scientific endeavors, in a different historical context in order to move a more generalized discussion on the power of scientific authority to inform international politics through world-making practices. With that, the discussion lays out two possible worlds and political implications stemming from interpretations of the Anthropocene. Finally, within IR literature the dissertation assesses how the appropriation of the Anthropocene is conducted, paying particular attention to the call for an ontological shift within the discipline and to the specific relationship between theory and political action present in the literature, both elements connected to ESS. At last, the notion of problematization is brought back in order to analyze the intellectual and political solutions brought forth by Critical IR in their mobilization of the Anthropocene.

The consequences of the climate crisis and the increasing energy demand make the energy transi-tion crucial and necessary. Green hydrogen has a significant potential for a low-carbon energy transition. New policies and strategies emerge in line with energy transition and hydrogen poli-cies. This study has presented a model-based outline for the global green hydrogen supply and trade infrastructure in 2050 focusing on supply cost and potential using a cost minimization linear pro-gramming (LP) model which is implemented in the General Algebraic Modeling System (GAMS) with two scenarios. The results of the Hydrogen Policies Scenario are presented which examines today's hydrogen strategies and initiatives, as well as where the evolution of current technologies could take the hydrogen and energy sectors in 2050. The global hydrogen trade volume reaches 605 Mt (megaton) hydrogen trade per year, with North Africa dominating at 210 Mt. In conclusion, solar power and pipeline infrastructure will be the decisive force of the expansion of the global hydrogen trade.:Concept Methods Hydrogen Policies Conclusion Results

Climate change poses paramount challenges to our world. While more developed nations in the West are not without harm, among the hardest hit are vulnerable indigenous islanders in the South Pacific. Without sufficient action, Pacific Island nations might become uninhabitable, or practically disappear, in the near future (Belson, 2018). To manage the crisis, leaders across the world have united under supranational agreements in efforts to provide development assistance. In Fiji, this has resulted in an international development campaign anchored in Western ideals, often embracing technocentric and hard engineering solutions. To manage the climate crisis in an indigenous Fijian context, this work argues that sustainable development efforts must embrace indigenous knowledge, and that planning, and planners, can play a crucial part. Through diary entries and fieldnotes, I invite the reader on my journey through Fiji to explore current adaption and mitigation efforts, examine their impact on the indigenous Fijian way of life (bula vakavanua), and propose a way for planning and planners to embrace alternative notions of sustainability in development. As a result, this work promotes development that not only safeguards indigenous land, but the values and traditions under which indigenous land is governed.

The aim of this study is to explore and understand the motivations for belonging to the Facebook community ‘Living Off-Grid in Spain’ and how collaborative media is used for facilitating off-grid living and societal change. Two main theoretical frameworks are used for analyzing the empirical material of this study. The Uses & Gratifications (U&G) theory is applied to identify the uses and motivations for belonging to the community. And the concept of Community of Practice (CoP) is applied for understanding in what ways the community members use collaborative media to support each other in the practice of planning and executing sustainable off-grid living. The methodological approach contains a voluntary sampling of the population and a mixed-strategy survey for collecting both quantitative and qualitative data about the members and their engagement in the community. The study shows that a new U&G typology is needed for defining the motivations for participating in online communities where collaborative learning is a centerpiece. Additional uses such as Learning, Problem-solving, Inspiration, and Mentoring are proposed for further media studies in this field. And the characteristics of CoP serve to identify the importance that shared practices and mutual engagement have for the success of continuous knowledge exchange in online communities, a field that also would gain value from further media studies.

This thesis explores how the Lacanian concept of ‘the enjoyment of the Other’ (la jouissance de l’Autre) can be applied to break open normative understandings of the political factors shaping the climate crisis deadlock. The principal aim is to investigate how ostensibly disconnected environmental debates may be regarded as linked by an economy of enjoyment, more precisely by the promise of enjoyment by which the subject is libidinally attached to an ideology. Analysis of text proceeds by way of a psychoanalytic critique of ideology on two case studies from UK news media, namely, i) the development of onshore wind turbines and, ii) the appearance of direct-action environmentalist groups, in particular the activities of the group Just Stop Oil. This thesis finds that rhetorical devices across the discourses analysed are sustained by an ideological belief that the subject’s enjoyment has been stolen or ruined by the Other, that is, the external symbolic framework of language, morals and other people that shapes and influences subjectivity. On the one hand it is argued that the mediatisation of the climate crisis in terms of the enjoyment of the Other, that is, the belief that the Other has access to a full enjoyment which the subject is denied, portrays environmental politics as an empty display or ‘spectacle.’ On the other hand, it is suggested that the experience of environmental politics as a spectacle is a symptom of the decline of the state’s symbolic role in late capitalism.