Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruth Olivier Moreira Manus.pdf: 1409871 bytes, checksum: d11a1d0fae8b5afaab09aa2aa3f9bfdc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-28 / According to recent data from the International Labour Organisation, Brazil is the country with the highest number of domestic workers in the world. This fact makes the Organization to deliver a special look to Brazil about this issue. Recently approved, the Brazilian Constitutional Amendment No. 72/2013 expands the list of rights of domestic workers in the country. Therefore, this research analyses if this new Brazilian protection law suits the guidelines of the International Labour Organization, especially in regard to the content of Convention 189 and Recommendation 201, which have not yet been ratified by Brazil. This research situates the real dimension of the extension of international protection in order to deliver a critical analysis of the Constitutional Amendment adopted by Brazil. Also, it seeks to understand how Brazil, a developing country with a historical culture of slavery, can walk towards a fair and appropriate protection towards these workers / O Brasil é o país do mundo que mais concentra trabalhadores domésticos, de acordo com dados recentes da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT). Esse fato faz com que a Organização dispense um olhar especial ao Brasil, no que tange ao referido tema. Recentemente, foi aprovada a Emenda Constitucional n. 72/2013, ampliando o rol de direitos de tais trabalhadores em território brasileiro. Ante a essa perspectiva, analisa-se, neste presente estudo, se essa proteção se adequa às diretrizes da OIT, especialmente no que diz respeito ao teor da Convenção 189 e da Recomendação 201, que ainda não foram ratificadas no Brasil. Situa-se, com isso, a real dimensão da extensão da proteção internacional por meio de uma compilação que tem como base uma análise crítica da alteração constitucional aprovada em nosso País. Trata-se, portanto, de pesquisa que busca entender como o Brasil, país em desenvolvimento e de cultura escravocrata, pode caminhar na direção de uma proteção que seja, para essa parcela da população, justa e adequada

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula Eschholz Ribeiro Brofman.pdf: 1151614 bytes, checksum: a186fd296cea5e452de8a361dae95cb5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-16 / Constitutional Amendment No. 33, dated December 12, 2001 changed the wording of art. 155, § 2, section IX, paragraph a, of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988. Unsurprisingly the commitment of the states and the Federal District for all tax and any entry of goods and commodities in the country. They lacked, however, a constitutional approval for this. It was then that the Constitutional Amendment 33 modified the constitutional archetype of ICMS in order to make it focus on any entry of goods or merchandise in the country. These changes resulted in heated debates on the doctrine of the Tax Law, which saw the creation of a new tax, in the guise of ICMS, enter the legal world through an Amendment to the Constitution. Is that musty derived constituent power is not fully free to modify the constitution to their own pleasure, there are parameters set by the original power that must be respected, otherwise it would incur unconstitutional. Thus, this paper intends to perform a syntactic, semantic and pragmatic analysis of the exaction in order to demonstrate the main changes brought about by Constitutional Amendment No. 33, 2001, marginalized original guidelines and the consequent alterations to the unconstitutionality of the import-ICMS / A Emenda Constitucional nº 33, de 12 de dezembro de 2001 alterou a redação do art. 155, § 2º, inciso IX, alínea a, da Constituição Federal de 1988. Não é novidade o empenho dos Estados e Distrito Federal em tributar toda e qualquer entrada de bens e mercadorias no país. Faltava-lhes, no entanto, uma aprovação constitucional para isso. Foi então, que a Emenda Constitucional nº 33 modificou o arquétipo constitucional do ICMS, a fim de fazê-lo incidir sobre toda e qualquer entrada de bens ou mercadorias em território nacional. Tais mudanças trouxeram calorosos debates na doutrina do Direito Tributário, que viu a criação de um novo imposto, sob as vestes do ICMS, ingressar no universo jurídico por meio de Emenda à Constituição. É cediço que o poder constituinte derivado não é totalmente livre para modificar o texto constitucional ao seu bel-prazer, há parâmetros estabelecidos pelo poder originário que devem ser respeitados, sob pena de se incorrer em inconstitucionalidade. Diante disto, este trabalho pretende realizar uma análise sintática, semântica e pragmática da exação, a fim de demonstrar as principais mudanças trazidas pela Emenda Constitucional nº 33, de 2001, as diretrizes originais marginalizadas e a consequência dessas alterações no ICMS-Importação

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiano Stefanoni Redondo.pdf: 528934 bytes, checksum: 8c12328dd5aa339df2c262010954dc47 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-09-20 / Certain that has received a review Montesquieu adapting it to the aspirations and social dynamism, so that the division of powers can respond with greater agility and speed expectations of the Company, however, emphasize the need to maintain a fair balance between the powers, fundamental point, to ensure that national and perpetuate democracy; However, we are faced with the political scene, whose Democracy was built based on precepts and fears of a totalitarian recent past, whose effects were perpetuated during the Constituent Assembly and, consequently, the Constitution of 1988 which brought in its wake traces of control and concentration of power primarily to the Executive, with emphasis on the legislative process, and especially with the adaptation of the Institute of decree-Law, Constitutional Law, originating in Brazil in 1937, resumed in 1965 and resurfaced in the mold of Italian decree-law in Federal Brazilian Constitution dated 1988, identified an atrophy of the national legislative power in the legislature; Faced with this scenario, confronted the historical development of the country, both in the doctrinal, legal and social, highlighting the importance of the Legislature for Democracy and proposing, in an attempt at least to minimize the effects of the supremacy of the Executive time as can be observed during the study, this trend is over by proving inevitable media aimed at strengthening the Congress. / Certo que a teoria de Montesquieu tem merecido uma reanálise adequando-a aos anseios e ao dinamismo social, para que a divisão dos poderes consiga responder com maior agilidade e presteza as expectativas da sociedade, no entanto, ressalta-se a necessidade de manter um justo equilíbrio entre os poderes, fundamental ponto, para que garanta e perpetue a democracia nacional. Ao nos deparamos com o cenário político brasileiro, cuja democracia foi construída embasada em preceitos e receios de um passado recente totalitário, cujos efeitos se fizeram perpetuar no decorrer da assembleia constituinte e, consequentemente, na constituição de 1988 que trouxe no seu bojo resquícios de controle e concentração de poder primordialmente para o executivo, com ênfase no processo legislativo e, sobretudo, com a adaptação do instituto do decreto-lei, originário no direito constitucional brasileiro em 1937, retomado em 1965 e ressurgido nos moldes do decreto-legge italiano na constituição de 1988, identificamos uma atrofia do poder normativo no legislativo nacional. Diante de tal cenário, confrontou-se a evolução histórica do país, tanto na esfera doutrinária, legal e social, evidenciando a importância do poder legislativo para a democracia e propondo, na tentativa, ao menos, de minimizar os efeitos da supremacia do executivo, vez que conforme pode ser observado no decorrer do estudo, tal tendência acaba-se por provar inevitável, meios que visem o fortalecimento do congresso nacional.

The 1980s witnessed a judicial “rights revolution” in Canada characterized by the Supreme Court of Canada striking down both federal and provincial legislation which violated the rights guaranteed by the 1982 Charter of Rights. The lack of a similar judicial “rights revolution” in the wake of the 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights has largely been attributed to the structural difference between the two instruments with the latter – as a “mere” statute of the federal parliament – providing little more than a canon of construction and (unlike the Charter) not empowering the courts to engage in judicial review of legislation. Yet this view contrasts starkly with how the Bill was portrayed by the Diefenbaker government, which argued that it provided for judicial review and would “prevail” over other federal legislation. Many modern scholars have dismissed the idea that the Bill could prevail over other federal statutes as being incompatible with the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. That is, a bill of rights could only prevail over legislation if incorporated into the British North America Act. As such, they argue that the Diefenbaker government could not have intended the Bill of Rights to operate as anything more than a canon of construction. However, such a view ignores the turbulence in constitutional thinking on parliamentary sovereignty in the 1930s through 1960s provoked by the Statute of Westminster. This era produced the doctrine of “self-embracing” sovereignty – in contrast to traditional “Dicey” sovereignty – where parliament could limit itself through “ordinary” legislation. The effective author of the Canadian Bill of Rights, Elmer Driedger, was an adherent of this doctrine as well as an advocate of a “purposive” approach to statutory interpretation. Driedger, thus, drafted the Bill based upon the doctrine of self-embracing sovereignty and believed it would enjoy a “purposive” interpretation by the courts, with the Bill designed to be as effective at guaranteeing rights as the Statute of Westminster was at liberating Canada from Imperial legislation.

The 1980s witnessed a judicial “rights revolution” in Canada characterized by the Supreme Court of Canada striking down both federal and provincial legislation which violated the rights guaranteed by the 1982 Charter of Rights. The lack of a similar judicial “rights revolution” in the wake of the 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights has largely been attributed to the structural difference between the two instruments with the latter – as a “mere” statute of the federal parliament – providing little more than a canon of construction and (unlike the Charter) not empowering the courts to engage in judicial review of legislation. Yet this view contrasts starkly with how the Bill was portrayed by the Diefenbaker government, which argued that it provided for judicial review and would “prevail” over other federal legislation. Many modern scholars have dismissed the idea that the Bill could prevail over other federal statutes as being incompatible with the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. That is, a bill of rights could only prevail over legislation if incorporated into the British North America Act. As such, they argue that the Diefenbaker government could not have intended the Bill of Rights to operate as anything more than a canon of construction. However, such a view ignores the turbulence in constitutional thinking on parliamentary sovereignty in the 1930s through 1960s provoked by the Statute of Westminster. This era produced the doctrine of “self-embracing” sovereignty – in contrast to traditional “Dicey” sovereignty – where parliament could limit itself through “ordinary” legislation. The effective author of the Canadian Bill of Rights, Elmer Driedger, was an adherent of this doctrine as well as an advocate of a “purposive” approach to statutory interpretation. Driedger, thus, drafted the Bill based upon the doctrine of self-embracing sovereignty and believed it would enjoy a “purposive” interpretation by the courts, with the Bill designed to be as effective at guaranteeing rights as the Statute of Westminster was at liberating Canada from Imperial legislation.

The 1980s witnessed a judicial “rights revolution” in Canada characterized by the Supreme Court of Canada striking down both federal and provincial legislation which violated the rights guaranteed by the 1982 Charter of Rights. The lack of a similar judicial “rights revolution” in the wake of the 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights has largely been attributed to the structural difference between the two instruments with the latter – as a “mere” statute of the federal parliament – providing little more than a canon of construction and (unlike the Charter) not empowering the courts to engage in judicial review of legislation. Yet this view contrasts starkly with how the Bill was portrayed by the Diefenbaker government, which argued that it provided for judicial review and would “prevail” over other federal legislation. Many modern scholars have dismissed the idea that the Bill could prevail over other federal statutes as being incompatible with the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. That is, a bill of rights could only prevail over legislation if incorporated into the British North America Act. As such, they argue that the Diefenbaker government could not have intended the Bill of Rights to operate as anything more than a canon of construction. However, such a view ignores the turbulence in constitutional thinking on parliamentary sovereignty in the 1930s through 1960s provoked by the Statute of Westminster. This era produced the doctrine of “self-embracing” sovereignty – in contrast to traditional “Dicey” sovereignty – where parliament could limit itself through “ordinary” legislation. The effective author of the Canadian Bill of Rights, Elmer Driedger, was an adherent of this doctrine as well as an advocate of a “purposive” approach to statutory interpretation. Driedger, thus, drafted the Bill based upon the doctrine of self-embracing sovereignty and believed it would enjoy a “purposive” interpretation by the courts, with the Bill designed to be as effective at guaranteeing rights as the Statute of Westminster was at liberating Canada from Imperial legislation.

Made available in DSpace on 2009-11-18T18:56:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 andrericardo.pdf: 904210 bytes, checksum: 9a01e382dee9916dd73b63f5cd557eee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / The Brazilian Public Health System (Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS), defined by the Constitution of 1988, is almost 20 years old and is a landmark for health public policies. In these 20 years, the law was altered several times with the objective of prioritizing the investment of public money in such a needy area as health. Among these changes, it is important to single out the Constitutional Amendment number 29, issued on 13th September 2000, which determined the minimum investment in health. According to this amendment, as from the year 2000, the municipalities should invest in health services a minimum of 7% of the revenue from taxes and transferences from the Federal and State governments. This value was to rise gradually to 15% by 2004. Since every public policy should be systematically evaluated and considering the assumption that, according to the incrementalist theory, more money invested in health would tend to solve the crisis in the health system, this dissertation consists of a study of a set of health indicators in some municipalities of the State of Pernambuco after the Amendment 29. The evaluation period spanned 4 years, from 2002 to 2005 and the area chosen for the study was located in southern agreste region of the state. Ten health indicators were selected, all of which included in the Administrative Rule no 493, of the Health Ministry. It was found that in the chosen period the average investment in health was greater than 15% of the municipalities¿ revenue since 2002. However, the value of the investment per capita, considering the municipality's share of it, which was half of the total investment, decreased from 2002 to 2004 and increased in 2005. It was also found that the municipalities with the lowest per capita income were the ones with the highest investment per capita in health. As regards children mortality in the region, it was on average 33 for every 1000 children born, which is classified as ¿medium¿ according to the above mentioned Administrative Rule no 493. No statistically significative correlation was found between the amount of money invested in health and children mortality. / O Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS, definido pela Constituição de 1988, está prestes a completar vinte anos, constituindo-se em um marco para as políticas públicas no setor da saúde. Ao longo destes anos, diversas foram as alterações na legislação, no sentido de dar prioridade à aplicação de recursos públicos em um setor tão carente como é o da saúde e, em especial, chama-se atenção para a Emenda Constitucional nº 29, de 13 de setembro de 2000, que estabeleceu vinculação mínima de aplicação de recursos de impostos em ações e serviços de saúde. De acordo com esta Emenda, a partir do ano 2000, os municípios deveriam aplicar em ações e serviços de saúde o percentual mínimo de 7% de suas receitas originadas de impostos e transferências da União e dos Estados, devendo este percentual ser elevado gradualmente até atingir 15% em 2004. Como toda política pública deve ser sistematicamente avaliada, e partindo da premissa de que, de acordo com a teoria incrementalista, mais recursos aplicados em saúde tenderiam a resolver a crise na saúde, esta dissertação apresenta como resultado um estudo do comportamento de um conjunto de indicadores relacionados com a saúde, em municípios do Estado de Pernambuco após a Emenda Constitucional nº 29. O período da avaliação compreende os anos de 2002 a 2005 e a região avaliada está localizada no agreste meridional do Estado de Pernambuco. Foram selecionados 10 indicadores relacionados com a saúde que integram a Portaria nº 493 do Ministério da Saúde. Como resultado, constatou-se que, no período, o percentual médio aplicado em saúde era superior a 15% desde o ano de 2002. Todavia, o valor per capita relativo à parcela municipal foi reduzido no período 2002 a 2004, sendo elevado no ano de 2005, devendo ser destacado que os municípios arcaram com a metade dos gastos em saúde. Constatou-se, ainda, que os municípios com menor renda per capita foram os que tiveram os maiores valores per capita aplicados em saúde. No que diz respeito ao coeficiente de mortalidade infantil para a região, constatou-se que o valor da média do período, trinta e três para cada grupo de mil crianças nascidas vivas, é classificado como ¿médio¿, de acordo com o padrão definido pela Portaria n¿ 493. Não foi constatada correlação estatisticamente significativa entre valores aplicados em saúde e coeficiente de mortalidade infantil.

Submitted by Giovanna de Moura Rocha Lima (gimrlima@gmail.com) on 2016-04-13T12:56:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseGiovannaLima.pdf: 6205810 bytes, checksum: 43682822aebdfdf1e819e200cbdbaeb4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2016-04-13T14:15:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseGiovannaLima.pdf: 6205810 bytes, checksum: 43682822aebdfdf1e819e200cbdbaeb4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-13T14:22:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseGiovannaLima.pdf: 6205810 bytes, checksum: 43682822aebdfdf1e819e200cbdbaeb4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-10 / This Thesis investigates the constitutionalization of public policies and what has been its amendment pattern in post-1988 Brazil. We offer a criteria for selecting relevant proposed amendments to the Constitution in the Brazilian case and evaluate which topics of public policy were constitutionalized, which are more present in the Proposed Amendments and Constitutional Amendments in the country, and if those distribuitions relate to each other. In particular, the objective of this Thesis is to evaluate the different patterns of constitutionalization and amendment of different issues of public policy. The research covers the submission and aproval period from 1988-2010 for the Proposals in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies. / Esta Tese investiga os temas de políticas públicas constitucionalizados e qual tem sido seu padrão de emendamento no Brasil pós-1988. Desenvolvemos uma proposta de seleção de Propostas de Emendas à Constituição (PECs) a partir do caso brasileiro, e avaliamos quais temas foram constitucionalizados, quais estão mais presentes nas Propostas e nas Emendas Constitucionais no país, e se estas distribuições têm relação entre si. Em particular, o objetivo desta tese é avaliar os diferentes padrões de constitucionalização e emendamento de diferentes temas de políticas públicas. A pesquisa cobre o período de submissão e aprovação de Propostas e Emendas de 1988 a 2010, para as PECs que tramitaram na Câmara dos Deputados.

À la différence d'autres phénomènes juridiques, le déplacement du droit d'un lieu à l'autre s'inscrit dans une analyse beaucoup plus ample que celle de droit comparé. Les États sont mis en concurrence dans de nombreux domaines : politiques économiques et fiscales, protection sociale, systèmes éducatifs, innovation, etc. Les systèmes juridiques se retrouvent également en compétition. Avec la mondialisation les échanges entre les systèmes juridiques se sont multipliés, ouvrant la voie à un recours plus fréquent à la démarche comparative. Par conséquent, la circulation du droit est un sujet qui a intéressé à la pensée juridique depuis toujours, mais qui ne commence à être traité que récemment. Pour le comprendre il convient de se rapporter à un cas spécifique, qui étant donné son caractère paradigmatique est celui de la réception du droit, de la doctrine et du régime constitutionnel français pendant les années trente en Colombie. Son examen servira comme support empirique d'un modèle explicatif du phénomène de la diffusion, d'un État à un autre, d'un droit formalisé et systématisé. / Unlike other legal phenomena, law's moving one place to another is part of a much broader analysis than that of comparative law. States are in competition in many areas: economic and fiscal policies, social protection, education systems, innovation, etc. Legal systems are also in competition. With globalization, exchanges between legal systems have proliferated, opening the way to more frequent use of comparative approach. Therefore, the circulation of law is a subject that always interested to legal thought, but it begins to be treated recently. To understand it should relate to a specific case, which given its paradigmatic character is that of reception of the law, the doctrine and the constitutional French regime during the thirties in Colombia. This review will serve as empirical support for a model explaining the phenomenon of diffusion from one state to another, of a formalized and systematized law.

The 1980s witnessed a judicial “rights revolution” in Canada characterized by the Supreme Court of Canada striking down both federal and provincial legislation which violated the rights guaranteed by the 1982 Charter of Rights. The lack of a similar judicial “rights revolution” in the wake of the 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights has largely been attributed to the structural difference between the two instruments with the latter – as a “mere” statute of the federal parliament – providing little more than a canon of construction and (unlike the Charter) not empowering the courts to engage in judicial review of legislation. Yet this view contrasts starkly with how the Bill was portrayed by the Diefenbaker government, which argued that it provided for judicial review and would “prevail” over other federal legislation. Many modern scholars have dismissed the idea that the Bill could prevail over other federal statutes as being incompatible with the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. That is, a bill of rights could only prevail over legislation if incorporated into the British North America Act. As such, they argue that the Diefenbaker government could not have intended the Bill of Rights to operate as anything more than a canon of construction. However, such a view ignores the turbulence in constitutional thinking on parliamentary sovereignty in the 1930s through 1960s provoked by the Statute of Westminster. This era produced the doctrine of “self-embracing” sovereignty – in contrast to traditional “Dicey” sovereignty – where parliament could limit itself through “ordinary” legislation. The effective author of the Canadian Bill of Rights, Elmer Driedger, was an adherent of this doctrine as well as an advocate of a “purposive” approach to statutory interpretation. Driedger, thus, drafted the Bill based upon the doctrine of self-embracing sovereignty and believed it would enjoy a “purposive” interpretation by the courts, with the Bill designed to be as effective at guaranteeing rights as the Statute of Westminster was at liberating Canada from Imperial legislation.