Global ETD Search

1	Politicizing food in Quito : food sovereignty and the Canasta Comunitaria Ciudad Viva Hervas, Liana Stela 26 July 2012 (has links) Food sovereignty is a multi-faceted proposal for the politicization of the agro-food sector. Advocated by the international farmers’ movement, Vía Campesina, food sovereignty recognizes the importance of consumption while it focuses on production. By looking at the implementation of the food sovereignty proposal in Ecuador in the 2008 Constitution and on the legal level, the organizational level, and the level of individual consumers, I suggest approaches to consumers and consumption within the food sovereignty framework. In addition to discussing the ambiguity of the State’s position on food sovereignty, I show that social organizations working on food sovereignty tend to see consumers as self-centered, solely motivated by individual concerns about price and health, meaning that they are not seen as critical actors in the agro-food system. By focusing on members of the Canasta Comunitaria Ciudad Viva, a collective food purchase model in south Quito, I show that while consumers reproduce individualized logics that privilege health and savings, they also mobilize alternative, relational logics that should be the base for consumer-based articulation within the food sovereignty framework. These conclusions support the significance of seeing consumers as political actors as well as the importance of valuing the daily practices of urban inhabitants as the bases for the further politicization of consumption. La soberanía alimentaria es una propuesta multidimensional para la politización del sector agroalimentario. Desde la concepción de Vía Campesina, un movimiento internacional de agricultores, soberanía alimentaria reconoce la importancia del consumo, centrándose en la producción. A partir de analizar la aplicación de la propuesta de soberanía alimentaria en la Constitución de 2008, en el plano jurídico, en el trabajo de organizaciones sociales y al nivel de consumidores individuales en Quito, Ecuador, propongo una aproximación a los roles del consumo y los consumidores, en el marco de soberanía alimentaria. A la vez de indagar en la ambigüedad de la posición estatal frente al tema de soberanía alimentaria, muestro que la tendencia de las organizaciones sociales que trabajan el tema de soberanía alimentaria es ver a los consumidores como actores poco involucrados, centrados en sus beneficios particulares entorno a precios y salud, lo que significa que los consumidores no son percibidos como actores en si mismo. Al enfocarme en los miembros de la Canasta Comunitaria Ciudad Viva, un modelo de compra colectiva de alimentos en el sur de Quito, muestro que mientras los consumidores reproducen lógicas individuales de ahorro y de salud, también movilizan lógicas alternativas basadas en relaciones sociales y afectivas. Propongo que estas lógicas, presentes en los consumidores, deberían formar parte de las bases para una mayor inclusión y articulación de consumidores en el marco de soberanía alimentaria. A partir de este análisis se muestra la importancia de mirar a los consumidores como actores políticos y valorar las prácticas cotidianas de los habitantes urbanos como cimientos para la mayor politización del consumo. / text Food sovereignty Consumer politics Daily practice Ecuador
2	"National housekeeping": rethinking nationalism through the Irish Housewives Association King, Georgia 31 August 2020 (has links) While Ireland remained neutral throughout the Second World War, it was not spared from the economic and social consequences of the conflict. This time in Ireland is known as ‘the Emergency’ and shortages of essential goods exacerbated poverty, often with fatal consequences for the worst off. In 1941, Hilda Tweedy organized a petition signed by Irish women that was sent to Government in pursuit of a variety of policies intended to alleviate some of the harshest suffering caused by economic turmoil and minimal government intervention. This petition ultimately laid the groundwork for the subsequent formation of the Irish Housewives Association in 1942. This Association was involved in a wide array of activities, but consumer protection and the cost of living were of preeminent concern throughout their existence. The Irish Housewives Association has received some historical attention for its feminist activities, but I propose that many of their initiatives can be usefully analyzed through theories of nationalism. I argue that the theoretical innovations of everyday nationalism and consumer nationalism possess previously unrecognized utility for illuminating women’s experience throughout this period of Irish history. / Graduate / 2021-08-25 nationalism women gender Ireland feminism consumer politics consumer nationalism
3	The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the Middle Classes, 1951-1974 Fong, Leanna 17 November 2016 (has links) “The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the British Middle Classes, 1951 – 1974,” explores conceptions of middle-class voters at various levels of the party organization after the Second World War. Since Benjamin Disraeli, Conservatives have endeavoured to represent national rather than sectional interests and appeal widely to a growing electorate. Yet, the middle classes and their interests have also enjoyed a special position in the Conservative political imagination often because the group insists they receive special consideration. It proved especially difficult to juggle these priorities after 1951 when Conservatives encountered two colliding challenges: the middle classes growing at a rapid rate, failing to form a unified outlook or identity, and the limited appeal of consumer rhetoric and interests owing to the uneven experience of affluence and prosperity. Conservative ideas and policies failed to acknowledge and resonate with the changing nature of their core supporters and antiquated local party organization reinforced feelings of alienation from and mistrust of new members of the middle classes as well as affluent workers. This research shows that there was no clear-cut path between postwar Conservatism to Margaret Thatcher’s brand of Conservatism in which the individual, self-sufficient and acquisitive middle-class consumer became the champion. Moreover, the Conservative Party revealed, in these discussions, that it was much less ideologically certain than narratives have allowed previously. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) British Conservative Party British Politics Post-Second World War Britain Middle Classes Class Identity Politics of Class Consumer Consumer Politics
4	Cyklističtí lobbyisté a vynalézání politiky v pozdně moderní době / Cycling advocates: reinventing politics in the era of late modernity Fiala, Šimon January 2015 (has links) Cycling advocacy has taken a form of a popular worldwide social movement in the beginning of the 21st century. Cyclists demand not only improved conditions for cycling, but also a reform in the way the city is being run in order to be "livable" and saturated with "quality public spaces". This dissertation attempts to put the phenomenon in the context of the theory of risk society and it attempts to incorporate impulses from the theoretical tradition of ANT. The cycling controversy is being read as a re-invention of politics in urban arenas. What is political about the bicycle? More than it may seem. The bicycle has endured a long trajectory of political appropriation by various groups in order to arrive at a point where it began to be conceived as the default starting point of the critique of automobility and Western modernity. As a consequence the bicycle emerges as a loaded political symbol that is being appropriated by cycling advocates in order to problematize the alienated city colonized by cars, appropriated by business interests and neglected by the political representation. The bicycle is being reinvented as a symbol of urban revolution. This dissertation introduces the results of an empirical research undertaken between June 2013 and April 2015 that maps the shape of the cycling controversy in...
5	Regulating a Controversy : Inside Stakeholder Strategies and Regime Transition in the Self-Regulation of Swedish Advertising 1950–1971 Funke, Michael January 2015 (has links) This thesis concerns the development of the self-regulation of advertising in Sweden from 1950 until 1971. Self-regulation was initiated in the 1930s due to a business desire to regulate fair competition in marketing, and while it initially was a minor operation, the 1950s and 1960s were characterized by extensive development. When self-regulation was overtaken by state policies in 1971, it included several interlocking systems, of which parts survived the introduction of the state regime. The thesis’ aim has been to analyze how the rapid regime transitions in the self-regulation regime can be understood. The existing literature identifies four major transitions that occurred during the studied time period. To understand them, the thesis has studied the policy processes leading up to these transitions. Focus has been on the business interest organizations that controlled the regime and their regulatory strategies. Theoretically, the analysis has departed from the hypothesis that tensions between these organizations, due to their members’ different market interests and varying levels of exposure to regulation and public badwill, to a significant degree informed their strategic choices as well as policy outcomes. The results show that the policy processes preceding the regime transitions were characterized by internal tensions, whereby organizations representing advertisers, and to a lesser degree media carriers, due to their members’ higher level of exposure to regulation and public badwill, successfully supported stronger market policing, while ad agencies, being less exposed, as well as a peak industry organization for the proliferation of marketing largely opposed such measures, preferring a more lenient regulation. However, due to increased exposure to regulation and bad will, the ad agencies finally abandoned their opposition and took the lead in regulatory innovation through the introduction of an extensive clearance program that survived the launch of the state regime, becoming a key component in the co-regulatory structure that followed. advertising advertising criticism advertising regulation advertising history advertising industry affluent society business business associations business history business interest organizations business studies competition consumer consumer politics consumer history consumerism co-regulation corporatism economic history history interest groups market regulation marketing marketing history marketing regulation marketer policy studies policy process political economy political science postwar regime regulation theory self-regulation market self-regulation self-regulation history stakeholder Sweden efterkrigstiden ekonomisk historia företagsekonomi företagshistoria historia intressegrupper konsumentfrågor konsumentpolitik konsumenthistoria konsumenträtt korporatism lagstiftning marknad marknadsföring marknadsföringshistoria marknadsregleringar marknadsrätt näringslivet näringslivsorganisationer politisk ekonomi regleringar regleringsteori reklam reklambranschen reklamhistoria rättshistoria samhällsvetenskap samreglering självreglering socialdemokratin statsvetenskap Sverige

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