La censure de la musique existe depuis l’antiquité. Aristote et Platon ont rappelé le danger de la mimesis musicale et sa valeur morale a été largement discutée par les Pères de l’église, mais le débat est également enflammé à l’époque moderne, lorsque l’on trouve deux tendances fondamentales sur les fronts catholiques et réformés : d’un côté le rôle central de la musique pour la liturgie, de l’autre le contrôle des autorités ecclésiastiques à tous les aspects de la vie des fidèles (la religion, les lectures, les croyances magiques, les habitudes alimentaires et sexuelles, et toutes les formes de sociabilité desquelles la musique est l’ingrédient essentiel). Un examen des sources peut montrer qu’aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles, le domaine dans lequel on trouve une formulation claire et des réponses à cette problématique n’est pas l’humanisme laïque. Les intérêts des humanistes se concentrent sur la reconstruction d’une grammaire des affects qui est un alibi pour l’émancipation de la musique moderne, la seconda pratiqua, et la capacité de la musique à provoquer les affects importe davantage que sa faculté à leur imposer une limite. C’est dans le terrain de la théologie et de la casuistique qu’on discute l’aspect éthique de la question. Le concile de Trente (1564) et les édits diocésains condamnent le chromatisme, la messe parodie et l’utilisation des répertoires musicaux profanes dans la liturgie. La censure de la Congrégation de l’Index et du Saint Office s’étend à toutes les pratiques de communication populaire écrites et orales, et notamment au pétrarquisme. De Savonarole à Descartes, toutes les tentatives de déterminer la valeur affective des éléments de la composition supposent un diagnostic sur les facultés de l’âme et sur ses opérations lors de la fascination. La grammaire polyphonique peut modifier par ses tressages sonores le rapport entre le texte et la mélodie, détourner l’attention et conduire l’auditeur à une transgression émotionnelle (altérité, alienatio, excessus mentis). Étant donnée la corruption de la nature humaine, l’abandon au plaisir de la mélodie constitue un désordre coupable, sans commune mesure avec la musique qui pouvait bercer l’âme harmonieuse du premier homme. Reste, comme remède, la grâce sanctifiante du texte révélé des psaumes, à utiliser comme frein modérateur pour tempérer la puissance émotive de la musique. / Is it possible to censure music? This question may sound rather extravagant, and this is perhaps why music is often overlooked in studies on ecclesiastical censorship in the early modern period, for it would seem that its very essence is incompatible with any form of control. In fact, the huge transformation the Catholic Church had to face, between the sixteenth and the seventeenth century, had a big impact on the music scene. Unavoidably, music was involved in the disputes between Catholics and Protestants as essential liturgical element. The musicologists have mainly studied the Council of Trent action, which seemed to be animated by the desire to remove the secular textual and melodic components from the church repertory. Therefore, Rome became the main center of production for sacred and spiritual music used in celebrations, devotional practices and also in teaching catechism. The case of the Society of Jesus is exemplar: music represent a powerful means of education in college programs, and a strategic tool in the catechesis work. To the enhancement of spiritual genres corresponds as well the will of ‘suppress’ the profane repertories. This is well documented during the age of Counter Reformation, by the variety of cases of ‘‘travestimento’’ which invest canzonette and madrigals. This attitude was also proved by some of the measures the ecclesiastical censure adopted against the vocal production since the seventies of the sixteenth century. In ancient Greek musical theory, harmony was seen as being endowed with a natural virtue capable of altering the rational faculties of the listener’s soul, to the extent of depriving that person of his freedom. The many ethical implications of this classical axiom featured in early modern theological debates. My thesis tries to provide a first answer to these questions by studying the conciliar decrees, the documents of the Index Congregation, the treatises on music and the manuals on demonology. These sources reveal musical censorship did not only involve zealous inquisitors battling with some licentious musician, but also the language of worship and the circulation of prohibited knowledge, which included dangers in the form of sounds that went beyond erotic seduction.

Les enjeux de ce travail sont multiples et s’inscrivent dans le renouvellement de la recherche sur la peinture hollandaise. S’il est courant d’opposer un peu rapidement la Flandre catholique d’une part, associée à une production importante de peinture religieuse, et la Hollande calviniste de l’autre, cantonnée à la peinture de genre, on sait à quel point la situation historique et sociale des Pays-Bas était plus complexe. L’existence de milieux catholiques dans les provinces protestantes a entraîné la production non négligeable de peinture : tableaux religieux pour les églises ou pour la dévotion privée ; portraits de clercs ou de laïcs affichant leur confession ; peintures représentant des allégories de la foi catholique. C’est à l’étude de l’ensemble de cette production que je me suis consacrée, en tentant de cerner les besoins et usages des milieux catholiques, ainsi que les réponses des peintres. Je me suis en particulier efforcée de rendre compte le plus précisément possible de la diversité des situations rencontrées et de la difficulté à les faire entrer dans des schémas. Ainsi en est-il par exemple de la question des liens entre l’appartenance confessionnelle des artistes et celles des commanditaires comme des rapports entre sentiments religieux et production artistique ou encore de l’interprétation catholique d’une œuvre. Mon étude vise à enrichir la connaissance du regard des milieux catholiques sur la peinture à l’âge de la Contre-Réforme, par la mise en lumière d’une situation géographique et socio-politique très singulière, et à nuancer l’opposition traditionnelle entre les Pays-Bas du Sud et du Nord en matière d’œuvres d’art. / This research intends to be part of the Dutch art historiography’s renewal. The traditional opposition between North and South, Calvinism and Catholicism, History painting and Genre painting is no longer relevant. Although the Reformed church was the public church, the choice of personal religion permitted « sects », like Catholicism, Anabaptism, Lutheranism, to remain active. The presence of Catholics in the calvinist Dutch Republic during the 17th century maintains a demand for paintings : religious art works for churches or private devotion, portraits of the clergy or catholic lay, allegory of the catholic faith. I considered not only the expectations of Catholics in terms of painting, but also the responses of the painters whether they were Catholic or not. My aim is to extend the knowlegde of the production and reception of paintings during the age of the Counter-Reformation in an uncommon political and geographic situation.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DRodrigues.pdf: 1282046 bytes, checksum: bcb6d7cd2b20f2b19d00b2a0fac6cfd1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-09 / Presbyterians protestant missionaries who came to Brazil in the second half of the nineteenth century brought a Calvinist interpretation of the Bible, they remained faithful to princetoniana formation that effected a synthesis between Calvinist orthodoxy and pietism. These princetonian had epistemological basis as the philosophy of Thomas Reid, known as the Common Sense Realism. This philosophy is used as a reformed epistemology, or Calvinist. It is understood in its Scottish formation and consequently American, via Princeton, as Providential Epistemology. Thusly, when it is assimilated by Brazilians through preaching and theological education, it becomes part of the Brazilian Presbyterian profile as a philosophical doctrine. The Philosophy of Common Sense is gestated as critical to the empiricist philosophy of David Hume who, for Reid, converge to a possible annihilation of religion and a pessimistic view of science, affecting empiricism, therefore causing a new formulation nearest of skepticism. Therefore Reid formulated the philosophy that he is opposed to Locke and Berkeley and then to David Hume, claiming that reality is independent of our apprehension. In other words, in the perception of the outside world there is no interference of the cognocent subject on the object of knowledge. Our relationship with objects is straight and should not be undermined by intermediation. At implantation of Protestantism in Brazil, via Princeton missionaries, there was not an uncompromising defense of Calvinist principles by missionaries such as Fletcher and Simonton but a continuity of sacred scripture reading by Calvinistic bias, as was done at Princeton Seminary. There was not a marked emphasis on the defense of orthodoxy because the topic of theological liberalism, or the conflict between modernism and fundamentalism was not necessary in the local environment where the predominant concern for evangelization in practical terms. Moreover, the concepts of the Philosophy of Common Sense were close of empiricism mitigated by Silvestre Pinheiro and Victor Cousins eclecticism. Therefore, in Brazil, the place where one sees the use of the philosophy of Common Sense is in discussions among intellectuals in three interesting points: 1st) The Common Sense was restricted to academic space, training new pastors, and the works of Charles Hodge and A.A. Hodge are the main sources of implementing this ratifying mindset of religious experience and thus delineate the face of Protestantism among Presbyterians, one of the major protestant denominations in the late nineteenth century; 2nd) In the debates between Catholic Clergy and Protestant in theological polemics; 3rd) In the utilitarian use of foreign cultural assimilation by the national Protestant, not least, facilitated by the friendliness of the Brazilian liberal to Protestantism, while it maintained a philosophical line nearest mitigated empiricism and eclecticism. Hence, our hypothesis is intended to demonstrate that protestants brought with them the epistemological formulations that were given to a group of intellectuals who formed the framework of the first presbyterian pastors of the history of this denomination. They were converted and assimilated better the new doctrines through more than just preaching, but by his philosophical way of looking at the objects studied, and that such information comes through the epistemological basis of the Common Sense Realism, which finds space in Brazilian republicans ideals of the nineteenth century. / Os missionários protestantes presbiterianos que vieram para o Brasil no início da segunda metade do século XIX trouxeram uma interpretação calvinista da bíblia, pois permaneceram fieis à formação princetoniana que efetivou uma síntese entre ortodoxia calvinista e pietismo. Estes pricetonianos tinham como base epistemológica a filosofia de Thomas Reid, conhecida como o Realismo do Senso Comum. Essa filosofia é utilizada como uma epistemologia reformada, ou calvinista. Ela é compreendida em sua formação escocesa e consequentemente americana, via Princeton, como a Epistemologia Providencial. Desta forma, quando ela é assimilada pelos brasileiros por meio da pregação e da formação teológica, a mesma se torna parte do perfil presbiteriano brasileiro como doutrina filosófica. A Filosofia do Senso Comum se gesta como crítica à filosofia empirista de David Hume que, para Reid, convergiria para um possível aniquilamento da religião e para uma visão pessimista da ciência, afetando o empirismo, por conseguinte, causando uma nova formulação mais próxima do ceticismo. Por isso, Reid formulou a filosofia que para ele contrapõe-se a Locke e Berkeley e depois a David Hume, afirmando que a realidade é independente de nossa apreensão. Ou seja, na percepção do mundo exterior não há interferência do sujeito cognoscente sobre o objeto do conhecimento. A nossa relação com os objetos é direta e não deve ser desvirtuada por intermediações. Na implantação do protestantismo no Brasil, via missionários de Princeton, não houve uma defesa intransigente dos princípios calvinistas por parte de missionários como Fletcher e Simonton e sim uma continuidade da leitura das escrituras sagradas pelo viés calvinista, como era feito no Seminário de Princeton. Não havia uma ênfase acentuada na defesa da ortodoxia porque o tema do liberalismo teológico, ou do conflito entre modernismo e fundamentalismo não se fazia necessário na conjuntura local, onde predominava a preocupação pela evangelização em termos práticos. O conceitos da Filosofia do Senso Comum eram próximos do empirismo mitigado de Silvestre Pinheiro e do Ecletismo de Victor Cousin. Por isso, no Brasil, o local em que mais se vê a utilização da filosofia do Senso Comum é nos debates entre intelectuais, em três pontos interessantes: 1ª) O Senso Comum ficou restrito ao espaço acadêmico, na formação de novos pastores, sendo que as obras de Charles Hodge e A. A. Hodge são as principais fontes de implantação desta mentalidade ratificadora da experiência religiosa e, desta forma, delineiam o rosto do protestantismo entre presbiterianos, uma das principais denominações protestantes do final do século XIX; 2ª) Nos debates entre clérigos católicos e protestantes em polêmicas teológicas;. 3º) No aproveitamento utilitarista da assimilação cultural estrangeira pelos protestantes nacionais, não por último, facilitada pela simpatia dos liberais brasileiros pelo protestantismo, ao mesmo tempo que mantinham uma linha filosófica mais próxima do empirismo mitigado e do ecletismo. Assim, nossa hipótese pretende demonstrar que os protestantes trouxeram em seu bojo as formulações epistemológicas que foram passadas para um grupo de intelectuais, que formaram o quadro dos primeiros pastores presbiterianos da história desta denominação. Eles foram convertidos e assimilaram melhor as novas doutrinas por meio de mais do que simples pregações, mas pela sua forma filosófica de encarar os objetos estudados, e que tais informações vêm por meio da base epistemológica do Realismo do Senso Comum, que encontra espaço nos ideais republicanos brasileiros do século XIX.

La thèse établit l’histoire comparative des différents Sacri Monti italiens dans un but précis : étudier la transformation d’ « architectures » qui étaient des copies de lieux vides de Terre Sainte en vastes cycles chronologiques animés de nombreuses peintures et statues. Les nécessités religieuses de ces sites définissent un rapport original entre les arts qui donne la première place aux statues : on l’appellera « paragone chrétien ». La statuaire y est exceptionnellement didactique et propre à susciter les émotions. Didactique : les Sacri Monti mettent progressivement en place une statuaire narrative. Propre à susciter les émotions : ces terres cuites polychromes à grandeur sont « vivantes » au point d’incarner les scènes. À la fois familiers et exotiques, variés et récurrents, les très nombreux personnages des chapelles composent souvent des types singulièrement outrés. Leur beauté et surtout leur laideur cruelle et difforme, doit être utile : s’appuyant sur une lecture physiognomonique des scènes, le pèlerinage (guidé) aux Sacri Monti constitue une catharsis chrétienne / This dissertation examines the history of the Italian Sacri Monti from a comparative perspective. The main objective is to understand how “architectures” that were copies of void monuments from the Holy Land were transformed into large chronological cycles animated through the use of numerous paintings and statues. The religious motivations of these sites define a specific relationship between the different art forms, one that emphasizes sculpture and which can be characterized as a “Christian paragone”. Statuary is particularly didactic and emotional. It is didactic in the sense that the Sacri Monti serve to stage a narrative statuary It is also emotional since the life-sized and polychrome terracotta sculptures are so “alive” that they seem to be performing the scenes. The many characters in the chapels are both familiar and exotic, diverse and repetitive. They constitute types that often look strangely outraged. Their beauty but also their cruel and deformed ugliness serve a didactic purpose: grounded on a physiognomic reading of the scenes, the (guided) pilgrimage to the Sacri Monti mediates a Christian catharsis.

Au XVIIe siècle, considérée comme la "royne de toutes les vertus", la charité incarna le triomphe des œuvres salutaires face au sola fide des protestants. Elle connut alors une riche iconographie, par la mise en scène des "Sept œuvres de Miséricorde" ou sous la forme d’une tendre allégorie de la maternité bienfaisante. L’unité apparente de ces images codifiées révèle, à l’analyse, une extraordinaire richesse d’interprétation car elles furent soumises en France à différentes adaptations, équivoques ou déviations sous l’influence des nouvelles exigences spirituelles et sous la pression de la montée en puissance de l’absolutisme. Ce travail tend ainsi à offrir un regard approfondi sur la représentation du bienfait envers les pauvres au "siècle des saints". Il propose une relecture des images polysémiques de la charité qu’elles soient d’essence religieuse, politique ou purement esthétique afin de discerner les messages dont elles furent investies et les glissements signifiants ou ambigus qu’elles exprimèrent, de la spiritualité la plus pure à la sensualité la plus troublante. / During the Seventeenth Century, charity was considered as the "queen of all virtues" and as a concept embodied, the triumph of good works in opposition to the protestant’s sola fide. The iconography of this virtue proliferated as a consequence and was not only represented by the "Seven works of mercy" but also allegorized as a breastfeeding maternal figure. When analyzed, the seemingly harmonious codified images reveal to be an extraordinary source of interpretation as they were subjected to various adaptations in France. Their ambiguous deviations were encouraged by the renewal of catholic spirituality and the rise of absolute power. This thesis aims to examine the iconography of charity towards the poor during this period which has been described as the “Century of Saints”. It propose to reread these polysemic images, whether they be religious, political or purely aesthetical to discern the messages which they were invested with and to distinguish the significant and equivocal shifts they expressed, from the purest spiritual sentiment to the most disturbing eroticism.

Malgré une iconographie proliférante au XVIIe siècle en France, le prophète iconoclaste a peu attiré l’attention des historiens de l’art. À travers des études de cas menées selon une démarche attentive à la spécificité matérielle et médiale de ces images, et soucieuse de les replacer dans un contexte historique, ce travail explore leur pouvoir transformateur. Par le format de leur œuvre, le choix de l’échelle, du cadrage, de la disposition de ses éléments figuratifs et d’un moment narratif comme par l’imagination du paysage et des parerga, les artistes chrétiens réinventent l’histoire de Moïse au gré d’impératifs tour à tour formels, théologiques et politiques. Sujet de prédilection pour les prix dans les académies, l’histoire de Moïse constitue un opérateur formel identitaire et agonistique qui permet aux artistes de se distinguer de leurs pairs et des littérateurs, et suscite un rééquilibrage de l’ut pictura poesis au profit des beaux-arts dont la singularité commence d’être dégagée théoriquement dans la Kunstliteratur à partir d’images de la vie de Moïse jugées canoniques. Le système de commande prévalant alors, l’iconographie du fondateur du monothéisme juif est captée par les Églises catholique et protestante, en âpre concurrence jusqu’à l’édit de Fontainebleau. Les images destinées aux églises et couvents ou aux temples font alors de Moïse un héros biblique au service de la chrétienté dont il est l’ancêtre prestigieux. Dans des commandes de circonstance, les puissants s’approprient aussi les vertus de celui que Philon d’Alexandrie tenait pour l’archétype du roi-philosophe, du législateur, du grand-prêtre et du prophète élu pour consolider leur autorité personnelle. / So far, art historians have paid little attention to the iconography of the iconoclastic prophet, although it proliferated in 17th century France. This research explores its transformative power through a range of case studies aiming at bestowing attention to the material and medial specificities of the images as well as to their historical context. Through the format of their works, the scale of their figurative elements, their framing and disposition, the chosen narrative moment as well as by imagining their landscapes and parerga, Christian artists reinvented the history of Moses according to formal, theological and political concerns. As a favorite subject for academic prize competitions, it proved to be a formal and agonistic operator that allowed artists to define their identity in relation to their peers and to literary sources. This provoked a re-balancing of the ut pictura poesis doctrine in favor of the visual arts, whose singularity starts to be theoretically defined in the 17th centuryFrench Kunstliteratur on the base of images of Moses’ life. The iconography of the founder of Judaism was employed by Catholics and Protestants alike, who strongly competed right up to the Edict of Fontainebleau providing a framework for which many images were commissioned. The pictures intended for churches, convents, and temples thus present Moses as a biblical hero in the service of Christianity, of which he was a prestigious ancestor. Occasionally, mighty private patrons tried to assume the virtues of one whom Philo of Alexandria used to consider the archetype of the king-philosopher, of the legislator, the high priest and the prophet, to consolidate their personal authority.

Au moment où se poursuit l’établissement des princes de l’Église dans la campagne romaine par la construction de somptueuses villas, le Concile de Trente (1545-1563) adopte une série de décrets qui entendent réaffirmer les dogmes catholiques et réformer les mœurs du clergé, critiqués par les protestants. Puisque la villa est perçue au 16e siècle comme un lieu où le fidèle peut faire l’expérience d’une retraite spirituelle, ce mémoire souhaite lever le voile sur les pratiques dévotionnelles suburbaines post-tridentines. Pour ce faire, les cycles picturaux de trois chapelles de villas romaines dont la décoration a été réalisée à la suite de cet important concile sont examinés : la chapelle du palazzo Farnese à Caprarola, appartenant au cardinal Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589), la chapelle de la villa d’Este à Tivoli, construite pour le cardinal Ippolito II d’Este (1509-1572), et la chapelle de la villa Mondragone à Frascati, commanditée par le cardinal Marco Sittico Altemps (1533-1595) pour le pape Grégoire XIII (1502-1585). Il s’agit de vérifier l’impact des pratiques dévotionnelles sur le choix des décors dans ces lieux de culte privés. S’attarder à la perception du regardeur de l’époque et au rapport spirituel du public à l’image implique que nous analysions notre corpus à l’aide d’un cadre anthropologique. / The taste for countryside palaces among the Princes of the Church was already well established when the Council of Trent (1545-1563) moved to counter the protestant Reformation. This council asserted catholic dogmas and significantly reformed clerical mores. In this context, villas are seen as the perfect stage to realize spiritual ambitions. This thesis thus studies extra-urban devotional practices by examining three chapels in countryside palaces around Rome decorated after the Council of Trent: Cardinal Alessandro Farnese’s (1520-1589) chapel in his villa at Caprarola; the Villa d’Este chapel at Tivoli built for Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este (1509-1572); and the Villa Mondragone chapel at Frascati, ordered by Cardinal Marco Sittico Altemps (1533-1595) for Pope Gregory XIII (1502-1585). We seek to examine the influence of contemporary devotional practices on the iconographic cycles in the private sphere. The public’s perception and spiritual response to the frescoes will be probed through an anthropological approach to images.

Le diocèse de Toulouse, situé à cheval sur le Languedoc et le Gascogne, a subi d’importantes destructions durant les guerres de Religion. Un tiers des édifices religieux ont été détruits en 1596. Inséré dans une région où les protestants ont conquis de nombreuses villes, les Toulousains se sentent littéralement assiégés par le protestantisme, et cette appréhension renforce les ressorts d’une politique religieuse menée par l’archevêque, le puissant parlement de Toulouse et les laïcs. La Réforme catholique débute en 1590, au moment du concile provincial sous l’impulsion du cardinal de Joyeuse (1588-1605). Celui-ci, fortement empreint des idées borroméennes, en pose les cadres durables. Une visite systématique du diocèse est menée, des institutions nouvelles sont mises en place et les fondements du concile de Trente sont publiés par le biais des canons du concile provincial. Ses successeurs, malgré les longues périodes devacance du siège archiépiscopal, poursuivent la politique menée. On observe alors, grâce aux conférences ecclésiastiques notamment, un glissement des institutions, mises au service d’une meilleure connaissance des réalités religieuses et de la réforme des prêtres et des fidèles. Une campagne importante de reconstructions débute aussi de manière assez précoce dans le diocèse et constitue une des réussites les plus remarquables de la Réforme catholique,néanmoins avec une chronologie différenciée. Il en est de même pour la réforme des prêtres, dont nous étudierons les nombreux ressorts. La Réforme catholique implique de nombreux acteurs. Leur multiplicité est liée à la structure sociale de la ville de Toulouse, ville parlementaire par excellence. La politique religieuse connaît alors une articulation constante entre la Réforme catholique, comme réforme in capito et in membris et la Contre-Réforme, c’est-à-dire la volonté d’éradiquer toute présence du protestantisme. Cette politique, menée bien au-delà du cadre administratif du diocèse, constitue une grande réussite de la fin du XVIIe siècle. / The diocese of Toulouse, located in Languedoc and Gascony, suffered significant destruction during the Wars of Religion. One-third of the religious buildings were destroyed in 1596. Inserted in a region where protestants conquered many cities, the Tolosans felt literally besieged by Protestantism, and this anxiety helped to strenghten the religious policy, conducted by the archbishop, the powerful Parliament of Toulouse or the laymen. The Catholic Reformation began in 1590, with the Cardinal de Joyeuse (1588-1605) and his provincial Council. He was strongly influenced by Borromean ideas, and he imposed the Reformation sustainable frameworks. A visit of the diocese was conducted, new institutions were created, and the foundations of the Council of Trent were published through the canons of the provincial Council. His successors, espite long periods of vacancy of the archiepiscopal seat, continued this policy. Through ecclesiastical conferences, we can observe a mutation of the institutions, a better knowledge of religious realities and an important reform of the priests and the faithful. A significant campaign of reconstruction was also started quite early, and became one of the most remarkable successes of the Catholic Reformation. Nevertheless, the chronology is differentiated. We will also study many aspectsof the reform of the clergy. The Catholic Reformation involved many actors. Their diversity was related to the social structure of the city of Toulouse, parliamentary city par excellence. The religious policy was then a constant articulation between the Catholic Reformation as a reform in capito and in membris and the Counter-Reformation, that is to say the eradication of any Protestant. This policy, which was carried out well beyond the geographical boundaries of the diocese, was a success at the end of the 17th century.

A primeira tradução da Bíblia em língua portuguesa foi composta a partir de meados do século XVII, em regiões específicas do sudeste asiático sob o domínio da Companhia Holandesa das Índias Orientais. O principal responsável por seu processo de elaboração foi João Ferreira A. dAlmeida (c. 1628-1691), natural do Reino de Portugal, mas residente entre os holandeses desde a juventude. A primeira edição de sua tradução do Novo Testamento foi impressa em Amsterdam, no ano de 1681, ao passo que os livros do Antigo Testamento foram publicados somente a partir do século XVIII, em Tranquebar e Batávia. O ambiente em que foi idealizada essa pioneira versão bíblica portuguesa é caracterizado substancialmente pelo confronto teológico católico-protestante, a princípio intra-europeu, mas potencializado nas Índias Orientais seiscentistas a partir da expansão marítima e comercial holandesa sobre regiões antes sob influência dos reinos ibéricos. Ao lado da própria tradução bíblica, essa conjuntura marcada por conflitos em torno da definição da ortodoxia cristã testemunhou também a produção de uma extensa e singular literatura de polêmica religiosa em língua portuguesa, assinada não só pelo próprio Almeida, mas também pelos missionários católicos que se opuseram à sua obra e doutrina no Oriente. Com isso, o principal escopo deste trabalho é desvendar o significado dessa tradução das Escrituras Sagradas do cristianismo em sua peculiar historicidade, isto é, tendo em vista a relação intrínseca de sua materialização com um contexto de agudos embates religiosos. Perante as resoluções estabelecidas no Concílio de Trento (1545-1563) contra a proliferação de versões bíblicas não autorizadas, esse ato de tradução em si, naquela conjuntura, além de edificado sobre a definição protestante sola scriptura¸ se revelou também resultante de postura radicalmente anticatólico-romana. Enfim, sem perder de vista os movimentos históricos estruturais que perpassam a constituição deste objeto peculiar da Idade Moderna, as diferentes seções deste texto devem convergir para se aprofundar a compreensão histórica de uma tradução da Bíblia amplamente reconhecida e estimada, ainda hoje, em todo o mundo lusófono. / The first Portuguese translation of the Bible was done during the second half of the seventeenth century in specific regions of Southeast Asia under the rule of the Dutch East India Company. The main person responsible for this translation was João Ferreira A. d\'Almeida (c. 1628-1691), who was born in the Kingdom of Portugal, although he had lived among Dutch missionaries since he was a young man. The first edition of his New Testament translation was published in Amsterdam in 1681, yet the Old Testament books were published only after the mid-eighteenth century in Tranquebar and Batavia. The environment in which this pioneering translation of the Bible was designed is substantially characterized by the Catholic-Protestant theological quarrels, originally intra-European, yet amplified in the East Indies over the seventeenth century due to the Dutch maritime and commercial expansion into regions formerly under the influence of the Iberian kingdoms. Besides the Portuguese Bible translation, this context characterized by conflicts on the definition of Christian orthodoxy noted the production of an extensive and unique literature on religious controversy in the Portuguese language, produced not only by the translator himself, but also by Roman Catholic missionaries who stood up against his work and teachings in the East Indies. Thus, the main purpose of this study is to reveal the historical-religious significance of the Portuguese translation of the Holy Scriptures in its peculiar historicity, considering the intrinsic relationship between its meaning and the surrounding milieu of acute religious conflicts. Taking into consideration the resolutions passed by the Council of Trent (1545-1563) against the proliferation of unauthorized Bible versions, the act of translation by itself, in this context, emerged as the result of a position at the same time Modern, Protestant, and anti-Catholic. Nevertheless, not losing sight of the structural historical movements that underlie the creation of this peculiar object of the Modern Age, the different sections of this work might converge in order to deepen the historical understanding of a Bible translation still widely acknowledged throughout the Portuguese-speaking world.

A presente tese toma por base o contexto internacional em nível cognitivo, no qual se desenvolveu a História da Arte Brasileira nos primeiros séculos, com a intermediação lusitana. Procura identificar o processo interativo deslocado territorialmente, mas que, por isso mesmo, dadas as contingências locais, tornou possível novas interpretações e adaptações. A prática artística progressivamente se estabilizou no Brasil-Colônia a partir do século XVI, cumprindo o itinerário que encontra na mentalidade e no conhecimento do homem pós-renascentista a base que viria a orientar os séculos imediatamente subseqüentes. Portanto, a Reforma Católica refletiu a capacitação do sistema, conforme se tornara indispensável à organização social que, partindo do vínculo com a cultura preexistente do medievo ao Renascimento, instituísse os parâmetros que os renovados fatores requeriam. Estabeleceu-se um modelo de sociedade de conotação metafísicoteológica, e por conseqüência hierárquica, onde o culto religioso aglutinava os vários aspectos da sua estrutura. Distinguimos aí a íntima relação entre a \"ecclesia\" e a \"civitas\" pois a igreja e a cidade coordenavam de modo substancialmente unitário os diversos polos de interesse que por essa razão se tornam indissociáveis. A fundação da Cidade do Salvador, cabeça do Brasil, se configura como uma oportunidade única a serviço da compreensão de um contexto projetado e realizado como ponte interligando terras até então completamente desconhecidas entre si. Os primeiros capítulos buscam conseqüentemente traçar as diretrizes do vínculo existente entre a \"ecclesia\" e a \"civitas\" no qual se situa e se expressa o amadurecimento técnico VIII das formas de fazer, sempre no âmbito ao qual a pesquisa se direciona: o dos fatores determinantes do retábulo - produto de uma religiosidade já delineada no tempo. A Igreja, em direta conexão com o Estado português, assume ao lado deste a função de elemento dinamizador, concentrando em si, com maior relevo e as sucessivas construções realizadas, a concretização do esquema urbanístico previamente traçado. Torna-se, assim, principal incentivadora da formação profissionalizante com a importância especial que assume a construção e decoração dos templos. O pensamento teórico- prático e religioso formava um corpus unitário desde a capacitação advinda da metrópole. A execução do projeto de fundação da Cidade do Salvador evidencia na problemática construtiva a conexão com os vários aspectos do caráter rudimentar dos meios à disposição. A arquitetura, a concepção urbana e os retábulos das igrejas são constitutivos da atuação de conceitos transferidos e adaptados, porém, interligados pela necessidade de fixar no novo território d\'além mar a sede de um programa só realizável com o aperfeiçoamento técnico, quando não com a transferência do próprio material como a pedra lavrada a compor fachadas e portadas. Numerosos artesãos portugueses se transferiram para o Brasil. No ambiente franciscano instituiu-se uma verdadeira escola de realizadores, inclusive itinerante, para atender à demanda da Ordem particularmente no Nordeste. Entre os jesuítas, muitos dos artistas responsáveis pela igreja do Colégio, em Salvador, aprenderam o ofício na Companhia. Aprendizado este que teve porém como ponto de partida, necessariamente, a mão-de-obra importada e a contribuição fundamental de especialistas vindos do reino. No campo de atuação laica conclui-se que na Península Ibérica se reflete a valorização do artista pré-anunciada por Cennino Cennini e depois teorizada nos tratados de Leon Battista Alberti e Leonardo da Vinci, IX ganhando ulterior impulso na disputa sobre o \"Primado\" das artes. Mas, o artista fazendo parte de uma elite, nunca pôde prescindir dos \"oficiais mecânicos\" quando do \"conceito\" se passa à fase executiva. Permanece- lhes vinculado o universo da execução técnica. Os preceitos estabelecidos pela Contra-Reforma, tornam-se determinantes na mentalidade que orienta a criação artística; têm continuidade nos seus exegetas e encontram aplicação rigorosa nas \"Constituições Primeiras do Arcebispado da Bahia\". Enquanto que toda a formação da consciência construtiva tem por referência direta as concepções teóricas dos tratadistas cuja incidência revela-se determinante em todo o longo período analisado, justificando muitos dos aspectos da arquitetura e da talha barroca. A partir de indicações bibliográficas contidas na \"Literatura Artística\", obra de Julius von Schlosser Magnino, buscamos fornecer um quadro da repercussão a partir do século XVI das \"Medidas do Romano\" de Diego de Sagredo. O qual com uma série de normas não encontradas nos textos em geral e nem evidenciadas pelas ruínas, quer na Itália quer na Península Ibérica, organizou um tratado de grande difusão sobretudo entre os oficiais mecânicos. Publicada em sua primeira edição em Toledo, 1526, a obra que, conforme o seu título completo já o indica, pretende ser útil \"aos que querem acompanhar as formações das bases, colunas, capitéis e outras peças dos edifícios antigos\" - o tratado de Sagredo seria, conforme concluímos, produto da vontade de vir em socorro a um mundo artesanal perplexo, necessitando-se daquele vínculo com a arquitetura clássica que agora se articulava diversamente, inovando o vocabulário. Os altares do ambiente barroco, muitas vezes, são altares de transição, portanto, a explicação morfológica a eles referente não se enquadra em um esquema formal pré-determinado na sucessão dos estilos, conforme procuramos demonstrar. Escolhemos nos ocupar em primeiro lugar dos retábulos da atual Catedral da Sé, antiga igreja do Colégio dos Jesuítas, que documentam a evolução acontecida no referido contexto. Assim como os principais retábulos da igreja conventual de São Francisco nos indicam a contribuição franciscana e a Basílica da Conceição da Praia por ser uma igreja paroquial, representa o ambiente laico das irmandades religiosas. Destacando alguns tópicos da morfologia do retábulo em Salvador, podemos referir: - o conhecimento dos percursos evolutivos formais e dos trâmites de adesão a novo estilo; - os jesuítas e a evolução da arte da talha luso-brasileira; - os exemplares do maneirismo, ressaltando traços diferenciadores que assinalam a autonomia do retábulo; - o maneirismo de decoração geométrica e o de decoração naturalística; - o altar-mor de transição ao barroco e a passagem ao estilo nacional português nos altares laterais; - a estrutura arquitetônica contrareformista de espaço unitário e a inserção de altares barrocos; - o altar joanino e a influência do barroco italiano; - a \"igreja toda de ouro\" e a conciliação das diferentes fases do barroco; - a demonstração do estilo joanino e do retábulo joanino baiano. / This thesis is based on the international context at a cognitive level, in which the History of the Brazilian Art was developed in the first centuries, under the influence of the Portugueses. It tries to identify the displaced interactive territorial process, but, due to the local contingency arrangements, new interpretations and adaptations became feasible. Starting from the 16th century, the artistic practice became increasingly stable in Colonial-Brazil, following the itinerary that found in the mentality and in the post-Renaissance man\'s knowledge the basis that would guide the centuries immediately on. Therefore, the Catholic Reform reflected the system ability, as it had become essential to social organization that, beginning from the link with the preexistent culture from the medieval period to the Renaissance, instituted the parameters that the renewed factors asked for. A model of society of Metaphysical-theological connotation was established, because of its hierarchic consequence, where the religious cult combined several aspects of its structure. In that respect we characterize the close relation between the \"ecclesia\" and the \"civitas\" due to the fact that the church and the city coordinated in substantially unitary way the diverse opposed regions of interest that by this reason become inseparable. The foundation of the City of Salvador, head of Brazil, represents a unique opportunity towards the understanding of a planned, accomplished context as a bridge connecting lands entirely strange to each other at that time. Thus, the first chapters look at the guidelines of the existing links between the \"ecclesia\" and the \"civitas\", in which technical matureness situates and reveals its means of to make something, always considering XII the sphere that this research aims: the determining factors of the altarpiece - the product of a religiousness already outlined in the time. In connection with the Portuguese State, the Church takes over besides that one the function of driving force element, concentrating on itself, with great magnitude and successive accomplished constructions, the materialization of the urban outline already conceived. Thus, it set an incentive scheme for professionalizing formation with the outstanding importance that the construction and decoration of the temples assumes. The theoretical-practical and religious thought formed an unitary corpus from the capacity resulting from the metropolis. The execution of the foundation project of the City of Salvador substantiates in the constructive problem the connection with the several aspects of the rudimentary character of the available means. The architecture, the urban conception and the altarpieces of the churches are constitutive of absorbed and adapted ideas, but they are linked together by the necessity to establish in the new overseas territory the headquarters of a scheme only achievable with the help of technical improvement, or with the transference of materials, like the wrought stone that would compound facades and portals. Many Portuguese artisans were transferred to Brazil. In the Franciscan ambience a real achiever school was created, also itinerant, to assist to the demand of the Order, particularly in the Northeast. Among the Jesuits, many of the artists in charge of the church of the School, in Salvador, learned their skillfulness in the Company. However, this learning had as starting point the imported workmanship and the fundamental contribution of specialists coming from the kingdom. In the sphere of the secular performance, we conclude that in the Iberian Peninsula highlights the valuation of the artist, later theorized in treatises by Leon Battista Alberti and Leonardo da Vinci, acquiring further impetus in the subject concerning the \"pre-eminence\" of the arts. But, XIII the artist being part of an elite, could never to do their work without the \"operative officials\" when one goes from the \"concept\" to the executive phase. The universe of the technical execution remains the same. The commandments stated by the Counter-Reformation became crucial in the mentality that guides the artistic creation; they have been continued with the exegetists and find out strict application in the \"First Constitutions of the Archbishopric of Bahia\". While all the formation of the constructive conscience has for direct reference the theoretical conceptions of the authors whose incidence it is decisive in the whole long analyzed period, justifying many of the aspects of the architecture and of the Baroque carving. Starting from bibliographical entries contained in \"Artistic Literature\", by Julius von Schlosser Magnino, we have been trying to provide a picture of the repercussion, from the XVI century, of the \"Measures of the Roman\", by Diego de Sagredo. With a series of norms not found in general in the texts nor evidenced by the ruins, in Italy as well as in the Iberian Peninsula, he arranged an outstanding treatise particularly among the mechanical officials. First published in Toledo, 1526, the work, as its full title already indicates, intends to be useful \"to anyone who wants to follow the formations of the bases, columns, capitels and other pieces of the old buildings\" - the norms of Sagredo would be, as we deduced, a help to the perplexed handmade world, that needs a link with the classic architecture that now diversely was articulated, innovating the vocabulary. Frequently the altars of the Baroque ambience are transition altars, therefore the morphologic explanation for such thing can not be fitted in a formal, predetermined outline in the succession of styles, as we tried to demonstrate. First, we chose deal with the altarpieces of the current Cathedral of the Sé, the old church of the School of the Jesuits, that documents the XIV evolution happened in the referred context. Thus, as the main altarpieces of the conventual church of San Francisco indicates, the Franciscan contribution and the Conceição of the Beach Church, for being a parochial church, represent the secular atmosphere of the religious fraternities. Here are some topics of the morphology of the altarpiece in Salvador: o the knowledge of the formal evolutionary courses and the adhesion procedures to new style; o the Jesuits and the evolution of the Portuguese-Brazilian carving art; o the mannerism pieces, standing out differentiating lines that mark the autonomy of the altarpiece; o the mannerism of geometric decoration and the one of naturaristic decoration; o the high altar of transition to the Baroque and the passage to the Portuguese national style in the lateral altars; o the counter-reformist architectural structure of unitary space and the inset of Baroque altars; o the King John altar and the influence of the Italian Baroque; o the \"whole gold church \" and the conciliation of the different phases of the Baroque; o the demonstration of the King John style and the King John altarpiece of Bahia.