[pt] A presente tese de doutorado tem como proposta analisar a crônica desigualdade social brasileira, a qual tem os grupos vulneráveis como sua maior vítima, por meio da compreensão do binômio arrecadação-dispêndio de recursos públicos. Por meio de tal enfoque, busca-se compreender o papel do estado brasileiro na manutenção e recrudescimento das desigualdades socioeconômicas, sobretudo pelo meio com que arrecada impostos e a quem destina preferencialmente os recursos obtidos coletivamente, mas cuja fruição é desproporcionalmente destinada aos estratos mais altos da sociedade. Como forma de estabelecer um controle jurídico sobre o binômio arrecadaçãodispêndio de recursos, utiliza-se do Pacto Internacional sobre Diretos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais de 1966 e de sua previsão que veda a discriminação na fruição dos direitos enquanto, simultaneamente, determina a sua realização progressiva, vedação à regressividade dos avanços obtidos e o dever de máxima alocação de recursos disponíveis para a efetivação dos direitos em questão. Defende-se na presente tese que tais características dos direitos socioeconômicos e culturais correspondem a um avanço metodológico em relação às formas usuais com que o direito brasileiro tem atuado para reduzir as desigualdades sociais, sobretudo por meio da judicialização para a obtenção de prestação estatais. Por fim, apresenta-se como a mensuração da desigualdade social, principalmente entre os grupos vulneráveis e o restante da população, propicia um novo ferramental para atuação legal e não institucional para acimplementação de políticas públicas voltadas para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa. / [en] This doctoral thesis aims to analyze the chronic Brazilian social inequality, which has vulnerable groups as its greatest victims, through the understanding of the relationship between collection and expenditure of public resources. Through such an approach, we seek to understand the role of the Brazilian state in maintaining and increasing socioeconomic inequalities, especially through the means by which it collects taxes and to whom it preferentially allocates the resources obtained collectively, but whose fruition is disproportionately destined for the highest strata. of society. As a way of establishing legal and democratic control over the collection and expenditure of resources, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966 is used and its provision that prohibits discrimination in the enjoyment of rights while, at the same time, determining their progressive realization, prohibition of the regression of the advances obtained and the duty of maximum allocation of available resources for the realization of the rights in question. It is argued in this thesis that such characteristics of socioeconomic and cultural rights correspond to a methodological advance in relation to the usual ways in which Brazilian law has acted to reduce social inequalities, especially through judicialization of fundamental rights to obtain state benefits. Finally, it presents how the measurement of social inequality, especially among vulnerable groups compared to the rest of the population, provides a new tool for legal and non-institutional action for the implementation of public policies aimed at building a fairer society.

No description available.

[pt] Esta tese tem por objetivo avaliar parte do discurso público, acadêmico e institucional, que fundamentou a moralidade legitimadora das cotas raciais. São destacadas incialmente duas correntes teóricas distintas, de origens anglo-saxônica e germânica, que dominaram parte do discurso público sobre o tema, quais sejam: as teorias liberais de justiça distributiva e as teorias do reconhecimento. A partir dos autores expoentes de cada uma dessas teorias, a saber: John Rawls, Charles Taylor e Axel Honneth, busca-se compreender se essas teorias são capazes de articular um conjunto de ideias e valores que possam subsidiar não apenas a moralidade das cotas raciais, como também fornecer instrumentos que ajudem a desenhar os objetivos e alcances dessas políticas. Nesse sentido, três hipóteses foram contempladas: as cotas raciais são políticas resumíveis ao escopo normativo das teorias de justiça distributiva; as cotas raciais podem produzir um tipo de reconhecimento intersubjetivo capaz de gerar mudanças simbólicas e estruturais para além da mera distribuição; as cotas raciais são uma modalidade de política pública capaz de conciliar os objetivos dispostos de ambas as teorias, independentemente de suas eventuais incongruências ou conformidades. Ao reconstruir a genealogia do discurso filosófico que fundamentou a legitimidade de tais políticas públicas, almeja-se reconstruir também as promessas e potencialidades que as cotas raciais possuem, lançando-se mão da ideia de crítica imanente como método de investigação da realidade social. Logo, aponta-se como conclusão que as ações afirmativas, sobretudo as cotas raciais, podem mesclar efeitos que representem melhorias redistributivas dos recursos sociais e materiais fundamentais em cadeia, como igualmente um reconhecimento em sentido amplo, abrangidas aqui as mudanças estruturais no acesso aos mesmos recursos. / [en] This thesis aims to evaluate part of the public, academic and institutional discourse, which founded the legitimizing morality of racial quotas. Initially, two distinct theoretical currents are highlighted, both from Anglo-Saxon and Germanic origins, which dominated part of the public discourse on the subject, namely: the liberal theories of distributive justice and the theories of recognition. Based on the exponent authors of each of these theories, namely: John Rawls, Charles Taylor and Axel Honneth, we seek to understand whether these authors can articulate a set of ideas and values that can support not only the morality of racial quotas, but also provide instruments that help designate the goals and reach of these policies. In this sense, three hypotheses were considered: racial quotas are policies that can be summed up in the normative scope of theories of distributive justice; racial quotas can produce a type of intersubjective recognition capable of generating symbolic and structural changes beyond mere distribution; racial quotas are a type of public policy capable of reconciling the objectives set out in both theories, regardless of their eventual inconsistencies or conformity. By reconstructing the genealogy of the philosophical discourse that founded the legitimacy of such public policies, it is also sought to reconstruct the promises and the potential that racial quotas have, making use of the idea of immanent criticism as a method of investigating social reality. Thus, it is pointed out as a conclusion that affirmative actions, especially racial quotas, can have mixed effects that represent redistributive improvements of fundamental social and material resources in a chain, as well as recognition in a broad sense, including structural changes in access to their resources. / [fr] Cette thèse vise à évaluer une partie du discours public, académique et institutionnel, qui a fondé la moralité légitimante des quotas raciaux. Dans un premier temps, deux courants théoriques distincts sont mis en évidence, d origine anglo-saxonne et germanique, qui ont dominé une partie du discours public sur le sujet, à savoir: les théories libérales de la justice distributive et les théories de la reconnaissance. Sur la base des auteurs de chacune de ces théories, à savoir: John Rawls, Charles Taylor et Axel Honneth, nous cherchons à comprendre si ces auteurs sont capables d articuler un ensemble d idées et des valeurs qui peuvent non seulement soutenir la moralité des quotas raciaux, mais aussi fournir des instruments qui aident à concevoir les objectifs et la portée de ces politiques. En ce sens, trois hypothèses ont été envisagées: les quotas raciaux sont des politiques qui peuvent se résumer dans le cadre normatif des théories de la justice distributive; les quotas raciaux peuvent produire une forme de reconnaissance intersubjective capable de générer des changements symboliques et structurels au-delà de la simple distribution ; les quotas raciaux sont une modalité de politique publique capable de concilier les objectifs énoncés dans les deux théories, indépendamment de leurs éventuelles incohérences ou conformités. En reconstituant la généalogie du discours philosophique qui a fondé la légitimité de telles politiques publiques, on cherche également à reconstituer les promesses et le potentiel des quotas raciaux, en utilisant l idée de critique immanente comme méthode d investigation de la réalité sociale. Par conséquent, il est souligné comme conclusion que les actions positives, en particulier les quotas raciaux, peuvent mélanger des effets qui représentent des améliorations redistributives des ressources sociales et matérielles fondamentales dans une chaîne, ainsi qu une reconnaissance au sens large, y compris des changements structurels dans l accès à celles-ci. ici des ressources.

This essay focus on the normative debate between cosmopolitanism and statism in the context of global distributive justice. The notion of basic structure and negative rights examines separately in two questions to understand distributive justice as a global subject rather than only national. Statists as Rawls holds the position that global distributive justice prerequisite a basic structure with coercive instrument. Pogge as cosmopolitan arguments for the existence of global basic structure, by addressing inequalities in real-world politics, in the form of negative rights violation. The aim of this study is to justify global distributive justice on cosmopolitan duties, based on normative political theory, reflective equilibrium, and conceptual analysis. The main issue is formulated into two questions in the following: • Does reciprocity constitute a global basic structure that presupposes resource distribution? • Can self-respect as foundation of rights justify global distributive justice? I do this first by analyzing the concept of basic structure, based on the notion reciprocity. This is to identify the basic structure of the global system that prerequisite global distributive justice. Second, I analyze Pogge’s formulation of negative rights as cosmopolitan rights, to modify them to a positive concept of rights. This is in purpose to avoid the libertarian counterargument presented by Narveson, that negative rights fail as a ground of cosmopolitan duties. I show first that coercion is not a necessary condition, but only sufficient for the basic structure. Thus, the global basic structure exists and prerequisite distributive justice, based on reciprocity. Unlike the national basic structure of coercive instrument, the global basic structure grounds on several global threats and challenges that tie all nations as alternative concept of coercion. Second, I show that cosmopolitan duties can be grounded on positive rights. I do this through the notion of self-respect and deontological ethics, which success to avoid the libertarian critique of cosmopolitan duties.

Counterproductive work behaviors (CWBs) are an expensive phenomenon for organizations, costing billions of dollars collectively each year. Recent research has focused on justice perceptions as predictors of CWBs, but little research has been conducted on the specific types of counterproductive work behaviors (i.e., sabotage, withdrawal, production deviance, abuse, and theft) that result from specific organizational justice perceptions (i.e., distributive, procedural, interpersonal, and informational) and the mediating effect of state affect. The current paper meta-analyzed the relationships between justice, CWB, and state affect and found that justice was negatively related to dimensions of CWB and state positive/negative affect were negatively/positively related to CWB dimensions, respectively. However, mediation of the relationship between justice and CWB by state affect was inconsistent across justice types and CWB dimensions. These findings suggests that, while managers should maintain an awareness of justice and state affect as individual predictors of CWBs, the current study does not necessarily support the claim that state affect explains the relationship between justice and counterproductive work behavior dimensions.

No description available.

[pt] A presente dissertação de mestrado tem como proposta analisar o fenômeno da desigualdade social, sobretudo aquela que aflige os grupos mais vulneráveis da nossa sociedade, problemas este tradicionalmente caracterizado como um fato social e transmutar tal aporia numa questão jurídica. Para tanto, utiliza-se do Pacto Internacional sobre Diretos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais de 1966 e de sua previsão que veda a discriminação na fruição dos direitos objetos do referido pacto. Como efeito, a discriminação no desfrute desses direitos, mesmo que involuntária, é uma infração ao dever de não discriminação, dever este que é de aplicabilidade imediata e não sujeito a considerações de ordem orçamentária. Posteriormente, é analisado o caráter neoliberal do Regime de Recuperação Fiscal ao qual aderiu o Estado do Rio de Janeiro, sendo pontuadas as repercussões deste regime excepcionalíssimo para o proveito dos direitos socioeconômicos e culturais numa situação de recrudescimento do conflito pelo dispêndio público. Após, abordam-se exemplos de políticas implementadas de modo geral a assegurar a fruição dos direitos socioeconômicos e culturais, bem como de políticas para verificar se as políticas implementadas pelo Estado são ou não discriminatórias. Por fim, é apresentada tanto uma sugestão de estrutura de verificação das políticas a serem implementadas em âmbito estadual quanto enumeradas iniciativas inovadoras em âmbito internacional que combinam baixo custo orçamentário para sua implementação e alto impacto sobre o público-alvo dos programas. / [en] This Masters Dissertation aims to analyze the phenomena of social inequality, especially that which affects the most vulnerable strata of our society. Problems such as these are traditionally characterized as social facts. However, it is this Dissertation s purpose to approach the issue as a legal matter. To that end, this work will have recourse to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966, and its provision which prohibits discrimination in the recognition of the rights it sets forth. In effect, the discrimination in the fruition of such rights, even when unintentional, constitutes a breach of the duty of non-discrimination, a duty of immediate applicability and not subject to budgetary considerations. Afterwards, the neoliberal character of the Fiscal Recovery Regime to which the State of Rio de Janeiro adhered will be analyzed. Remarks will then be made on the repercussions of this overly exceptional regime on the enjoyment of socioeconomic and cultural rights in an environment afflicted by the escalation of disputes on public expenditure. Furthermore, examples of policies implemented with a general objective to ensure the fruition of socioeconomic and cultural rights, as well as policies aiming to verify whether the policies adopted by the State are discriminatory or not, will be presented. At last, a proposal of State level policy verifying structure will be put forward, and several innovative initiatives in the international ambit, which combine low budget cost for implementation and high effectiveness over the target demographic, will be evaluated.

[pt] A presente tese de pesquisa doutoral estará alicerçada no conceito tridimensional de justiça desenvolvido pela filósofa contemporânea da teoria crítica - Nancy Fraser. O objetivo é investigar os impactos que o Programa Bolsa Família - PBF - gerou na diminuição das desigualdades sociais na vida das famílias beneficiárias quanto aos aspectos da redistribuição, do reconhecimento e da participação paritária. Realizamos análise bibliográfica das pesquisas feitas sobre o Programa Bolsa Família do ano de 2003 a 2014. O percurso teórico desta tese buscou o aprofundamento dos conceitos de pobreza e de exclusão social, a análise do processo de desenvolvimento brasileiro e das políticas públicas para o enfrentamento das desigualdades sociais nas décadas de 60 a 90, focalizando também a experiência da transição democrática pós-Constituição Federal de 1988. Levamos em consideração os princípios constitucionais de 1988 e os tratados internacionais que respaldam a responsabilidade do Estado e da sociedade brasileira para a implantação de políticas sociais como o Programa Bolsa Família. Concluímos que o PBF produziu resultados importantes na vida dos beneficiários, garantindo a justiça redistributiva e de reconhecimento e potencializando essas pessoas para a paridade participativa como sujeitos integrais na sociedade. Reconhecemos o avanço do desenho institucional da política social brasileira, proporcionado pelo PBF, inaugurando assim um novo modelo de proteção social, capaz de identificar a vulnerabilidade social das famílias brasileiras em situação de pobreza e de articular a redistribuição de renda e o reconhecimento, por meio do Sistema Único da Assistência Social - Suas. / [en] This doctoral research thesis is founded on the three-dimensional concept of justice developed by contemporary philosopher of critical theory Nancy Fraser. The objective is to investigate the impact that the Bolsa Família Program (PBF) generated in the reduction of social inequalities in the lives of beneficiary families considering aspects of redistribution, recognition and equal participation. An literature review of research was conducted on the Bolsa Família Program from 2003 to 2014. The theoretical path of this thesis aimed the investigation of the concepts of poverty and social exclusion, the analysis of the Brazilian development process and the public policies for dealing with social inequalities from the 60 s to the 90 s also focusing on the democratic transition experience post-constitution of 1988. We took into account the constitutional principles of 1988 and international treaties that support the responsibility of the Brazilian State and society to the implementation of social policies such as the Bolsa Família Program. We concluded that the PBF produced important results in the lives of the beneficiaries, ensuring redistributive and recognition justice, empowering those people to participatory parity as integral individuals in society. We recognize the progress of the institutional design of the Brazilian social policy, provided by the PBF, starting a new model of social protection, able to identify the social vulnerability of the Brazilian families in state of poverty and to articulate the redistribution of income and the recognition by the Single Social Assistance System - Suas.

The constitutionality of affirmative action in terms of section 8 of Act 200 of 1993 is investigated. The study contends that in constitutional interpretation it is permissible to have recourse to ethical precepts as long as these are anchored within the four corners of the Constitution. It is contended that the •equality clause• does not prescribe equality of outcome in favour of substantive equality of opportunity. It is asserted that group-based affirmative action may justifiably be attacked as being unconstitutional; either on the basis that it infringes the nonbeneficiary's equality rights in terms of sections 8(1) and 8(2) or that it falls beyond the constitutional protection afforded to affirmative action in terms of section 8(3). Furthermore, group-based modalities of affirmative action may also not constitute a permissible limitation on the fundamental right to equality, if compared to an individual-based socio-economic affirmative action model. / Jurisprudence / LL. M.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: On The io" of May 1994 Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as the first democratically elected black president of South Africa. The occasion was regarded, both nationally and internationally, as a triumph for humanity and perfused with a widespread optimism for the future of South Africa. Mandela proclaimed in his inaugural speech that "Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will experience oppression of one by another .... The sun shall never set on so glorious an achievement." However, now, less than 10 years later the rapidly accelerating and devastating HIV/AIDS epidemic is again 'obscuring the sun'. Those people affected so negatively by the racial, economic and gender injustices of the apartheid past, seem again to be suffering a possible injustice, because of a health and welfare system that is struggling to meet the needs of the HIV affected population. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the concept of distributive justice in South Africa, within the context of this devastating epidemic. I begin by discussing the Bill of Rights in the South African Constitution. I argue that an acceptable framework for a theory of justice for health care in South Africa, must be worked out against the background of this egalitarian Bill of Rights. I then consider the extent of the HIV epidemic, the effect it is having on the people of South Africa and the consequent implications for health care needs. It is within this context that I examine and compare three theories of distributive justice, namely utilitarianism, John Rawls' theory of "Justice as Fairness" and a libertarian concept of justice, as proposed by Robert Nozick. Utilitarianism is a consequentialist theory that focuses on producing the 'greatest happiness for the greatest number'. I argue that many health policy decisions in South Africa are in fact guided by this principle. However utilitarianism has both strengths and weaknesses which are critically examined. Within the framework of health care policy making, utilitarian justice dictates that rights are derivative and that the welfare of the majority usually takes precedence over the pressing needs of a minority. This issue in particular is discussed. Rawls' theory of "Justice as fairness" is critically discussed next. This theory has been adapted to health care by Norman Daniels, who argues that the Rawlsian principle of "fair equality of opportunity" is a suitable founding principle for health care institutions. Apartheid entrenched a system of 'inequality of opportunity'. Consequently, a theory that focuses on equality of opportunity, has many advantages within the South African context. I examine this theory in detail and provide justification for my assertion that it could be usefully adapted to South African healthcare and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Finally, I discuss a Libertarian (Nozickian) theory of justice and examine both the strengths and weaknesses of this theory. I attempt to demonstrate why a libertarian system, with it vigorous commitment to moral and economic individualism and belief that one is only entitled to that share of healthcare that can be paid for, would be unjust, if rigorously applied within the post-apartheid South African context. I conclude my dissertation by reiterating my assertion that "Justice as Fair Equality of Opportunity" could be used as a just foundation for a theory of justice for health care in current day, HIV/AIDS affected South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Teorieë van geregtigheid en 'n gesondheidsbeleid vir die VIGS epidemie in Suid Afrika: 'n vergelykende ontleding. Op die 10de Mei 1994 is Nelson Mandela ingehuldig as die eerste demokraties verkose swart president van Suid- Afrika. Die geleentheid is in beide Suid-Afrika en in die buiteland beskou as 'n oorwinning vir humaniteit. Optimisme oor Suid-Afrika se toekoms was oral tasbaar. Mandela het in sy inhuldigingstoespraak verkondig dat dit nooit weer sal gebeur dat hierdie pragtige land sal lyonder die onderdrukking van een oor die ander nie. Hy het gesê dat die son nooit salondergaan op so 'n wonderlike prestasie nie. Nou, minder as tien jaar later, is die verwoestende VIGS epidemie besig om weer die 'son te laat ondergaan'. Dieselffde mense wat alreeds onder apartheid se rasisme en ekonomiese en geslagsongeregtighede gely het, blyk nou weer verontreg te word; hierde keer omdat die gesondheids- en welsynsisteem sukkel om in die behoeftes van die VIGS-geaffekteerde populasie te voorsien. Die doel van hierdie verhandeling is om die konsep van distributiewe geregtigheid in die konteks van die dreigende VIGS epidemie te bespreek. Ek begin met 'n bespreking van die Verklaring van Regte soos vervat in die Suid-Afrikaanse Grondwet. Ek voer aan dat enige aanvaarbare teorie oor geregtigheid in die Suid-Afrikaanse gesondheidsisteem gegrond moet word op hierdie egalitêre Verklaring van Regte. Tweedens kyk ek na die omvang van die VIGS epidemie, die effek wat dit op die HIV-positiewe populasie en hulle familielede het, en die gevolglike implikasies vir gesondheidsbehoeftes. Dit is binne hierdie konteks dat ek drie teorieë van distributiewe geregtigheid ondersoek en vergelyk; naamlik utilitarisme, John Rawls se teorie van "Justice as Fairness", en 'n libertynse konsep van geregtigheid soos voorgestel deur Robert Nozick. Utilitarisme is 'n konsekwensialistise teorie wat beteken dat die regte daad die een is wat in enige situasie die grootste geluk vir die meeste persone sal meebring. Ek voer aan dat baie van die beleidsrigtings wat 'n gesondheidsorg in Suid-Afrika gevolg is, deur hierdie teorie beïnvloed is. Utilitarisme het uiteraard sterk en swak punte en beide kante word krities ondersoek. In 'n gesondheidsorg konteks beteken utilitarisme dat regte altyd afgelei is en dat die welsyn van die meerderheid gewoonlik belangriker is as die van 'n minderheid, selfs wanneer die probleme van die minderheid ernstig en dringend is. Rawls se teorie van geregtigheid word vervolgens krities bespreek. Hierdie teorie is deur Norman Daniels aangepas vir gesondheidsorg. Hy stel voor dat Rawls se beginsel van 'regverdige gelykheid van geleentheid' baie effektief aangepas kan word vir gesondheidsorginstellings. Apartheid het 'n sisteem van ongelyke geleentheids verskans; gevolglik hou 'n teorie wat gelykheid van geleentheid verseker baie voordele vir die Suid- Afrikanse situasie in. Ek bespreek hierdie teorie in detail en poog om my standpunt dat die teorie besonder geskik is vir Suid-Afrikaanse gesondheidsisteem - veral in die konteks van die VIGS epidemie - te regverdig. Laastens bespreek ek die libertynse teorie van geregtigheid soos voorgestel deur Robert Nozick. Ek probeer aantoon waarom hierdie teorie, wat gebaseer is op morele en ekonomiese individualisme en gevolglik aanvoer dat mense geregtig is op gesondheidsorg alleenlik as hulle daarvoor kan betaal, onregverdig is in die Suid-Afrikaanse post-apartheid konteks. Ek sluit hierdie. verhandeling af deur weer te argumenteerdat Rawls se teorie en die beginsel van 'geregtigheid as gelyke geleentheide' uiters geskik is as 'n grondslag vir gesondheidsorg in Suid-Afrika vandag.