Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alex Ribeiro Carneiro.pdf: 1035690 bytes, checksum: 12cbb78d2167fc45790081345f950e41 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-06 / The propriety is an essential element to the human being, to the capitalist economical order and to the State. It is means of safety and personal subsistence, it is the core of the activity and the economical power, and it is instrument of development of the State. This essentiality requests that in all spheres of performance and interest the propriety holds its social function, being capable to produce a worthy life with social justice. Therefore the State, as first agent of service and intermediation of the public interest, should act in a way which the principle of the social function of the propriety is observed and executed. The propriety was not always ruled with the perspective of instrument of social well-being. The propriety right in the Liberal State was absolute and individualist and it didn't allow interference. However, through times, the propriety right changed its profile. This change was fruit of the social inequalities generated by the exercise without limits of the right of exploration of the deprived propriety and of other historical, juridical and social factors, such as the industrial revolution, the Constitution of Weimar, the two great wars, the social movements and the appearance of the economical constitutions. Its new juridical profile is of an individual right of free fruition but conditioned to the service of the social function. Thus the economical exploration of the propriety is founded by objectives and specific principles ruled by the Right and imposed by the economical and social order. Inside of this reality the social, state and economical structure adopted by us demonstrates that the importance of the propriety right and the need of its exploration is addressed and based by principles and juridical objectives of well-being and social development. Our homeland Constitution has searched to harmonize the Democratic State of Right based on fundamental rights of the capitalist economical adopted system, when it is accepted as the foundation of the economical order, the valorization of the work and the free initiative, and as objective of this order to assure the human dignity according to the dictates of the social justice. With this objective the Constitution has prescribed principles for the economical order, with the purpose of orienting and basing the economical activities (art 170), as well as prescribing the performance of the State as a regulator and normative agent of the economical order. As a consequence of our social and juridical structure and our economical system, the principle of the social function of the propriety has become primordial. Primordial not just because of the degree of importance compared to others, but because of its instrumentality, as much for the observance of other principles and objectives of the economical activity as for effectuation of the original ideals of the Democratic State of Right, freedom, equality and fraternity, adopted by States of capitalist economy and proposed as means of citizenship and warranty of the human rights and of development of the society - model which was also in our Constitution. The problem is in the concrete economical and social relationship. For, today judicially the propriety right has been relative but it is concretely confronted with an order of strong economical power, still largely ruled, for the absolute liberal and individualist vision of the 18th century - although some are already observing the principle of the social function. The question raised by these aspects is how to harmonize the economical activity to the constitutional objectives of human dignity and social justice? Such reflection leads us to the effect and observance of the principles of the social function of the propriety by the economical order. This effect requests the useful intervention of the State, not only regulating and supervising the economical activity, but mainly adopting rational and practicable planning, motivating and rewarding social and voluntary actions of economical agents. Adopting a leading State posture, motivating, stimulating and inspectorial of the economical activity to regulate, and, when necessary, repressing of the irregular economical activity. That is through an useful and necessary intervention of the State in the economical order, that may propitiate the effectuation of the principle of the social function of the propriety and lead to the materialization of the juridical objectives - of article 170 CF - of dignity and social justice, and make from this principle an instrument of adaptation of the economical order to the social development. Such development should not be a simple synonym of enrichment of the State and of the economical agents or a simple advance of the technology, but it must be characterized by worthy and capable citizens of contributing for the well-being of the whole social order. For, this is the objective, foundation and reason of our State, of our order juridical, social and economical - to produce true and worthy citizens. / A propriedade é um elemento essencial ao ser humano, à ordem econômica capitalista e ao Estado. É meio de segurança e subsistência pessoal, é núcleo da atividade e poder econômico, e é instrumento de desenvolvimento do Estado. Esta essencialidade requer que em todas as esferas de atuação e interesse a propriedade tenha função social, sendo capaz de produzir uma vida digna com justiça social. Por isso o Estado como agente primeiro de atendimento e intermediação do interesse público deve atuar para que o princípio da função social da propriedade seja observado e efetivado. Nem sempre a propriedade foi regrada com a perspectiva de instrumento de bem-estar social. O direito de propriedade no Estado Liberal era absoluto e individualista e não permitia interferência. Contudo, através dos tempos, o direito de propriedade mudou de perfil. Esta mudança foi fruto das desigualdades sociais geradas pelo exercício sem limites do direito de exploração da propriedade privada e de outros fatores históricos, jurídicos e sociais, tais como a revolução industrial, a Constituição de Weimar, as duas Grandes Guerras, os movimentos sociais e o surgimento das constituições econômicas. Seu novo perfil jurídico é de um direito individual de livre fruição, mas condicionado ao atendimento da função social. Com isso a exploração econômica da propriedade passou a ser fundada por objetivos e princípios específicos regrados pelo Direito e impositivos à ordem econômica e social. Dentro desta realidade a estrutura social, estatal e econômica que adotamos demonstra a importância do direito de propriedade e a necessidade de sua exploração ser direcionada e baseada por princípios e objetivos jurídicos de bem-estar e desenvolvimento social. A Constituição pátria buscou harmonizar o Estado Democrático de Direito baseado em direitos fundamentais ao sistema econômico capitalista adotado, ao prever como fundamento da ordem econômica a valorização do trabalho e a livre iniciativa, e como objetivo desta ordem assegurar a dignidade humana conforme os ditames da justiça social. Como meio para este objetivo a Constituição prescreveu princípios para a ordem econômica, a fim de nortear e fundamentar as atividades econômicas (art 170), bem como prescreveu a atuação do Estado como agente regulador e normatizador da ordem econômica (art 174). Como corolário de nossa estrutura social e jurídica e nosso sistema econômico, torna-se primordial o princípio da função social da propriedade. Primordial não quanto ao grau de importância frente aos demais, mas sim por sua instrumentalidade, tanto para a observância dos outros princípios e objetivos da atividade econômica como para efetivação dos ideais originais do Estado Democrático de Direito, liberdade, igualdade e fraternidade, adotados pelos Estados de economia capitalista e propostos como meio de cidadania e garantia dos direitos humanos, e de desenvolvimento da sociedade modelo também previsto em nossa Constituição. O problema está nas relações econômicas e sociais concretas. Pois, hoje juridicamente o direito de propriedade se relativizou, mas se defronta concretamente com uma ordem de forte poder econômico, ainda pautada, em grande parte, pela visão liberal absoluta e individualista do século XVIII - ainda que alguns já estejam observando o princípio da função social. Por estes aspectos surge a questão de como harmonizar a atividade econômica aos objetivos constitucionais de dignidade humana e justiça social? Reflexão que nos conduz à efetivação e à observância do princípio da função social da propriedade pela ordem econômica. Efetivação que requer a intervenção útil do Estado, não só regulando e fiscalizando a atividade econômica, mas principalmente adotando planejamentos racionais e realizáveis, incentivando e premiando as ações sociais e voluntárias dos agentes econômicos. Adotando uma postura Estatal orientadora, planejadora, incentivadora e fiscalizadora da atividade econômica regular, e, quando necessário, repressora da atividade econômica irregular. Isto é, através de uma intervenção útil e necessária do Estado na ordem econômica, que propicie a efetivação do princípio da função social da propriedade e leve a concretização dos objetivos jurídicos do art 170 da CF - de dignidade e justiça social; e façam deste princípio um instrumento de adequação da ordem econômica ao desenvolvimento social. Desenvolvimento que não deve ser simples sinônimo de enriquecimento do Estado e dos agentes econômico ou simples avanço tecnológico, mas sim caracterizado por cidadãos dignos e capazes de contribuir para o bem-estar de toda a ordem social. Pois este é o objetivo, fundamento e razão de nosso Estado, de nossa ordem jurídica, social e econômica - produzir verdadeiros e dignos cidadãos.

A participação social, enquanto um método de gestão do Governo Federal, diversificou os canais de interlocução entre Estado e organizações da sociedade civil para elaboração e gestão de políticas públicas a partir do primeiro Governo Lula em 2003. Dentre os conselhos consultivos, destaca-se a criação do Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (CDES), como um fórum de assessoramento da Presidência da República para discussão ampliada de diretrizes sobre o desenvolvimento nacional. A partir da literatura sobre deliberação pública e dos estudos que propõem avaliar os resultados produzidos pelas instituições participativas, questiona-se em que medida o CDES propõe um diálogo ampliado com a sociedade civil sobre a temática do desenvolvimento e qual sua incidência no processo decisório de elaboração das políticas públicas no período de 2003 a 2010. Para tanto, propõese a análise de sua efetividade a partir dos fatores endógenos e exógenos, que buscam garantir a legitimidade e a institucionalização de fóruns participativos dentro da estrutura governamental. Os fatores endógenos investigados são: dinâmica de funcionamento do Conselho, composição e principais temáticas encaminhadas. Para a análise do impacto que elementos externos exercem no encaminhamento de suas deliberações, adotam-se como fatores exógenos a inserção institucional e a articulação interna de governo. Também se busca compreender a efetividade do Conselho por meio das avaliações de seus participantes. A presente pesquisa possui caráter quali-quantitativo, tendo como referência a investigação por estudo de caso. Buscou-se combinar recursos de análise estatística dos dados com a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. A análise de seu funcionamento e composição revelou limitações quanto ao potencial de inclusão de agenda por parte da sociedade civil e baixa representatividade social em seu quadro de conselheiros. Também se verificou que a vinculação do CDES à Presidência da República dificultou sua articulação com as bases organizadas da sociedade civil e com as demais instituições participativas existentes na esfera federal; fatos estes que comprometeram a efetividade de seus trabalhos. / Social participation, as a method of management of the Federal Government, has diversified channels of communication between State and civil society organizations for policies formulation, since the first Lula`s Government in 2003. Among consultative councils, we highlight the creation of the Council of Economic and Social Development (CESD) as a Presidency´s advisory forum that discuss guidelines for development. From the literature about public deliberation and studies that propose to evaluate the results produced by participatory institutions, we discuss how CESD proposes an expanded dialogue with civil society on the issue of development and what its impact on the decision-making process of public policy in the period from 2003 to 2010. To this end, we propose the analysis of its effectiveness by the endogenous and exogenous factors that seek to confer legitimacy and institutionalization to participatory forums within the government´s structure. The endogenous factors investigated are: dynamic operation, composition and main themes discussed. To analyze the impact that external factors have on the routing of its deliberations, we analyze exogenous factors as the institutional placement and internal articulation of government. Also, in a complementary way, we seek to understand the evaluation of the participants about the effectiveness of the Council. This research has qualitative and quantitative character, with reference to research by case study. We tried to combine resources statistical data with bibliographic and documentary research. The analysis of its functioning and composition reveals limitations on the inclusion agenda by civil society and low social representativeness in their board of advisors. It was also found that the binding of CESD the presidency has caused difficulties on articulation with the bases organized civil society and other participatory institutions at the federal level; these facts have compromised the effectiveness of their work.

Cette thèse porte sur l'engagement de la société civile dans les relations franco-allemandes entre 1989 et 2013, avec une ouverture portant jusqu'à l'année 2017. Son objectif est d'étudier le rôle, l'organisation et le caractère transnational de six initiatives franco-allemandes face à l'intégration européenne et à la mondialisation. Tout en démontrant l'importance de l'engagement citoyen, cette thèse s'interroge sur la place de la relation franco-allemande dans nos sociétés actuelles. L'interdisciplinarité du travail nécessite la mobilisation de plusieurs méthodes de recherche. L'exploitation des archives propres à chaque association se révèle particulièrement importante, pour pouvoir illustrer l'évolution des initiatives citoyennes sur la base de données empiriques. Dans un premier temps, l'analyse procède par catégories : (1) communication, (2) conception des programmes/orientation thématique, (3) réseautage et (4) professionnalisation/potentiel d'innovation. Ensuite, la thèse explore l'importance du capital social individuel (Bourdieu) des personnalités clés au sein d'une association ainsi que le capital social collectif (Putnam) généré par ces associations. Les relations que les associations entretiennent au sein du réseau franco-allemand et les liens qu'entretiennent les personnages clés avec d'autres acteurs situés en dehors de cet espace binational sont deux éléments importants pour la visibilité, le poids et l'utilité sociale des initiatives (Gadrey). Enfin, le travail pose la question de savoir si ces associations constituent des hétérotopies (Foucault) qui suscitent un habitus particulier tout en créant une conscience franco-allemande. Ainsi, cette thèse s'emploie à démontrer l'importance d'un réseau associatif transnational. / This thesis discusses the civil society engagement in the relationship between France and Germany between 1989 and 2013, with an outlook until 2017. Its objective is to study the role, the organisation and the transnational character of six Franco-German associations in the face of European integration and globalisation. By showing the importance of civil society engagement, this thesis questions the place of the Franco-German relationship in our contemporary society. The multidisciplinarity of this thesis demands the application of different methodological approaches. The analysis of empirical data through the examination of the associations' archives is particularly important in order to show the development of the initiatives. First, the material is analysed by the categories (1) communication, (2) program conception/main topics, (3) networking and (4) professionalization/innovation potential, which reveal different challenges such as the ageing of the members. Then, the thesis explores the importance of individual social capital (Bourdieu) for an association disposed by key personalities as well as the collective social capital (Putnam) generated by these associations. Not only the relations the associations are maintaining within the Franco-German network but also the connections key personalities have outside of the binational space are important for the visibility, wages and social utility of the initiatives (Gadrey). Finally, the thesis asks if these associations could be characterized as heterotopy (Foucault), which evokes a particular habitus by creating a Franco-German self-conception. The analysis therefore attempts to show the importance of a transnational association network.

A des dates et à des vitesses différentes selon les pays, l’aluminium a changé tout à la fois le monde industriel et les modes de vie. Au début du XXème siècle, le monde en développement était déjà partagé entre l’Amérique du Nord où acier et béton commençaient à façonner les villes reliées par le chemin de fer, et l’Europe où il fallait détruire pour reconstruire et où le changement a pris plus de temps. Aluminium et hydroélectricité ont effectué leurs débuts ensemble, ouvrant une longue période de croissance que leur complémentarité a accélérée. Les réussites techniques dans les deux domaines ont eu un effet boule de neige. L’expansion a duré ¾ de siècle jusqu’à ce que l’augmentation des usages domestiques de l’électricité contraigne la production d’aluminium à trouver de nouvelles sources de courant, au sein des États-Unis d’abord. Les pays en développement ont adopté le chemin suivi auparavant et assuré la continuité. Depuis 2003, la Chine est le premier producteur mondial d’aluminium. La modernisation a touché tous les domaines en même temps, sant apparaître des besoins considérables d’accompagnement. L’économie et la gestion ont construit et développé des bases théoriques et pratiques en réseau, amplifiant l’efficacité des progrès techniques. Ce qu’il a paru intéressant de mettre en lumière dans cette étude, ce sont les interactions durables entre la théorie économique et la production industrielle d’un métal qui a façonné le siècle. / At different times and speeds, depending on the countries concerned, aluminium has transformed both the world of industry and our ways of life. In the early 20th century, the developing world was already divided between North America, where steel and concrete were beginning to shape cities linked by railroads, and Europe, where it was necessary to demolish before rebuilding, and the transformation therefore took longer. Aluminium and hydroelectricity emerged together, heralding a long period of growth that was accelerated by their complementarity. Technical progress in both domains had a snowball effect. The expansion lasted three-quarters of a century, until the rising household demand for electricity forced aluminium producers to look for new sources of energy, firstly in the United States. The developing countries followed the same path and provided continuity. China has been the leading aluminium producer in the world since 2003. Modernisation affected both domains at the same time, creating considerable needs for support. Economics and management sciences have developed theoretical and practical foundations in a network, amplifying the effectiveness of technical advances. The interest of this study lies in our revelation of the lasting interactions between economic theory and industrial production.

This thesis examines how the discursive construction of parenthood in the news media, during the Husby riots of 2013, was affected by social and economical class. News media contributes to shape our perception of reality, our norms and ideals, and what issues that is to be considered important. The family and the effect of child rearing as a process of shaping children into becoming political subjects has been of interest for political science during a long period of time. Previous research shows that social and economical class has a significant effect on norms, ideals and expectations regarding parenthood and child rearing. It is therefore important to study the representation of class in association to parenthood in the news media. Extraordinary events, such as the Husby riots, generate a vast amount of media attention and material. Also, the riots took place in a neighborhood with low socio-economic standard. I have therefore conducted a Foucauldian discourse analysis on a news material consisting of 46 articles and editorials from four of Sweden's biggest news papers: Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen and Svenska Dagbladet, in order to analyze how and which subject positions are established, which characteristics they are assigned and how the construction of parenthood is dependent on social and economical class.The results show that the most common subject positions consists of the police, working class youngsters participating in the riots, children as victims of the riots and working class parents. Language and education is given a prominent part in the discourse, both as an explanation to why the riots broke out in the first place and as a solution to how such social unrest can be avoided in the future. Social and economic class is not mentioned explicitly but is an important implicit discursive construction in the portrayal of parents and children. I therefore conclude that social class and language greatly affected the portrayal and representation of parenthood and child rearing during the Husby Riots of 2013.

<p>As a part of the fight against the global warming the energy production needs to be more efficient and redirected towards sustainable options. One alternative is cogeneration, which means that electricity and heat is produced in one plant. The purpose with this survey is to examine if there are any commercial available combined heat and power techniques, based on combustion of solid moist biomass, which are suitable to small-scale applications. The technique must be able to produce between 2 and 10 MW thermal and the heat demand is a Swedish district-heating system. When already published reports had been studied, the Organic Rankine Cycle (ORC) was chosen as the most suitable technique. The possibility of using the ORC to generate electricity from the district-heating return flow was considered simultaneously. The chosen ORC-technique was then evaluated in Excel. The first aspect to be examined was how the performance of a combined heat and power plant was affected by variations in the supply line temperature. It showed that the performance reaches top levels when the temperature is low. The second part contains an optimisation, in a techno-economical perspective, of the ratio between cogeneration and separate heat production for district-heating systems with heat demands below 50 GWh/year. The most profitable combined heat and power plant generates 45 % of the installed power in a 50 GWh system. The profit is, however, too low to justify any construction plans. The conclusion was that there are no economical reasons to choose combined heat and power based on an organic rankine cycle in Sweden today.</p>

As a part of the fight against the global warming the energy production needs to be more efficient and redirected towards sustainable options. One alternative is cogeneration, which means that electricity and heat is produced in one plant. The purpose with this survey is to examine if there are any commercial available combined heat and power techniques, based on combustion of solid moist biomass, which are suitable to small-scale applications. The technique must be able to produce between 2 and 10 MW thermal and the heat demand is a Swedish district-heating system. When already published reports had been studied, the Organic Rankine Cycle (ORC) was chosen as the most suitable technique. The possibility of using the ORC to generate electricity from the district-heating return flow was considered simultaneously. The chosen ORC-technique was then evaluated in Excel. The first aspect to be examined was how the performance of a combined heat and power plant was affected by variations in the supply line temperature. It showed that the performance reaches top levels when the temperature is low. The second part contains an optimisation, in a techno-economical perspective, of the ratio between cogeneration and separate heat production for district-heating systems with heat demands below 50 GWh/year. The most profitable combined heat and power plant generates 45 % of the installed power in a 50 GWh system. The profit is, however, too low to justify any construction plans. The conclusion was that there are no economical reasons to choose combined heat and power based on an organic rankine cycle in Sweden today.

In the beginning of the 1990s the responsibility for the schools shifted from the government to the local authorities. This started an era with a freedom of choice for students where they themselves could choose which school to go to. The new system also opened up the possibility for independent private schools to exist side by side with local authority held schools. The overall aim of this study is to determine the factors that affect the location of these independent schools and the geographical pattern these independent schools create. The study in this paper is based on materials from statistics and interviews. The statistics is from SCB (Statistics Sweden), Skolverket (a government agency that work for the Ministry of Education) and Skolinspektionen (a government agency that supervises that schools follow laws and regulations) and the interviews are with principals and owners of independent schools and representatives from Skolverket, Skolinspektionen and Friskolornas riksförbund (The national association for independent schools). Since the 1990s the independent schools have become nearly as many as the local authority held schools, but are concentrated to 41 percent of Sweden’s municipalities. When comparing this to the local authority held schools that are in 96 percent of Sweden’s municipalities means that the independent schools are in high numbers in a few municipalities. The study shows a geographical pattern of independent schools mainly in large cities. In this paper I examine if the concentration of independent schools in a small part of Sweden’s municipalities is due to political reasons or economical reasons. In conclusion the study indicates that economical factors is the main reasons for their geographical location. The main reasons for locating in urban areas are based on the number of students, diversity, opportunity, and the closeness to universities but also the closeness to entertainment as cafés.

Στην παρούσα έρευνα αναπτύχθηκε και εφαρμόστηκε ένα ψυχοεκπαιδευτικό πρόγραμμα για παιδιά δημοτικού. Ο στόχος ήταν η κατανόηση από μέρους των παιδιών των αλλαγών που έχουν συντελεστεί στο κοινωνικό και οικογενειακό περιβάλλον, λόγω της οικονομικής κρίσης και η ενδυνάμωσή τους για σωστή διαχείριση των παραπάνω αλλαγών. Σχεδιάστηκε και υλοποιήθηκε ένα ψυχοεκπαιδευτικό πρόγραμμα έξι συναντήσεων βασισμένο στις αρχές της Θετικής ψυχολογίας και της Γνωσιακής – Συμπεριφοριστικής ψυχολογίας. Οι συμμετέχοντες διδάχτηκαν στρατηγικές και δεξιότητες διαχείρισης της οικονομικής κρίσης. Από τη στατιστική ανάλυση των ποιοτικών και ποσοτικών στοιχείων των ερωτηματολογίων που συμπληρώθηκαν από τους συμμετέχοντες στο ψυχοεκπαιδευτικό πρόγραμμα εξήχθησαν τα παρακάτω συμπεράσματα: Οι περισσότεροι από τους συμμετέχοντες έμαθαν τις έννοιες των βασικών όρων της οικονομικής κρίσης. Εξέφρασαν τα συναισθήματά τους και αντιλήφθηκαν τις σωματικές αντιδράσεις που τα συνοδεύουν. Επίσης, φάνηκε μια τάση ανάπτυξης των τριών αξόνων της Θετικής ψυχολογίας δηλαδή, της ικανοποίησης από τη ζωή, της ευτυχίας και της αισιοδοξίας τους. Τέλος, έδειξαν κατανόηση των στρατηγικών επίλυσης προβλημάτων. / In this survey was developed and implemented a psycho educational program for primary school children. The goal was the understanding, from the children, of changes that have occurred in the social and family environment due to the economic crisis and their empowerment for proper management of these changes. A six meetings psycho educational program has been designed and implemented based on the principles of positive psychology and cognitive-behavioral psychology. Participants were taught strategies and economic crisis management skills. From the statistical analysis of qualitative and quantitative data of the questionnaires that were completed by the participants, the following conclusions were reached: Most of the participants learned the concepts of key terms of the economic crisis. They expressed their feelings and perceived physical reactions that accompany them. Moreover a development trend of the three pillars of positive psychology was demonstrated, that is, life satisfaction, happiness and optimism. Finally, they showed understanding of problem solving strategies.

The purpose of this study was to investigate a group of teenage girls and their relation to clothes by using the theories about habitus and different types of capital by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. We have used semiotics since we also wanted to know what clothes symbolized for our respondents. The questions were therefore: 1. How is a group of teenage girls who go to school in Stockholm city influenced by their habitus and symbolical capital in their attitude and relation to clothes? 2. What do the clothes symbolize for these girls? We have interviewed four sixteen year old girls who all study at a high school in Stockholm city. Our conclusion is that each girls habitus and different assets of capitals have an influence on her attitude and relation to clothes. For our respondents the clothes symbolized status, economical capital and to look attractive to others. / Avsikten med denna uppsats var att undersöka en grupp tonårstjejer och deras relation till kläder utifrån den franske sociologen Pierre Bourdieus teorier om habitus och olika former av kapital. Vi har också använt oss utav semiotiken då vi även ville veta vad kläder symboliserar för våra respondenter. Våra frågeställningar blev därför: 1. Hur influeras en grupp tonårstjejer som går i skolan i Stockholm av sitt habitus och symboliska kapital när det gäller deras inställning och relation till kläder? 2. Vad symboliserar kläder för dessa tjejer? För att besvara dessa frågor har vi intervjuat fyra sextonåriga tjejer som alla studerar vid ett gymnasium i Stockholms innerstad. Vår slutsats är att det habitus och olika tillgångar av kapital hos respektive tjej vi intervjuade påverkade hennes klädbruk. Kläderna symboliserade status, ekonomiskt kapital och att se attraktiv ut inför andra.