This thesis is a comparative study of how elites in Sweden and Poland approach and make sense of EU membership. It begins with the observation that the public debates in several EU member countries are becoming increasingly politicized around a dichotomy, i.e. enthusiasm and skepticism vis-à-vis European integration. Whereas a lot of research in this field covers the characteristics of the European integration process itself, fewer studies focus upon the cognitive complexity involved in national strategic policy choices. The aim of this thesis is to explore, compare and contrast the organizational and cognitive aspects of how Sweden and Poland entered the EU and thereby to contribute to an understanding of how national policymakers in Europe believe that national and supranational integration can work together. The theoretical point of departure is Stein Rokkan’s model of political integration, which emphasizes the importance of functional and territorial political cleavages in the development of modern European nation states. The model is used to identify political actors and structures that are transnationalizing forces in Europe and to determine in what ways they form a challenge to national governments in the process of adaptation to the EU. Representing different theoretical points of intersection in the Rokkanian model, these challenges are defined as Integration, Trade and Industry, Functional Regionalism and Territorial Regionalism. The empirical analysis builds on these theoretical categories and covers three different areas. First, the ways in which adaptation to the EU was organized by the governments of Sweden (1988-1994) and Poland (1998-2004) are scrutinized. Second, documents concerning the strategic policy deliberation of both organizations are analyzed in the light of Rokkanian integration categories. Third, the results of two sets of research interviews, one in each country, are analyzed. A major conclusion drawn in the study is that Rokkanian integration theory holds the key to an understanding of how national policymakers believe that European integration can be segmented and how supranational integration in the economic sphere can evolve separately from other areas of social and political integration. Although from very different countries and political experiences, elites in Sweden and Poland show remarkable cognitive similarities. Another contribution to a cross-national understanding of adaptation to the EU is the cognitive model, which is developed on the basis of empirical study. The model expands upon and goes beyond the simple dichotomy of Enthusiasts and Skeptics in the discussion about European integration. Two new categories are introduced and defined as Voluntarists and Pragmatists. The argument is that new cognitive categories are necessary to improve the description and analysis of how national policy makers in Europe set up long-term political goals and manage complex issues in the process of European integration.

地中海島嶼賽普勒斯，於1960年脫離英國統治，建立賽普勒斯共和國。島上兩大族裔－希臘裔與土耳其裔居民，長久以來對於生存權力之競奪，導致國內動亂不斷。1974年，賽普勒斯發生憲政危機，土耳其派兵佔領賽島北部36.4%之領土，賽普勒斯遂成為分裂國家。 1990年，賽普勒斯向歐盟提出入會申請。賽普勒斯入會案，為其本身之政治分裂問題、聯合國調停行動，以及土耳其、希臘、歐盟三方關係，投下新的變數。在歐盟第五波擴大的十個新會員國當中，賽普勒斯之政治情況最為特殊，所牽涉之議題最為廣泛。本文旨在研究賽普勒斯加入歐盟之過程，並分析其動機、影響其入會過程之變數、以及入會後所產生之影響。 / As a small island located in the East Mediterranean, Cyprus decolonized from British domination in 1960. It was named The Republic of Cyprus. The perennial political distemper in the country is derived from contending for political powers and living resources between the two main ethnic groups – the Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 1974, after the constitutional crisis of Cyprus, the Turkish army invaded the northern part of the country and occupied 36.4% of its territory. Thereupon Cyprus became a divided country. In 1990, the Cyprus government applied to the European Union for membership. Cyprus’ application for EU membership had unprecedented effects on Cyprus’ political problem, particularly for UN mediation in Cyprus and the tripartite relationship between Greece, Turkey and the EU. Compared to the nine new member states that joined the EU in 2004, Cyprus is in the most complicated political situation. This thesis focuses on Cyprus’ accession to the EU. The author analyzes Cyprus’ motivation for its application for EU membership, variables which affect its accessing process and the effects after joining the EU.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Objective: To assess in a prospective trial the influence of the amount of tissue resected at transurethral resection of the prostate (TURP) for benign prostatic enlargement on the symptom improvement as assessed by symptom scores. Methods: Between December 1996 and August 1998 a total of 138 men (mean age 68.2, range 53–89) with symptomatic benign prostatic enlargement who underwent TURP participated in this prospective study. Patients were assessed preoperatively with the International Prostate Symptom Score (IPSS), the American Urological Association Bother Score (AUA–BS) and the Benign Prostatic Hyperplasia Impact Index (BPH–II) as well as urinary flow rate measurements (Qmax) and prostate volume (PV) and residual urine determination by ultrasound. The amount of tissue resected was weighed. Patients were followed with reevaluation of Qmax, residual urine and the symptom and bother scores at 3 and 6 months. Results: A close correlation between preoperative PV (mean 49.0 ml, SD 22.0, range 13–140) and the resected tissue weight (RTW, mean 24.7 g, SD 18.0, range 6–128) was seen (r = 0.75, p<0.001). Age was correlated with preoperative PV (r = 0.23, p<0.05). While significant mean improvements in Qmax, residual volume and IPSS, AUA–BS and BPH–II were found 3 and 6 months postoperatively, a negative correlation was seen between the RTW and the IPSS, the AUA–BS and the BPH–II 3 months after TURP (r = –0.23, p<0.024; r = –0.23, p<0.025; r = –0.20, p = 0.05). No statistically significant correlation was seen between symptom change and the percentage of PV removed or the residual prostatic weight. Classification of the patients into groups depending on preoperative PV (<30, 31–50, 51–70 and >70 ml) showed a tendency for patients with larger PV to gain more symptom improvement postoperatively. Conclusions: Early symptom improvement after TURP will depend on the amount of tissue removed but the relationship is weak and affected by several other confounding factors. Apparently, the symptomatic improvement after TURP is not primarily dependent on the relative completeness of the resection. Patients with larger prostates and larger RTW tend to gain more symptomatic benefit from TURP than do patients with smaller prostates. / Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.

Diese Arbeit untersucht, inwieweit sich die Präferenzen polnischer politischer Parteien in der Europapolitik Polens widerspiegeln. Es wird dabei davon ausgegangen, dass die Parteipräferenzen signifikanten Einfluss auf die Gestaltung der politischen Praxis ausüben und so einen Spezialfall der liberalen Theorie der Internationalen Politik darstellen. Diese Abhandlung beschreibt die Überprüfung der genannten Hypothese und fasst die Ergebnisse des Verfahrens zusammen. Diese sprechen gegen eine parteizentrische Interpretation der liberalen Theorie in der internationalen Politik.

1990 年代俄羅斯與歐盟的關係並不是很熱絡，雙方皆因專注於內部的改革而對彼此興趣缺缺。葉爾欽政府對於歐盟充滿了無知與誤解，而布魯塞爾對於中、東歐國家的關注也遠超過俄羅斯。不過，90年代末期之後，隨著歐盟東擴的進行與雙方經貿互賴程度越來越深，莫斯科再也無法承擔誤解歐盟的後果。同時，歐盟亦為了穩定東擴後的東部邊境，不得不與俄羅斯進一步的加強合作。然而，俄羅斯與歐盟的政經關係日益密切，彼此間隱含的問題也一一浮現。 　　俄羅斯與歐盟無論是在安全、反恐、車臣、民主、人權、內政與司法事務、加里寧格勒、經貿與能源、世貿組織、京都議定書以及環境保護等議題上都存在著巨大的認知差異與分歧，使得雙方很難有真誠的合作。不過，若要因此強調俄羅斯與歐盟的衝突面似乎太過於悲觀。因為，與歐洲整合並非不符合俄羅斯的國家利益，而歐盟遇到困難便會再協商或擱置爭議的特殊運作模式也讓它在與俄羅斯的交往過程中不至於陷入危機。俄羅斯與歐盟還是能夠透過不斷的對話、談判與妥協來解決紛爭，雙方的夥伴關係仍然有相當大的發展潛力。 / In the 1990s, the relationship between Russia and the EU was not very enthusiastic. Both parties concentrated mainly on their own internal reforms, and therefore they had no interest in each other. Yeltsin’s regime was full of ignorance and misunderstanding about the EU, and Brussels also paid much more attention on the Central and Eastern European states than on Russia. However, since the late 1990s, the EU’s enlargement has been underway, and the level of interdependence between the EU and Russia has become higher and higher, Moscow can no longer afford the consequences of misunderstanding about the EU. Meanwhile, in order to stabilize the EU’s eastern border after enlargement, the EU has no choice but to enhance cooperation with Russia. Nevertheless, the closer political and economic relationship between Russia and the EU becomes, the more underlying problems emerge. There is a wide cognitive gap and many disputes between Russia and the EU over various issues, such as security, anti-terrorism, Chechnya, democracy, human rights, justice and home affairs, Kaliningrad, economic and trade, energy, WTO, Kyoto Protocol and environmental protection, etc. Therefore, it is unlikely for them to engage in any serious cooperation. However, it would be too pessimistic to highlight the aspects of conflicts for the above reason, because integration with Europe is also corresponding to Russia’s national interests. Besides, the EU’s particular working model of consulting with each other again and again or leaving aside the disagreements when encountering problems prevents the disputes between the EU and Russia from escalating to crisis. Russia and the EU can solve problems through talks, negotiations and compromises. It still has great potential for the further development of partnership between Russia and the EU.

Dans cette thèse, nous donnerons tout d'abord des conditions sur les paramètres d’une EDSR à générateur lipschitzien ou à croissance quadratique telles que les processus solutions de l’EDSR admettent des densités par rapport à la mesure de Lebesgue. Puis, nous donnerons des conditions sur les paramètres d’une EDSR non-markovienne à générateur lipschitzien ou quadratique telles que les processus solutions de l’EDSR admettent une dérivée de Malliavin, à l’aide d’une nouvelle caractérisation de cette dérivée. Ce résultat nous fournira une nouvelle structure interne des espaces de Malliavin que nous étudierons. Nous donnerons ensuite des conditions nous assurant que des solutions d’EDSR non-markoviennes à générateurs lipschitziens stochastiques sont différentiables au sens de Malliavin en utilisant cette caractérisation. Nous ferons ensuite une analyse de densités pour les lois des solutions de telles EDSR et nous appliquerons nos résultats à la biologie. Enfin, nous étudierons deux exemples d’utilisations des EDSR en finance. On s’intéressera tout d’abord à un problème de maximisation d’utilité avec un horizon aléatoire que nous réduirons à l’analyse d’un nouveau type d’EDSR à coefficients singuliers et nous illustrerons nos résultats par des simulations numériques. Puis, nous résoudrons un problème de type Principal/Agent sous volatilité incertaine. / In the first part of this PhD thesis, we give conditions on the parameters of Lipschitz and quadratic growth BSDEs such that the laws of the components Y and Z of the solutions to such BSDEs admit densities with respect to the Lebesgue measure. We then provide conditions on the parameters of non-Markovian Lipschitz or quadratic growth BSDEs such that the components Y and Z of their solutions are Malliavin differentiable. We obtain these conditions by applying a new characterization of the Malliavin differentiability, as an Lp convergence criterion of difference quotients. This result provide also a new characterization of the Malliavin-Sobolev spaces that we study in detail. To finish this first theoretical part, we provide conditions ensuring that solutions of non-Markovian stochastic-Lipschitz BSDEs are Malliavin differentiable by applying the characterization of the Malliavin differentiability obtained. We then analyse the existence of densities for the laws of the components of solutions to such BSDEs and we apply our result to a model of gene expression. In the second part of this thesis, we investigate financial problems dealing with BSDEs. We first solve a utility maximization problem with a random horizon, characterized by an exogenous default time. We reduce it to the analysis of a specific BSDE, which we call BSDE with singular coefficients, when the default time is assumed to be bounded. We give conditions ensuring the existence and the uniqueness of solutions to such BSDE and we illustrate our results by numerical simulations. Then, we solve a Principal/Agent problem with ambiguity, in which the "Nature" impacts both the utilities of the Agent and the Principal, charaterized by sets of probability measures which modify the volatility.

This dissertation on negating, resisting or affirming cosmological principle towards an African humanism leadership theory and model has evolved through an embryonic process that arose from the research ‘itch’ as regards the way in which post-colonial African leadership has been critiqued. This research ‘itch’ also focused on how the postcolonial leadership in Africa, were trail blazers in formulating liberation philosophies and ideologies that did not, unfortunately, translate into sustainable peace and development. Thus, this dissertation has been a journey of immersion into the public and macro-level discourse contained in pre-colonial, colonial and postcolonial African leadership case studies. This enriching journey revealed a postcolonial African leadership which had focused on ideologies and philosophies and had deviated from the spirituality embedded in indigenous cosmologies and knowledge systems. Hence, this dissertation examines relevant cosmological principles embedded in indigenous cosmologies and knowledge systems for analysing African leadership; for the embryonic process that begins with the universal humanism perspective of African leadership, cognitive justice and transformation by enlargement, and basic African humanism perspectives. Thus, this study examines cognitive justice as the enabler of indigenous cosmologies and transformation by enlargement as the enabler of indigenous knowledge systems, both of which provide relevant cosmological principles for analysing African leadership. In addition, the dissertation analyses indigenous cosmologies and knowledge systems from the African continent in an effort to distinguish between the various forms of leadership found in Africa and to generate an African humanism leadership theory and model. The indigenous cosmologies and knowledge systems in this dissertation are from four regions in Africa, namely, North Africa (Egypt); West Africa (Ghana-Akan); the Horn of Africa (Ethiopia) and Southern Africa (Bantu). The methodologies used in the study include Afrikology and critical discourse analysis and enabled the research study to ascertain whether cosmological principles embedded in indigenous cosmologies and knowledge systems are relevant for analysing African leadership. Critical discourse analysis enabled the geographic triangulation of African leadership and the indigenous cosmologies and knowledge systems, thus resulting in the development of the African humanism leadership theory and model of individual dualism leadership. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a geopolítica da Turquia após as transformações que alteraram o ambiente geopolítico em escala mundial. Desde a fundação da República da Turquia, Ancara tem desenvolvido relações preferenciais com o Ocidente, implementando diversas adaptações políticas, sociais e econômicas a fim de superar definitivamente o legado otomano e se ajustar às exigências do mundo ocidental. Durante a Guerra Fria, a Turquia passou a integrar a Aliança Transatlântica e serviu como elemento de contenção da União Soviética. Entretanto, o fim do mundo bipolar reduziu a importância da Turquia para a ampla estratégia de contenção americana, trazendo a necessidade de novos argumentos para manter o seu peso estratégico. Ao mesmo tempo, surgiram novas oportunidades para Ancara, especialmente quanto ao desenvolvimento de relações econômicas e culturais com os Estados independentes da ex-União Soviética. Os atentados de 11 de setembro e a reação norte-americana colocaram a Turquia novamente no centro da política americana como exemplo de compatibilidade entre o Islã e a modernidade ocidental e no combate ao terrorismo. Diversas interpretações do espaço geopolítico mundial destacam a importância da Turquia, desde sua importância estratégico-militar até seu papel como interlocutora entre o Ocidente e o mundo muçulmano, dentro de uma sugestão de choque entre as civilizações. Apesar disso, a Turquia ainda enfrenta sérios desafios externos em todas as direções, entrelaçados com seus problemas internos que, por muitas vezes, ultrapassam suas fronteiras e se tornam assuntos transnacionais. / The aim of this research is to evaluate Turkey\'s Geopolitics after the tectonic forces that reshaped the balance of power and the geopolitcs at a world level. Since its foundation after the Ottoman Empire break up in the years immediately following World War I, Ankara started to adapt itself in Western structures, such as NATO. The collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe, raised some doubts about Turkey\'s importance to the West. However, the aftershocks at the beginning of the twenty-first century and the War on Terrorism launched by the US and its allies, pushed Turkey from the Western periphery to the very center of world politics, thrusting Turkey into an increasingly role in the Middle East, the Southeastern Europe, and Caucasus/ Central Asia. In addition, its geopolitcal position interpreted by some scholars reinforced its strategic and, at some extend, crucial position to the West and to the system evolution. At the same time, Turkey\'s aspiration to become a member of the European Union, its ethnic, linguistic and religious affinities to the Turkic republics combined with the energy resources issues eastwards and its security concerns in the Middle East, reveal the complexity and the challenges facing Turkey.

L’Union européenne est, selon l’article 2 TUE, « fondée » sur des « valeurs » précisément identifiées. L’affirmation juridique de cette dimension fondatrice est d’autant moins neutre qu’elle est systématiquement revendiquée. Elle renvoie à une recherche d’essentialité laissant supposer que l’Union accorde volontairement une place centrale à ses valeurs. Ce choix s’exprime concrètement dans différentes dispositions issues des traités constitutifs. Les valeurs exercent notamment une influence décisive sur des questions aussi fondamentales que celles de la définition des objectifs de l’Union (article 3 TUE), du prononcé d’éventuelles sanctions à l’encontre d’États membres qui menaceraient leur intégrité (article 7 TUE), de l’orientation des relations qu’elle tisse avec son voisinage (article 8 TUE), ou encore des modalités de l’éventuelle adhésion d’un État tiers à l’Union européenne (article 49 TUE). Au-delà de la portée symbolique, juridique et politique de ces différents thèmes, les valeurs participent en réalité à déterminer l’identité spécifique de l’Union européenne. Il convient alors de s’interroger quant à la traduction concrète de cette dimension fondatrice. Afin de démontrer la consubstantialité et l’irréversibilité du lien que partagent l’Union européenne et ses valeurs, il est d’abord nécessaire de mettre en relief la vocation structurante et fonctionnelle des valeurs pour l’Union. Il reste ensuite à mesurer à quel point leur portée existentielle dépend de l’enjeu de leur protection, qu’elle soit politique, administrative ou juridictionnelle / The European Union is, according to Article 2 TEU, "founded" on "values" precisely identified. The legal affirmation of this fundamental dimension is systematically claimed. It refers to a research of essentiality suggesting that the Union voluntarily gives a central place to its values, which confirms the analysis of the main stages of its history. This choice is expressed in various provisions of the founding treaties. These values carry a decisive influence on fundamental issues such as the definition of the objectivesof the Union (Article 3 TEU), the imposition of any sanctions against member states that threaten their integrity (Article 7 TEU), the orientation of the relationships it forges with its neighbours (Article 8 TEU), and the terms of the possible accession of a state outside the European Union (Article 49 TEU). Beyond the symbolic, legal and political scope of these themes, the values determine the specific identity of the European Union. Thus, it is appropriate to question the concrete translation of the founding dimension of the values in the integration project and, therefore, to test the strength of community beliefs. The aim of the research is to determine whether a Union based on values can withstand the rigour of scientific analysis as well as the pressure of events. In order to demonstrate the consubstantial nature and the irreversibility of the link shared by the European Union and its beliefs, it is crucial to highlight the structural and functional vocation of the values for the Union. Lastly, their existential scope is yet to be assessed as this will depend from the level of their protection, whether political, administrative or judicial