Sverige är ett mångkulturellt land där det finns människor från olika delar av världen. Migrationen till Sverige har funnits sedan 60-talet och migranterna som har migrerat till Sverige har försökt att anpassa sig till den svenska arbetsmarknaden för att kunna skapa ett bättre liv. Många invandrare har lyckats att ta olika positioner på den svenska arbetsmarknaden, det är många som jobbar inom olika yrkesområde såsom; ledare, lärare, ingenjörer och så vidare. Men frågan är, hur har dessa invandrare lyckats att integrera sig i den svenska arbetsmarknaden? Vem har hjälpt dem med integrationen och hur gick de tillväga med jobbsökandet i det nya främmande landet? Studien fokuserar på att undersöka hur den albanska och arabiska målgruppen, som har invandrat till Sverige i vuxen ålder använt sig av sina nätverk för att hitta sina första jobb i Sverige. Studiens frågeställningar är: 1) Hur har intervjupersonerna gått tillväga för att få deras första jobb i den svenska arbetsmarknaden? 2) Vilken betydelse har sociala nätverk och socialt kapital haft för informanterna när det kommer till integrationen i arbetsmarknaden? I studien används teoretiska begrepp som socialt kapital och socialt nätverk. Studien genomförs med hjälp av en kvalitativ metod och en egocentrisk nätverksanalys, där det genomfördes åtta kvalitativa intervjuer. Resultatet av studien visar hur två målgrupper; albansktalande och arabisktalande invandrare har använt sig av sina nätverk och socialt kapital för att få information om lediga jobb. Resultaten av studien visar att det finns skillnader mellan hur den albanska respektive den arabiska målgruppen använt sig av sina nätverk och social kapitalt för att tillträde i den svenska arbetsmarknaden. Den arabisktalande målgruppen har använt sig av ett kontaktnätverk som består av personer från samma land medan den albanska målgruppen har integrerat sig på arbetsmarknaden med hjälp av sin socialt kapital som de har skaffat under deras första praktik i Sverige.

This is an undergraduate study which examines the availability of guidance counselor services given in Sámi languages in the Sámi administrative areas in Sweden. The questions at issue are:  How available is guidance counselling in the Sámi languages in Sweden's 25 administrative areas? What are the counsellors' views regarding Sámi clients being able to speak their own language during a session?  The administrative areas were selected since they have an obligation to offer certain services in Sámi languages. The areas are located in 25 Swedish counties and a survey with questions regarding the availability of guidance counselling in the Sámi languages was distributed to the counsellors employed therein. None of the counsellors has ever used a Sámi interpreter, is able to speak a Sámi language, and the majority haven’t identified a need for it with their clients.  The result is analysed with a critical discourse method and the theories of stigma, hegemony, Othering and ethnocentrism are used. The analysis shows that Sámi people are being Othered and that the guidance counsellors are operating from an ethnocentric view, which can lead to stigma and hegemony in guidance sessions with Sámi clients.

The case study of this thesis is the analysis of international health care students joined the emergency call of local authorities and performed emergency work during COVID-19 to help the Hungarian health care teams and facilities manage the pandemic. Through this case, the thesis puts an existing student interaction typology (Rose-Redwood and Rose-Redwood, 2013) to the test, and sets out to answer how the COVID-19-induced changes in their typology affected the students’ experience of being a migrant in Hungary. With semi-structured interviews and an inductive approach, the thesis identifies three recurring feelings – isolation, gratitude and responsibility – and the core argument of the thesis is that the feelings and migration experiences that the student shared were connected to the disruption of the student interaction typology. This study informs our understanding of student mobility and helps further research account for atypical situations in student mobility research.

There is a general recognition within the social sciences that extensive mobility challenges how we perceive the notion of home. With this idea as its starting point, this thesis explores how situations of hardship impact the ways in which mobile professionals negotiate and construct their homes. The actor-network theory (ANT) has been used as the means to explore the interactions between the people who inform this study and the multidimensional characteristics of the hardship setting. Through individual, open-ended interviews, the research draws upon the experiences of five international civil servants from the United Nations (UN) system of organizations who are assigned to hardship duty stations. Applying ANT to the empirical material drew the attention to the identification of five principal entities (or actors) that come into play in the negotiation of home construction, namely the civil servant, [in]security, mobility, ownership and social relations. The influence of the various nonhuman actors on home construction varied according to the individual and their transnational ties and professional status – those with family nuclei tended to situate their homes in terms of territoriality, whereas for others, factors such as privacy, materiality and social interaction weighed more heavily in the act of creating home.

This paper seeks to understand policy in the City of New York which limits cooperation with federal authorities for purposes of immigration control. It does so by qualitatively analyzing a set of legal-administrative documents. The key, policy features are identified along with the interests and forces which shaped those features over time. An arsenal of supplemental, legal material as well as the findings of legal scholars are consulted for interpretation in hermeneutic fashion. Using a theoretical framework consisting of the structure of the legal system of the United States and it norms, plus certain immigration-related, national trends, this research concludes this policy is the legacy of an unbroken, bi-partisan lineage of administrations dating back to the 1980s – an evolving product of the tensions between the legal norms and the national trends. The policy reinforces sovereignty from the federal government, and it does so largely for purposes of constitutionality, administrative functionality and civil rights.

In the face of the ‘refugee crisis’ and increased irregular migration flows, EU member states have taken up extraterritorial actions to address their migration problems. This thesis introduces three critical notions; the modern state, the agency of the third states and the agency of the migrant, to create an inclusive framework prior to analysing EU’s extraterritorial management of migration. It then explores the EU’s extraterritorial management of migration by investigating the EU’s relations with four different non-EU states, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Libya, Morocco and Turkey. Throughout the analysis power imbalances between the EU and third states and issues of state sovereignty are brought up. It is argued that the third states see their agency diminished as a result of the EU’s border reaffirmation attempts. Border reaffirmation is done through offshoring responsibility and accountability by providing financial aid and other forms of support to third states. As a result of this form of offshoring, agency of migrants and refugees are also diminished as they have limited agency over their destination and see their rights being abused in the processes of extraterritorialisation of migration management. This thesis underlines the mismatches between the EU’s commitments to human and refugee rights and their actions of extraterritorialisation.

This thesis project is an act of solidarity research with the Berlin based Latin American women’s organization Xochicuicatl. Along the idea that research should be based on the interests and needs of oppressed groups, the research design was developed in cooperation with the organization. The study centers on migration movements between Latin America and the Caribbean and Germany. Moreover, it investigates the dynamics of inner-outer interplay between the organization the beneficiaries and the overall migrant group. The main method isa qualitative content analysis of documents out of the organization’s archive. The organization’s response to transformations is thereby analyzed through action within invited (coping) and invented (resistance) spaces of citizenship. In this regard, the organization’s space is understoodas a subaltern counterpublic which enables a connection between coping and resistance.

In 2015, Sweden was one of the exemplary member states of the European Union that took in a disproportionate number of refugees. Five years later, Sweden has adopted much stricter migration policies restricting access to residence permits and citizenship. The focus has shifted to integration policies aimed at including refugees in the host society. Integration has become widely accepted as a process that is primarily a proactive adaptation and assimilation on the side of the newcomers, rather than a dynamic two-way process. Moreover, this paper argues that integration has largely been reduced to the socio-economic dimension and ignored the sociocultural dimension that is central to the integration process. Using Axel Honneth’s Theory of Recognition as a theoretical base to understand the importance of sociocultural dialogue and interpersonal integration, this paper shines a light on the problematics of current integration policies and its effects. Using empirical research this paper aims to explore the host societies understanding of integration and using Foucauldian discourse analysis the theoretical framework andSaid’s Orientalist critique, expose an underlying power dynamic between host-society and newcomers. Shining light both on governance and socio-cultural dynamics, this paper explores the gap left in sociocultural integration through the lack of dialogue and solidarity has affected the social reality of immigrants in Sweden.

During the last decades, culturally racist parties, like the Sweden Democrats (SD) and the Alterna-tive for Germany (AfD), have seen a rapid growth in popularity and are now represented in parliaments in almost all European countries. Although the majority of their voters are considered white, male, and working class, a growing number of people with a migration background started sup-porting parties of said political stream that frame migration as the biggest threat to society. This thesis aims at understanding the alleged contradiction of individuals that are to different degrees racialized as immigrants becoming members in the SD and AfD. Located within discourses of racial neoliberalism, the study examines how national belonging and subject positions are constructed and contested, and how racist migrant respectability serves as a strategy of overcoming a struggle for belonging to the host society.

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