Text in Afrikaans / Die eng definiering van kerkmusiek staan tans in die spervuur vanwee: 1. Ingrypende wendinge binne die praktiese teologie in die afgelope paar dekades, wat pleit om 'n hernieude ondersoek binne die handelingsveld van viering (waaronder himnologie); 2. 'n Verskuiwing in wereldbeskouing weg van modernisme na postmodernisme; 3. Die geboorte van 'n totaal nuwe geslag adolessente, bekend as die 'Verlore Generasie' of 'Generasie X' . Kerkmusiek, in die engere sin, soos dit steeds grootliks verstaan word, hou nie genoegsaam met hierdie tendense rekening nie. Vandaar verloor kerkmusiek sy impak en inspraak in die leefwereld van die hedendaagse tiener. Dit veroorsaak gevolglik 'n groterwordende kloof tussen adolessente en die erediens, gemeente en kerk. In hierdie studie word gepoog om genoegsaam op bostaande tendense ag te slaan, sodat 'n breer def iniering van kerkmusiek tot stand mag kom, wat ruimte vir grater verskeidenheid en aktualiteit tot gevolg sal he, en die spanning random kerkmusiek en die tiener kan probeer ontlont. / The narrow defining of church music today experiences a critical assault on account of: 1. Drastic turns within the development of Practical theology in the past few decades, which ask for a renewed investigation within the field of himnology; 2. a Shift in worldview away from modernism to post-modernism; 3. The birth of a total new generation of adolescents, known as the 'Lost Generation' or 'Generation X' . Church music in the narrow sense, as it is still understood to a great extent, does not take these tendencys serious enough. For this reason it's impact and influence in the life of today's teenagers declines. With this study a thorough acknowledgement of these shifts is attempted, which will result in a much broader defining of church music, and in turn will bring forth a scope for more variety and actuality, so that hopefully the growing gap between teenagers and church music can be bridged. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M.Diac. (Jeugwerk)

This thesis investigates the period in Judah which took place precisely a century between the death ofHezekiah (687 BCE) and the final fall of Jerusalem (587 BCE) Seldom has a nation experienced so many dramatically sudden reversals of fortune in so relatively short a time. Throughout the first half of the seventh century BCE the Assyrian empire reigned supreme. In the second half, in rapid succession, Judah, as a vassal, experienced periods of independence and of subjection, first to Egypt, then to Babylonia, before finally destroying herself in a futile rebellion against the latter. The aim of the thesis was to set Judah in the global context and investigate the role she played. To this end the Great Powers, namely Assyria, Egypt and Babylonia were surveyed, as well as were the Small Powers, like Judah, Phoenicia and the Transjordanian states, and the relationships probed. The thesis traces the life of the wicked but extraordinarily successful King Manasseh, and his equally reprobate son, Amon, who was brutally murdered by his servants, and was avenged by 'the people of the land'. Josiah is the only monarch who fits the Deuteronomistic requirements of a good king. Religious and national reform generally go hand in hand with politics, and the cultic reform and centralization of the cult characterise his reign. · With the fall of Assyria, the temporary surge into prominence by Egypt and the tragic death of Josiah in 609 BCE, Judah experienced radical political fluctuations and with them alternate subjugation by, and rebellion against, each of the major powers. Inexperienced leadership and a situation of dual kings, followed Josiah's death. The rapidly changing international scene demanded of the rulers of Judah skillful manoeuvring and exceptional adaptability, and frequently confronted them with ominous political situations. Judaean leaders and the puppet King Zedekiah, propped up by false prophets, failed to grasp the shift in the balance of power, and clung to questionable Egyptian aid against the new world power, Babylonia. Highly vulnerable and left in the lurch, Jerusalem faced protracted siege and famine in Jerusalem, destruction ofthe Temple, and deportation ofthe cream ofher people. / Classics and Modern European Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)

This is an investigation of the epic poetry produced in and about the Ibero-American world during the early modern period (sixteenth to eighteenth centuries) in trilingual perspective: in addition to the more familiar Spanish- and Portuguese-language texts, consideration is also––and, for the purposes of the thesis, above all––given to material in Latin. Latin was the third of the international literary languages of the Iberian imperial world; it is also by far the most neglected, having fallen between the cracks of modern disciplinary boundaries in their current configurations. The thesis seeks to rehabilitate the Latin-language component as a fully-fledged member of the Ibero-American epic tradition, arguing that it demands to be analysed with reference not only to the classical and classicising traditions but to those same themes and concerns––in this case, the centre|periphery binary––as are investigated for counterparts when in Spanish or Portuguese. The crucial difference is that––while the ends may be the same––the means of thematising these issues derive in form and signifying power from interactions with the conceptual vocabularies and frameworks of the Greco-Roman epic tradition. How is America represented and New World space figured––even produced––in a poetic idiom first developed by ancient Mediterranean cultures with no conception whatsoever of the continent of the western hemisphere? At the core is one such long neglected Ibero-American Latin-language epic by a figure who lived across the Iberian imperial world: the 'De Invento Novo Orbe Inductoque Illuc Christi Sacrificio' (Faenza, 1777) by Catalan-born Jesuit José Manuel Peramás. Peramás’s epic––which has never been the subject of a literary-critical study before––is offered as a test case: an exercise in analysing a Latin-language Hispanic epic qua Hispanic epic and setting it into Ibero-American literary-cultural context. This is to be understood in relation to the field of so-called ‘New World poetics’: an at present emergent zone of inquiry within Iberian colonial studies which until now has been developing almost completely without reference to the Latin-language portion of the corpus.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FranciscoFOA_TESE.pdf: 1341314 bytes, checksum: 772c57d4fc2a6ec3d0e3d2fbc9d49e99 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-01 / This thesis deals with the intellectual itinerary of the humanist, lawyer and educator RN Helio Vasconcelos in building a more cohesive society, just and egalitarian, less marked by inequality, by poverty, ignorance and lack of freedom of his people suffered and loved. It also shows, as after suffering the hardships caused by the political persecution and imprisonment, exile faced with dignity, developing an exemplary job of defending the rights of children and adolescents. For this, redo the way that intellectual humanist, simple man who never gave up their way of thinking, of viewing the world, to love and respect all that surrounds him, thinking globally and acting locally, always holding the defense Rights human. Helium shows how solidarity exercised intensely and as bothered with the real interests of the community to hold public office. It seeks to demonstrate the need for reformulation of Legal Education in order to stimulate the formation of a lawyer gifted humanist profile / Essa tese trata do itiner?rio intelectual do humanista, advogado e educador potiguar H?lio Vasconcelos na constru??o de uma sociedade mais solid?ria, justa e igualit?ria, menos marcada pela desigualdade, pela mis?ria, pela ignor?ncia e pela aus?ncia de liberdade de seu povo sofrido e amado. Mostra ainda, como, ap?s sofrer as agruras provocadas pelo encarceramento e pela persegui??o pol?tica, enfrentou com dignidade o ex?lio, desenvolvendo um trabalho exemplar de defesa dos direitos da crian?a e do adolescente. Para isso, refaz o caminho desse intelectual humanista, homem simples que jamais abriu m?o de sua forma de pensar, de encarar o mundo, de amar e respeitar a tudo aquilo que o cerca, pensando globalmente e agindo localmente, sempre empunhando a defesa dos Direitos Humanos. Mostra como H?lio exerceu a solidariedade de forma intensa e como se preocupou com os reais interesses da coletividade ao exercer cargos p?blicos. Procura demonstrar a necessidade de reformula??o da Educa??o Jur?dica, a fim de estimular a forma??o juristas dotados de um perfil humanista

A internacionalização do terror no Cone Sul, durante as décadas de 70 e 80, consistiu na integração dos esforços de um grupo de países para combater um ―inimigo‖ comum: o comunismo. Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai – com apoio dos Estados Unidos – associaram suas forças militares e serviços secretos para desenvolver um plano de combate internacional contra a ―subversão comunista‖: a denominada Operação Condor. Através dela internacionalizou-se o terrorismo de Estado instaurado nesses países, disseminando a insegurança, a violência e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos em toda a região sul-americana, dando origem a uma verdadeira ―multinacional do terror‖. O Plano Condor visou evitar que a atuação das organizações guerrilheiras existentes nesses países pudesse levar a uma revolução semelhante à ocorrida em Cuba. A Argentina foi um importante ator dessa rede internacional de terror. Perseguiu, reprimiu e colaborou, de forma sistemática e com requintes de violência, na perseguição e no aniquilamento dos opositores do regime ditatorial argentino, bem como dos países vizinhos. Com o golpe de Estado de março de 1976, instalou-se na Argentina a ditadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando o terrorismo do Estado e gerando um clima de insegurança e medo em toda a sociedade argentina. Nesta fase instaurou-se uma política estatal que cometeu diversos crimes de lesa humanidade, no marco do genocídio para alguns, ou do politicídio de vários militantes de movimentos de oposição, tornando-se esta a tática mais utilizada para combater as ideias ―subversivas‖. Milhares de cidadãos abandonaram o país tomando o rumo do exílio para salvar suas vidas, a de seus familiares e para seguir combatendo, desde o exterior, os usurpadores da liberdade na Argentina e lutando pela volta da democracia ao país. / The internationalization of terror in the Southern Cone, between the 70‘s and the 80‘s, was the integration of efforts of a group of countries to combat a ―common enemy‖: the communism. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay – with support from the United States – connected its military forces and secret services to develop a plan to combat internationally the ―communist subversion‖: the named Operation Condor. It internationalized the State terrorism introduced in those countries, spreading insecurity, violence and disrespecting human rights in the entire South American region, giving rise to a genuine ―multinational of terror‖. The Operation Condor aimed to avoid that those guerrillas organizations, active in its countries, could lead to a revolution similar to which occurred in Cuba. Argentina was an important actor from that international network of terror. It persecuted, repressed and collaborated systematically and with refinements of violence in the harassment and the annihilation of enemies of the Argentinean dictatorial regime, such as from its neighbouring countries. With the coup d‟état of March of 1976 in Argentina it was installed the civil-military dictatorship named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional that trivialized State terrorism and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and fear for the Argentine society as whole. This stage introduced a State policy that committed several crimes against humanity, within the framework of genocide for some, or of the politicide of several militants of the opposition movements, making it the most widely used tactic to combat the ―subversive‖ ideas. Thousands of citizenships abandoned this country taking the road of exile to save their own lives, as well as their families‘ and to keep fighting against, from abroad, the usurpers of freedom in Argentina and struggling for the return of democracy to the country. / La internacionalización del terror en el Cono Sur, durante las décadas del 70 y 80, consistió en la integración de los esfuerzos de un grupo de países para combatir un ―enemigo‖ común: el comunismo. Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguay y Uruguay – con el apoyo de los EE.UU. – asociaron sus fuerzas militares y sus servicios secretos para desarrollar un plan de combate internacional contra la ―subversión comunista‖: la denominada Operación Cóndor. Mediante ella se internacionalizó el terrorismo de Estado antes esos países, diseminando la inseguridad, la violencia y el desprecio de los derechos humanos a toda la región sudamericana, originando una verdadera ―multinacional del terror‖. El Operativo Cóndor estuvo destinado a evitar que las acciones de organizaciones guerrilleras existentes en esos países pudieran llevar a una revolución semejante a la que ocurrió en Cuba. La Argentina fue un importante actor de esa red internacional del terror. Persiguió, reprimió y colaboró, sistemática y violentamente, en la persecución y en el aniquilamiento de los opositores del régimen dictatorial argentino, así como lo de los países vecinos. Con el golpe de Estado de marzo de 1976, se estableció en la Argentina la dictadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando el terrorismo de Estado y generando una atmosfera de inseguridad y de miedo a toda la sociedad argentina. En esta fase se introdujo una política estatal que cometió diversos crímenes de lesa humanidad, en el marco del genocidio para algunos, o del politicidio de varios militantes de movimientos de oposición, convirtiéndose esta la táctica más utilizada para combatir las ideas "subversivas". Miles de ciudadanos abandonaron el país tomando el rumbo del exilio para salvar sus vidas, la de sus familiares y para seguir combatiendo, desde afuera, los usurpadores de la libertad en la Argentina y luchando por el regreso de la democracia al país.

En réponse au traumatisme de la division nationale suscitée par la guerre civile et cristallisée pendant le franquisme, la figure d’Antigone resurgit avec force dans la dramaturgie espagnole. Le parcours de résistance de cette héroïne grecque devient, sous la plume des auteurs espagnols du XXème siècle, l’emblème de la « juste mémoire » (Ricœur, 2000). Partant de l’hypothèse que le corpus des Antigones espagnoles constitue un ensemble relevant d’une dynamique commune de relecture de l’histoire, cette thèse recherche, à travers un travail comparatif des structures et des symboliques, la cohérence des versions catalanes, galiciennes et castillanes, de l’exil comme de l’intérieur, pour la période comprise entre 1936 et 1989. Dix-huit pièces sont ainsi mises en perspective pour démontrer la conquête de discours mémoriels et compensatoires à partir des sources hypotextuelles que constituent la tragédie de Sophocle, mais aussi les autres versions théâtrales du mythe. La première partie examine les procédés de réécriture du mythe, de l’histoire et de la tragédie, pour qualifier les pièces et déterminer un éventuel noyau mythique ou un schéma référentiel récurrent. La notion de « (re)configurations contemporaines » au prisme du contexte politique émerge alors pour désigner les objets de ce travail. La deuxième partie analyse les convergences esthétiques et les motifs récurrents dans les textes, car les Antigones espagnoles contemporaines placent au centre de la scène la métaphore de la marge pour figurer l’exclusion politique, ou encore celle du chemin pour représenter les destins brisés et l’exil. Fondamentalement, ces œuvres forgent un tombeau littéraire pour les défunts oubliés, mais aussi un monument en l’honneur des invisibles. La dimension esthétique de cette place théâtrale compensatrice ouvre une réflexion sur son sens cathartique dans une société en recomposition pendant la Transition. En effet, le troisième volet de cette thèse est centré sur la théâtralisation de l’histoire : il s’agit d’étudier les dispositifs de déconstruction des récits nationaux à travers les différents réagencements du mythe des Labdacides. Cette clé de lecture révèle les stratégies de démythification-remythification qui président aux nouvelles charges sémantiques des épisodes mythiques, dépeignant un autoportrait déformant de la communauté espagnole en crise. À l’horizon de ces pratiques de réécriture, se lit la conception d’une époque historique comme une épopée, que la parole cérémonielle et le dispositif scénique peuvent contribuer à purger, par une distance qui englobe un large prisme, de la sacralité au grotesque. / Echoing the traumatic conflict within the nation caused by the Civil War and crystallized during Franco’s era, Antigone’s reappearance was extremely intense in Spanish dramatic creation. In contemporary rewritings, the resistance of this tragic character from Greek mythology turned out to be the emblem of a “fairer memory” (Ricoeur, 2000). This work asserts that the Spanish Antigones converge and share a common signification when it comes to rewriting History; and resorts to a comparative study of structures and symbols to shed light on the continuity between the Castilian, Catalan and Galician versions, between those written in exile or not, from 1936 to 1989. In order to establish the common dynamic, eighteen plays are compared, whose key idea is to create a memorial and a redeeming discourse based on the Greek sources but also inspired by other versions of the tragedy. Therefore, the first part examines the strategies implemented to rearrange the mythical pattern, the historical context and the tragic genre. This leads to the conclusion that there is no permanent mythical core nor a fully recurrent referential scheme. As such, the notion of “contemporary (re)configurations” through the prism of politics seems relevant to describe the rewritings. The second part analyses the aesthetic convergences and the recurring themes and metaphors throughout the texts and concludes that in the contemporary Spanish Antigones, the image of the margins embodying exclusion takes on centre stage while the image of the path is resorted to in order to evoke broken destinies and exile. Basically, these plays create a literary tomb for the forgotten deceased but also a monument in honour of the invisible –alive– ones. The aesthetic dimension of this compensatory play requires a reflection upon its cathartic sense in a transforming society during the Transition to democracy. Indeed, the third part of this work focuses on the dramatization of History, making it crucial to study the scenic devices that dismantle the official stories and political myths. This reveals the strategies of “demystification” followed by new mythifications that portray a distorting image of the Spanish community in crisis. Ultimately, these practices of rewriting show that the playwrights conceived their time as an epic and mythical phase which could be purged by theatrical ceremonial thanks to a distancing effect that covers a large prism, from sacred to grotesque.

A internacionalização do terror no Cone Sul, durante as décadas de 70 e 80, consistiu na integração dos esforços de um grupo de países para combater um ―inimigo‖ comum: o comunismo. Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai – com apoio dos Estados Unidos – associaram suas forças militares e serviços secretos para desenvolver um plano de combate internacional contra a ―subversão comunista‖: a denominada Operação Condor. Através dela internacionalizou-se o terrorismo de Estado instaurado nesses países, disseminando a insegurança, a violência e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos em toda a região sul-americana, dando origem a uma verdadeira ―multinacional do terror‖. O Plano Condor visou evitar que a atuação das organizações guerrilheiras existentes nesses países pudesse levar a uma revolução semelhante à ocorrida em Cuba. A Argentina foi um importante ator dessa rede internacional de terror. Perseguiu, reprimiu e colaborou, de forma sistemática e com requintes de violência, na perseguição e no aniquilamento dos opositores do regime ditatorial argentino, bem como dos países vizinhos. Com o golpe de Estado de março de 1976, instalou-se na Argentina a ditadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando o terrorismo do Estado e gerando um clima de insegurança e medo em toda a sociedade argentina. Nesta fase instaurou-se uma política estatal que cometeu diversos crimes de lesa humanidade, no marco do genocídio para alguns, ou do politicídio de vários militantes de movimentos de oposição, tornando-se esta a tática mais utilizada para combater as ideias ―subversivas‖. Milhares de cidadãos abandonaram o país tomando o rumo do exílio para salvar suas vidas, a de seus familiares e para seguir combatendo, desde o exterior, os usurpadores da liberdade na Argentina e lutando pela volta da democracia ao país. / The internationalization of terror in the Southern Cone, between the 70‘s and the 80‘s, was the integration of efforts of a group of countries to combat a ―common enemy‖: the communism. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay – with support from the United States – connected its military forces and secret services to develop a plan to combat internationally the ―communist subversion‖: the named Operation Condor. It internationalized the State terrorism introduced in those countries, spreading insecurity, violence and disrespecting human rights in the entire South American region, giving rise to a genuine ―multinational of terror‖. The Operation Condor aimed to avoid that those guerrillas organizations, active in its countries, could lead to a revolution similar to which occurred in Cuba. Argentina was an important actor from that international network of terror. It persecuted, repressed and collaborated systematically and with refinements of violence in the harassment and the annihilation of enemies of the Argentinean dictatorial regime, such as from its neighbouring countries. With the coup d‟état of March of 1976 in Argentina it was installed the civil-military dictatorship named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional that trivialized State terrorism and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and fear for the Argentine society as whole. This stage introduced a State policy that committed several crimes against humanity, within the framework of genocide for some, or of the politicide of several militants of the opposition movements, making it the most widely used tactic to combat the ―subversive‖ ideas. Thousands of citizenships abandoned this country taking the road of exile to save their own lives, as well as their families‘ and to keep fighting against, from abroad, the usurpers of freedom in Argentina and struggling for the return of democracy to the country. / La internacionalización del terror en el Cono Sur, durante las décadas del 70 y 80, consistió en la integración de los esfuerzos de un grupo de países para combatir un ―enemigo‖ común: el comunismo. Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguay y Uruguay – con el apoyo de los EE.UU. – asociaron sus fuerzas militares y sus servicios secretos para desarrollar un plan de combate internacional contra la ―subversión comunista‖: la denominada Operación Cóndor. Mediante ella se internacionalizó el terrorismo de Estado antes esos países, diseminando la inseguridad, la violencia y el desprecio de los derechos humanos a toda la región sudamericana, originando una verdadera ―multinacional del terror‖. El Operativo Cóndor estuvo destinado a evitar que las acciones de organizaciones guerrilleras existentes en esos países pudieran llevar a una revolución semejante a la que ocurrió en Cuba. La Argentina fue un importante actor de esa red internacional del terror. Persiguió, reprimió y colaboró, sistemática y violentamente, en la persecución y en el aniquilamiento de los opositores del régimen dictatorial argentino, así como lo de los países vecinos. Con el golpe de Estado de marzo de 1976, se estableció en la Argentina la dictadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando el terrorismo de Estado y generando una atmosfera de inseguridad y de miedo a toda la sociedad argentina. En esta fase se introdujo una política estatal que cometió diversos crímenes de lesa humanidad, en el marco del genocidio para algunos, o del politicidio de varios militantes de movimientos de oposición, convirtiéndose esta la táctica más utilizada para combatir las ideas "subversivas". Miles de ciudadanos abandonaron el país tomando el rumbo del exilio para salvar sus vidas, la de sus familiares y para seguir combatiendo, desde afuera, los usurpadores de la libertad en la Argentina y luchando por el regreso de la democracia al país.

Les philosophes de l’exil républicain espagnol appartiennent au camp des défenseurs de la Seconde république légitimement proclamée le 14 avril 1931, et plus largement, de la lutte anti-fasciste des années trente. Ils se trouvent au côté du "peuple" lors de la guerre civile, qui dure trois ans. La victoire en 1939 du Général Francisco Franco, soutenu par l’Allemagne nazie et par l’Italie fasciste, les forcent à fuir l’Espagne en 1939 – au péril de leur vie. Certains intellectuels connaîtront les camps de concentration français, mais la plupart trouveront refuge en Amérique latine, en particulier au Mexique et au Venezuela. En exil, ils jurent de rester fidèles à la Seconde république et à l’esprit du peuple espagnol. Ces philosophes appartiennent au camp des vaincus, à l’instar de tous ceux qui, mus par des idéaux progressistes et d’humanité, partout en Europe se sont élevés contre la barbarie fasciste. C’est pourquoi leurs œuvres respectives demeurent aujourd’hui encore inconnues dans leur quasi intégralité – malgré les tentatives de "récupération" menées tout au long des cinquante ou soixante dernières années pour promouvoir leur pensée auprès d’un lectorat plus large. Au contexte de crise historique de l’entre-deux guerres, s’ajoute la situation particulière de la philosophie espagnole proprement dite. En effet, celle-ci n’est institutionnalisée que dans le premier tiers du vingtième siècle : on voit alors apparaître l’École de Madrid et l’École de Barcelone. L’Espagne en ce sens rattrape le "retard" pris par rapport aux autres pays européens, notamment l’Allemagne. Aussi la génération des philosophes que j’étudie, nés autour de 1900, est-elle la première bénéficiaire de cette politique de renouveau culturel et intellectuel : au moment où éclate la guerre d’Espagne, ce sont des philosophes professionnels jouissant d’une reconnaissance internationale qui s’engagent dans le conflit. Par conséquent, l’oubli qui recouvre leurs noms n’est pas seulement dû aux dramatiques circonstances historiques et politiques de la première moitié du vingtième siècle : il est également dû aux limites de la philosophie dogmatique elle-même. L’expérience de l’exil elle-même, à mon sens, s’avère un catalyseur : ceux-ci visent à s’émanciper des conventions académiques pour philosopher de façon autonome, c’est-à-dire en espagnol et dans l’esprit du peuple. Cet idéal de liberté est à n’en pas douter à la source de la "raison poétique", véritable invention de l’exil républicain espagnol. / Spanish Republican philosophers in exile sided with the Second Republic, legally proclaimed on April 14, 1931. They embraced the anti-fascist cause rising in the 1920s and 1930s in Europe. During the Civil war they stood among the people. The war lasted three years. 1939 saw the victory of General Francisco Franco, supported by Nazi Germany and the Italy of Mussolini. Threatened with death, they had no choice but to escape Spain. Some intellectuals experienced French concentration camps but, for the most part, they found refuge in Latin America, especially in Mexico and Venezuela. In exile, they swore to remain loyal to the Second Republic and to the spirit of the Spanish people. These philosophers belonged to the vainquished, as those everywhere in Europe who, moved by liberal views and humane ideals rised against Fascist barbarity. As a result, their respective works are still widely unknown today – despite restless efforts made to promote their thought to a larger audience for over half a century. In addition to the historical context of crisis during the interwar period, the situation of Spanish philosophy itself is suggestive. Indeed, Spanish philosophy was institutionalised at the beginning of the twentieth century only ; the Schools of Madrid and Barcelona were created. In this sense, Spain caught up on other European countries, Germany especially. These politics of cultural and intellectual renovation are first bestowed upon the generation of philosophers I study, born in the 1900s. When the Spanish war erupts, they had become professionals of international recognition. This shows the actual limits of academic philosophy, incapable of taking or unwilling to accept unorthodox ways of philosophising. The experience of exile itself serves in my opinion as a catalyst : Spanish republican philosophers in exile seek emancipation from academic conventions to philosophise freely ; that is, in Spanish and according to the spirit of the people. No doubt "poetic reason" – the true invention of Spanish republican exile – stems from this ideal of autonomous thinking.

Les nombreux travaux sur les migrations forcées ont souvent porté une attention particulière sur les conditions existentielles des réfugiés et les nombreuses « ruptures sociales » qui caractérisent leur exil. Que ce soit dans les camps ou dans les périphéries des grandes villes en Afrique ou en Europe, que certains ont qualifié de « non-lieux », ils sont souvent présentés comme étant au « bord du monde ». Sans nier ces réalités, il convient toutefois de relativiser ce tableau, en montrant que les réfugiés savent mobiliser des ressources qui leur permettent non seulement de surmonter les aléas de l’exil, mais aussi de produire du lien social par rapport aux situations qui se présentent à eux. Prenant à contre-pied les allégations sur le manque de liens sociaux des réfugiés, ce travail s’attache donc à examiner comment, à partir des modalités positives ou négatives, les réfugiés congolais construisent du lien social non seulement entre eux, mais aussi avec les autochtones et les institutions étatiques et internationales, à Libreville, au Gabon. Il s’agit, dans une perspective interactionniste, de saisir la structure globale du lien qui les unit. Deux schèmes organisent les rapports des trois catégories d’acteurs. Alors que le schème « réfugiés congolais » structure les liens entre ces migrants forcés, le schème « parents ennemis » quant à lui, organise les relations entre ces derniers, l’Etat et les autochtones. Ces deux schèmes sont donc des « liants » en situation. / The numerous studies on forced migration often focused attention on the existential conditions of refugees and the many "social disruption" that characterize their exile. Whether in camps or in the outskirts of major cities in Africa and Europe, which some have called "non-places", they are often presented as the "edge of the world." Without denying these realities, it should however put this table, showing that refugees know mobilize resources that enable them not only to overcome the vagaries of exile, but also to build social ties in relation to the situations that arise to them. Taking up against the allegations about the lack of social ties refugees, this work therefore seeks to examine how, from how positive or negative, Congolese refugees build social ties not only among themselves but also with indigenous and state and international institutions, in Libreville, Gabon. It is in an interactional perspective, with contributions from fields such as history, sociology, psychology and political science, to understand the overall structure of the bond that unites them. Two schemes organize the reports of the three categories of actors. When the scheme "Congolese refugees' structure links between Congolese exiles, the scheme" parents enemies "meanwhile, organizes the relations between them, the State and indigenous peoples. These two schemas are thus "sociable dispositions"("binders") in situation.

L’exil et le deuil, en relation dialectique, sont très présents dans l’œuvre sombre et peuplée de personnages misanthropes de Linda Lê. La trilogie est nourrie par le traumatisme de la perte du père, du pays et de la langue. La question de la langue affecte profondément l’écrivaine. En effet, son abandon voulu de la langue natale pour celle du pays d’adoption engendre un sentiment de trahison. A partir de son exil du langage, Linda Lê construit un langage de l’exil : celui de l’obscurité, du trouble, de la crise, aggravée par la mort du père abandonné. L’écriture lui est une nécessité pour faire le deuil et un pharmakon contre la folie. Hétérogène dans leur forme, chacun des livres de la trilogie correspond à une étape du deuil. Homogène dans le fond, ils représentent différents aspects de la quête du père. Imprégnée du vécu de l’auteure, la trilogie est néanmoins une œuvre de fiction avec une part d’extravagance et d’onirisme. La construction du récit reflète donc une indécision générique, marquée par la cohérence entre mémoire et imagination, conscient et inconscient. De plus, la trilogie témoigne d’une dualité culturelle : un pan tourné vers le passé vietnamien et l’autre vers le présent européen. Enfin, la dualité sentimentale entre amour et colère fait apparaître une idéologie très lêesque, apparemment paradoxale mais en réalité logique et philosophique : la vie naît de la mort, la mort est cachée au sein de la vie. / Exile and mourning, in dialectical relation, are of paramount importance in Linda Lê’s books which are populated by misanthropic characters. The trilogy is nourished by the traumatic loss of the father, the country and the language. The writer is deeply affected by the issue of the language. In fact, she deliberately abandoned her native tongue for that of her adopted country thus generating a feeling of betrayal. From her “exile of language”, Linda Lê constructs a “language of exile”: one of obscurity, of confusion, of crisis, aggravated by the death of her abandoned father. Writing is necessary for her in order to go through mourning and is a pharmakon against madness. Heterogeneous in their form, each book of the trilogy corresponds to one stage of grief. Homogeneous in their substance, they represent the different aspects of the father’s quest. Steeped in the personal experience of the author, the trilogy is nevertheless a work of fiction with a part of extravagance and onirism. The construction of the story also reflects the generic indecision, marked by the coherence between memory and imagination, conscious and unconscious. In addition, the trilogy is a testimony to a cultural duality with the Vietnamese past on the one hand and the European present on the other. Finally, the sentimental duality between love and anger is a mark of the “lê-esque” ideology: paradoxical in appearance but logical and philosophical in reality: life is born from death and death is hidden within life.