The presented diploma thesis focuses on the identification of gender-based specifics in health care, specifically in the management of a health care institution as a caring institution. In the theoretical part, we defined feminism and feminist views, the concept of gender, medicine as a feminized environment, the legislative definition of work in health care in terms of management and, finally, stereotypes were defined. In the conducted qualitative research, we used unstructured interviews with health professionals (nurses and doctors) from the Czech and Slovak Republics, and we examined the gender-based specifics in health care. Research has shown that gender specificities in health care are emerging, in the areas of division of labor, impacts on job choices, equality and inequality, occupation of position and in provision of care. At the end of the thesis I presented recommendations for the use of management tools as a source of overcoming barriers to equality in the context of a caring institution. Key words Feminism, phenomenon of feminization, health care, woman, gender, caring institution, management, gender-based specifics, health care professional, nurse, doctor.

Sweden's gender equality work has historically been a success in many ways, but honour-based violence and oppression is not debated or identified as a Swedish social problem. What is the effect of differentiating between different social problems that fall into the same category? The present thesis aims to deepen the understanding of how men's violence against women is understood at a time when Sweden is considered to be in the forefront of gender equality policy issues. The present thesis therefore examines how honour-based violence and oppression is defined in Sweden, and how Swedish authorities work to prevent and combat the violence. By examining the image of victims of honour-based violence, on which the definition and the work are based, power dynamics within the discourse are also made visible. By using critical discourse analysis as a method and by using theoretical concepts, two government reports on honour-based violence and oppression in Sweden, and a handbook aimed at professionals in the school system are analyzed. The present thesis shows that the Swedish authorities' definition makes a distinction between honour-based violence and oppression, and men's violence against women. It is mainly explained as a problem based on culture, unlike men's violence against women, which is described as a social problem. This is made visible by Swedish authorities through a focus on foreigners in the work of preventing and combating honour-based violence. The definition and the work analyzed in the present thesis contribute to making it more difficult for victims of honour-based violence to identify themselves as "Swedish". Throughout the texts there is a stereotypical image of both victims and perpetrators of violence as being foreigners: people with dark colored hair and dark colored eyes. It is important to analyze and problematize how Swedish authorities choose to express themselves but also how they choose not to. In this way, we can critically examine how authorities contribute to the construction of a social reality and also reproduce unequal power dynamics in society.

Aim: The aim of this study was to broaden the understanding of the role of communitygroups in the prevention of intimate partner violence (IPV) in Bolivia. Therefore, this work assessed the connection between community group membership and the justification ofphysical IPV among women in Bolivia. IPV justification was chosen as an outcome, as it is strongly correlated to IPV experience. Methods: Data from a quantitative survey by the World Values Survey involving 988 womenin Bolivia was used for the analysis. To assess possible confounders, bivariate analysis was conducted. Logistic regression analysis between women’s community group membership andtheir justification of physical IPV has been performed. Results: The results indicate that 19.6% of women in Bolivia partly or always justify IPV.There has not been a significant association between community group membership and IPVjustification. The factors that were significantly associated to IPV justification in the final model were age and educational level of the women. Women aged 50 + had lower odds ofjustifying physical IPV than women aged 18-29 (OR 0.59, 95% CI: 0.35-0.97, p= <0.05). Similarly, women in the highest educational group had lower odds of justifying IPVcompared to women in the lowest educational group (OR 0.63, 95% CI: 0.41-0.98, p= <0.05). Conclusion: The association between community group membership and IPV justification inthis study was insignificant. This could be due to limitations in the study design. Futureresearch in the area should conduct studies with focus on different types of community groups singularly.

Les violences sexuelles ont de fortes répercussions sur la santé mentale des victimes. Aussi bien en temps de paix qu’en temps de guerre, les femmes payent un lourd tribut à la suite de ces violences. L’accès au traitement troubles anxiodépressifs liés à ces actes de violence est souvent limité dans les pays à faible revenu à cause de plusieurs facteurs. Le présent mémoire se propose de réfléchir sur les possibilités de traitement des troubles mentaux liés aux violences sexuelles chez les femmes en contexte de soins de santé primaires. Objectifs Cette étude a pour objectifs d’identifier les outils pour le dépistage et la prise en charge des troubles anxiodépressifs chez les femmes victimes de violences sexuelles au Congo Kinshasa et de proposer un modèle de psychothérapie à distance pour la prise en charge de ces victimes de violences sexuelles. Résultats Il existe des plateformes digitales de traitement des troubles anxiodépressifs utilisant la thérapie cognitivocomportementale ayant fait leurs preuves. Nous avons proposé un modèle de psychothérapie à distance s’intégrant dans le système de santé congolais en contexte de soins de santé primaires. Conclusions Malgré les obstacles à l’implantation des technologies digitales en Afrique, l’usage des plateformes à distance de thérapie web est une option envisageable dans la prise en charge des troubles anxiodépressifs chez les femmes victimes de violence sexuelle en RDC. L’intégration des plateformes de thérapie à distance dans les soins de santé primaires pourrait contribuer à diminuer efficacement la prévalence des troubles anxiodépressifs consécutifs aux violences sexuelles. Mots-clés : violences sexuelles, troubles anxiodépressifs, thérapies à distance, soins de santé primaires. / Sexual violence has a strong impact on the mental health of victims. In both peacetime and wartime, women pay a heavy price as a result of such violence. Access to treatment for mental disorders related to the consequences of such acts is often limited in low-income countries due to several factors. This paper aims to reflect on the possibilities of treating mental disorders linked to sexual violence in women in the context of primary health care. Objective Identify tools for the screening and management of anxiety-depressive disorders among women victims of sexual violence in Congo Kinshasa and propose a remote psychotherapy model for the care of these victims of sexual violence. The presentation of two articles, one of which is a narrative review providing an inventory of digital technologies for the treatment of anxiety-depressive disorders in Africa and the other a protocol on the acceptability of treatments for anxio-depressive disorders by digital technologies in the context of care primary health care was carried out. Results We have demonstrated the existence of digital platforms for the treatment of anxiety-depressive disorders using cognitive-behavioral therapy in the West. We have proposed a remote psychotherapy model that fits into the Congolese health system in the context of primary health care. Conclusions Despite the obstacles to a good establishment as well as the problems related to mental health in Africa, the use of remote web therapy platforms appears beneficial in the management of anxiety-depressive disorders. The integration of these platforms into primary health care could effectively help reduce the prevalence of anxiety-depressive disorders resulting from sexual violence. Keywords: Internet Based Intervention, Online, anxiety disorders, post-traumatic stress, depression, third countries, gender-based violence.

No description available.

Mexico is currently one the most dangerous countries in the world to practice journalism, with one of the highest death rates in the world. Violence against Mexican journalists has received significant attention from researchers, most recently when it comes to digital threats. Research suggests that online harassment against journalists is not only related to the profession or topic covered, but also individual characteristics like gender, race and sexuality. Digital threats affect everyone, but the threats women are faced with are disproportionate. While digital technologies are useful in developing reporting practices, it has also been shown as detrimental. Through a semi-structured WhatsApp interview with a Mexican women journalists and coordinator in an International Journalist Network, this study attempts to identify the perceptions of online threats against women journalists and the use of Networks as a coping strategy. Through the use of digital testimonies, this study attempts to further amplify Mexican women journalists’ voices and experiences when it comes to using Networks as a coping strategy to confront online violence.  The importance here is to understand the Mexican context and the dimensions to digital violence, the possibilities of resilience and the coping strategies practiced by Mexican women journalists. Through analysing perceptions of the threat and their experiences with Networks, this study attemps to identify the strengths and possibilities of Networks as a coping strategy, when it comes to digital threats, but also its barriers and limitations. This study is important to the field of Communication of Development and Social Change as it underscores the importance of listening, understanding local contexts, perceptions and resilience. This is crucial when undertaking intitaves on a larger scale for social change.

This dissertation intervenes in debates in Media Studies, Gender and Sexuality Studies, Canadian Immigration Studies, and Critical Race Studies to explore how shifting news media and political representations of Muslim families reflect the complexities of what it means to be Canadian beyond holding citizenship. In the post-9/11 era, the Muslim family has re-emerged in Canadian English-language news media and Canadian political debates as a site of inherent violence. Drawing on orientalist narratives of the Muslim family, news media and political conversations tend to frame these homes as being headed by patriarchal fathers and oppressed mothers, and children seeking to break from families and traditions, yet always holding the potential to become violent themselves. Even though Canada identifies as a multicultural nation, Muslim families are often presented in media as undeserving of the rights of Canadian citizenship, and even deserving of state violence. While news media play a key role in reproducing orientalist framings of Muslim families, news media can also take the government to task when it comes to the violation of immigrant and racialized Canadians’ rights as citizens. Some news media coverage counter orientalist narratives by producing “positive” representations of Muslim families, however, these “positive” representations frequently frame Muslims who are worthy of the rights of citizenship as adhering to heteronormative family dynamics, productive citizenship, and normative Western gender roles and kinship formations. These “positive” portrayals produce varying representations of Muslim families, but such framings can also labour in the way of reifying Canada’s multicultural ideals and Canada’s idea of itself as “civilized.” Drawing on the news media coverage of the family of Maher Arar, the Khadrs, and the Shafias, I argue that such representations still produce the norms of the settler-colonial Canadian nation, where some racialized bodies, in this case Muslim families, can be granted the rights of Canadian citizenship if they are able to proximate normative Canadian kinship formations. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / In the wake of 9/11, many Canadian English-language news media have framed Muslim men as violent and Muslim women as oppressed. This dissertation analyzes the shifting Canadian news media portrayals of the Muslim family. Muslim homes in Canada are often portrayed as spaces for the perpetuation of violence that threatens the Canadian nation. Simultaneously, news media also portray some Muslim homes as spaces of purportedly “good” Canadian citizens, if these Muslim families are able to conform to Canadian “values.” I examine how Canadian news media mobilize heteronormativity, middle-class status, productive citizenship, among others, to portray some Muslims as ascribing to Canadian values, and therefore worthy of the rights of citizenship. Drawing on the news media coverage of the cases of Maher Arar and Monia Mazigh, Ahmed and Omar Khadr and Maha Elsamnah, and Mohammed Shafia, Rona Mohammed, and Tooba Yahya, I analyze how Muslims who are viewed as not assimilating to Western ideals of family are deemed as undeserving of the rights of citizenship, and, in addition, may even deserve violence.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est double : mesurer et expliquer l’éloignement apparent entre les associations de lutte contre les violences sexistes et sexuelles et l’État français, et participer au débat, plus large, sur le concept d’institutionnalisation des mouvements sociaux. Depuis une dizaine d’années, en France, les prises de position gouvernementales vont dans le sens d’une plus grande importance donnée à la lutte contre les violences de genre, à travers, entre autres, le développement d’un arsenal législatif conséquent, la mise en place de stratégies et de plans interministériels, ou encore l’attribution du label « grande cause nationale » à cet enjeu. Pour autant, le manque de transparence et l’insuffisance des moyens déployés sont inlassablement décriés par une pluralité d’actrices et d’acteurs, à la fois au sein et en dehors des institutions. En mobilisant des données budgétaires et financières couplées à des entrevues auprès de représentantes associatives et institutionnelles, il s’agit donc d’analyser les liens contemporains entre les différents paliers de l’administration et deux associations historiques, le Collectif Féministe Contre le Viol et la Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes. / The aim of this thesis is twofold. First, to measure and explain the apparent distance between associations fighting against sexist and sexual violence and the French state. Second, to participate in the wider debate on the concept of institutionalisation of social movements. For the past ten years or so, government positions have been moving in the direction of a greater importance given to the fight against gender based violence, mainly through the development of a substantial legislative arsenal, the implementation of interministerial strategies and plans, and the awarding of the label 'major national cause' to the issue. However, the lack of transparency and the inadequacy of the resources used are constantly being criticized by several actors, both within and outside institutions. By mobilizing budgetary and financial data combined with interviews with associative and institutional representatives, the objective is to analyse the contemporary links between the different levels of the French administration and two historical associations, namely the Collectif Féministe Contre le Viol and the Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes.

Thesis (M.A. (Clinical Psychology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / Gender-based violence (GBV) has become a global epidemic and it affects those who are most vulnerable in society, predominantly women and children. Several causal factors have been identified, which include gender norms, socioeconomic inequalities, and South Africa’s violent history. There are many organisations (governmental and non-governmental) that are committed to reducing GBV. However, even with many interventions in place, the prevalence of GBV in South Africa keeps on rising. A qualitative approach was adopted to explore the perceptions of 3rd year psychology students at the University of Limpopo regarding the inclusion of men in GBV prevention campaigns. The study used two theoretical frameworks, namely, Social Learning Theory and Feminist Theory. Purposive sampling was used to draw a sample of 16 students (10 females, and 6 males), and the data was analysed using a Thematic Analysis (TA) approach. Three major themes and five subthemes emerged from the analysis, which was supported by existing findings. The themes were identified as GBV prevention campaigns, GBV and government interventions, and GBV knowledge and perceptions. The results of the study found that students had an adequate understanding of GBV prevention campaigns. Their understanding informed their perceptions, which leaned towards supporting the inclusion of men in GBV prevention campaigns. Their perceptions were geared towards a multi-gender approach aimed at increasing awareness, protecting the rights of GBV victims and demanding justice for them. Furthermore, a multi-gender approach was seen as a silver bullet to championing the fight against GBV and stressing the impact that the inclusion of men will have in lowering GBV cases. The current GBV prevention campaigns (both at government and non-governmental levels) were seen as not effective enough in the eradication of GBV. Therefore, a call for a multi-gender approach to GBV prevention campaigns at all societal levels was emphasised. Community-based initiatives (i.e., social organisations) in GBV prevention campaigns were also seen as crucial in the eradication of GBV. / HWSETA ( Health and welfare Sector for Education and Training Authority)

The increased digitalisation has resulted in a large portion of the population being connected in a digital environment and engaging with each other on digital platforms. A certain type of problem that has been addressed involves women being targeted by online abuse, because they are seen as group members that represent their gender and characteristics related to gender. Women compared to men are more likely to be subjected to sexualised threats of violence. A committee of inquiry has recently been appointed to investigate whether offences with the motive for the act being to insult somebody on grounds of his or her gender should lead to an increased penalty value by the rule in Ch. 29, sec. 2, p. 7 of the Swedish Criminal Code (Sw. brottsbalken [1962:700]). Simultaneously the Committee will investigate if there is an actual need to include gender as a protected ground in the mentioned provision, since there is a possibility to increase the penalty value under the legislation in force due to such motive.  This essay strives to investigate how gender as a motive of crime is considered when applying the law, wherefore the current legislation will be addressed. The Committee seems to have its starting point in the rule on aggravating circumstances related to hate crime, which in its nature constitutes a part of the general hate crime legislation. Therefore, gender as a protected ground in the hate crime legislation is examined. A comparative law analysis is made to Finnish law which will include gender as a ground in a similar rule. A proposal for a directive from the European Union regarding gender-based acts is referred to, because of its impact on Swedish legislation once adopted by the European Parliament. Relevant legal literature is also of interest when answering if gender-based acts should be considered as hate crime. The protection for transgender people under hate crime legislation is briefly addressed to gain valuable insights to compare this group’s protection with cisgender persons’ current or future protection. A case study is performed with two judgments from the Courts of Appeal to discover similarities and differences between these judgements regarding the evaluation of the defendant’s motive to the crime. To not limit the sources of material a combined legal dogmatic and analytical method is applied. This method allows for the use of criminological literature and governmental manuals to answer the questions at issue. Throughout the analysis it is made clear that gender as a motive to an act, is not implemented by the courts. Furthermore, the advantages and disadvantages of a tougher legal approach, regarding gender-based acts and gender as a protected ground in the rule on aggravating circumstances related to hate crime, are discussed.  In conclusion women are far more exposed to gender-based acts in a digital environment and there are good reasons to let such motive increase the penalty value. Women as a group should be included in the rule on aggravating circumstances due to their exposure to gender-based acts. Simultaneously it is important that the Committee considers acts outside of the digital sphere, due to the general applicability of the rule. The Committee is encouraged to determine whether gender ought to be a protected ground in all hate crime legislation. / Den ökade digitaliseringen har medfört att befolkningen i stort vistas i digital miljö och interagerar med varandra på digitala plattformar. En viss problematik som har uppmärksammats är företeelsen att kvinnor blir föremål för systematiska kränkningar i digital miljö, eftersom de ses som gruppmedlemmar som representerar sitt kön och egenskaper hänförliga till könet. Kvinnor jämfört med män synes också motta bl.a. sexualiserade hot om våld i större utsträckning. En kommitté har nyligen tillsatts för att utreda om gärningar med motiv att kränka någon till följd av hans eller hennes kön ska verka straffvärdehöljande med stöd av 29 kap. 2 § 7 p. brottsbalken (1962:700). Samtidigt ska kommittén utreda om det finns ett behov att inkludera kön i straffskärpningsregeln, eftersom det enligt gällande rätt går att tillmäta ett sådant könsrelaterat motiv i straffskärpande riktning.  Uppsatsen syftar till att utreda hur kön som motiv till en gärning beaktas av rättstillämparen i dag, varför en redogörelse av gällande rätt görs. Utredningen synes utgå från straffskärpningsregeln, som till sin karaktär utgör en del av hatbrottslagstiftningen. Av denna anledning redogörs och utreds därför om kön kan utgöra en skyddad grupp inom ramen för hatbrottslagstiftningen. En rättsjämförelse görs till finsk lagstiftning som i en motsvarande hatbrottspräglad straffskärpningsregel kommer att inkludera grunden ”kön”. Även ett förslag till direktiv från Europeiska unionen utreds i fråga om könsrelaterade kränkningar eftersom detta, om det antas av Europaparlamentet, kommer att behöva harmoniseras i inhemsk strafflagstiftning. Det redogörs även för relevant juridisk litteratur för att belysa frågan om könsrelaterade gärningar kan utgöra hatbrott. Transpersoners straffrättsliga skydd i hatbrottslagstiftningen behandlas i korthet, för att kunna ge värdefulla insikter vad gäller gruppens skydd ställt mot cispersoners nuvarande eller framtida skydd. En rättsfallsstudie av två hovrättsavgöranden utförs därför för att kunna se likheter och skillnader avseende domstolarnas bedömning i fråga om motiv till gärningarna. En kombinerad rättsdogmatisk och rättsanalytisk metod används för att inte begränsa materialomfånget, utan inkluderar även viss kriminologisk litteratur och myndighetsmanualer på området för att kunna besvara frågeställningarna. I analysen konstateras att kön som motiv till en gärning inte tillmäts betydelse av domstolarna. Vidare diskuteras fördelar och nackdelar med en skärpt syn på könsrelaterade gärningar, och om grunden ”kön” ska ingå i straffskärpningsregeln som tar sikte på hatbrottsmotiv.  Slutsatsen är att kvinnor är särskilt utsatta för könsrelaterade gärningar främst i digital miljö och det finns skäl för att motivet inverkar höjande på straffvärdet. Till följd av utsattheten för könsrelaterade gärningar bör kvinnor som grupp upptas i straffskärpningsregeln, eftersom vissa företrädare utsätts för sådana gärningar till följd av sitt kön. Samtidigt är det av vikt att den svenska utredningen beaktar angrepp utanför den digitala miljön, eftersom regelns tillämpning är generell. Kommittén uppmanas även att utröna om ”kön” ska ingå i all hatbrottslagstiftning.