Global ETD Search

11	Reflexe Gorbačovových reforem v deníku Rudé právo v období 1985-1990 / Reflection of Gorbachev's reforms in the Rudé právo in the period 1985-1990 Fara, Pavel January 2012 (has links) The thesis examines, how the journal Rudé právo reflected reforms of Michail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union in period 1985 - 1990. Gorbachev tried to transform Soviet economy into a model that would include elements of the free market. Gorbachev also enforced democratic system of government and freedom of speech. To the Western part of the world Gorbachev offered negotiations on disarmament and destruction of nuclear weapons. By this initiative Gorbachev contributed to the end of the cold war. Gorbachev never thought about transition of the Soviet Union into capitalism and leaving the communist ideology. In Gorbachev's meaning communism was the only right ideology and reforms should modernize the Soviet system and enable next building of socialism. In the thesis quantitative content analysis has been used. This method allowed to obtain the necessary information. Thesis also informs about the role of Gorbachev's reforms and their process. Thesis than presents impact of these reforms to collapse of the USSR. By the content analysis range of editions of the journal Rudé právo in period 1985 - 1990 was explored. Relevant texts were evaluated according to the variables of analysis. 584 texts were analysed and therefore enough information to answer the hypotheses was obtained. Thesis also evaluates the objectivity...
12	Glasnost : a Russian fantasy Sheeler, Ralph A. January 1991 (has links) Chapter one began with an introduction to the concept of glasnost and the events surrounding the first four years of Mikhail Gorbachev's reign as General Secretary of the Soviet Union. This rhetorical study gained its thrust from an Aristotelian definition of rhetoric. The method proposed was one of Ernest Bormann's fantasy theme analysis. This study looked at mediated fantasy themes as they chained out in the Western media regarding the glasnost campaign.Chapter two presented the setting for the dramas of glasnost with a look at the history of Soviet leadership and the impact each General Secretary had on Soviet society. Chapter three examined the characters of glasnost. 9iographical information was presented on the players of the dramas. Finally, chapter four examined the media's rhetoric as it chained out the dramas of glasnost through Mikhail Corbachev and his battles with antagonists from the left, from the right, and from within. / Department of Speech Communication Glasnost. Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich, 1931-
13	The Rusty Curtain: Anatoly Chernyaev, Georgi Arbatov, and the Foundations of the Soviet Collapse, 1970-1979 Ginnetti, Michael 23 April 2015 (has links) No description available. History Political Science Anatoly Chernyaev Georgi Arbatov perestroika glasnost Mikhail Gorbachev Soviet Union Aleksandr Yakovlev Cold War crisis of communism
14	From the Personal to the Public: Juris Podnieks and Latvian Documentary Cinema Vitols, Maruta Zane 20 August 2008 (has links) No description available. Art History European History History Motion Pictures Russian History Juris Podnieks Latvian Cinema Documentary Glasnost Latvia Film Soviet
15	The impact of Gorbachev's reforms on the disintegration of the Soviet Union Carlyle, Keith Cecil. January 2002 (has links) Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Africa, 2002. 947.0854 CARL World politics -- 1985-1995. Perestro?ka. Glasnost. Cold War. Soviet Union -- History -- Philosophy. Russia (Federation) -- History -- 1991-
16	後冷戰時期聯合國安全理事維持和平功能之研究—以波斯灣戰爭為例 / The Study on UN Security Council's Function of Maintaining Peace and Security in the Post Cold War Era ── the Case in Persian Gulf War 戴妙如, Tai, Miao ju Unknown Date (has links) 和平與安全是人類衷心想望的目標。在國際關係理論中，集體安全是值得努力的制度。唯其需要參與者對組織和其他成員全然的信任和委託才得以成功地實現。在國際組織的歷史中，國聯與聯合國均以集體安全為手段，節制衝突、積極合作，期達成和平和安全的理想世界。冷戰時期，美蘇之間的互不信任造成在各方面競爭，企圖尋求優勢以獲安全。安理會在此種爭奪下，深受內部不和諧、功能不彰之苦，於維持和平的方法上作因應變化和發展。在戈巴契夫新思維倡導下，冷戰和緩以迄結束，美蘇由敵對關係轉變成伙伴關係。在彼此信任的基礎上攜手共同維持國際和平，安理會維持和平的功能乃日漸提昇。波斯灣危機中，安理會的運作乃是部分回歸憲章的集體安全制度。此種經驗雖重燃起國際社會對實施集體安全的信心和盼望，然其實施卻仍依賴強權國之政治支持意願而定。至於和平與安全的根本問題則是在人心人性的深處，而少數傑出政治家所能獨力為之的。締造和平集體安全大國協調維持和平行動新思維開放 Peace-Making collective security Concert of Great powers Peace-Keeping Opration Perestroika Glasnost
17	戈巴契夫與蔣經國的政治體制改革之比較 / A comparison of political reform of Mikhail Gorbachev and Chang Chin-Gwo 張德偉, Chang, De Wei Unknown Date (has links) 人類歷史上有著許多偉大的政治體制改革者。中國與俄國千年來，皆是帝王專制的政治體制，直到二十世紀初葉，兩國的帝王專制體制先後被推翻，蘇聯邁向共黨一黨專政的蘇維埃政治體制；中國則因連年戰亂，中華民國政府來台初期亦採取威權統治，直到八零年代蔣經國主政，全力推動政治體制改革，同一時間蘇聯亦在戈巴契夫的主政下，推動政治體制改革。而戈巴契夫與蔣經國兩人對當代兩國政治發展亦影響深遠。本文的研究重點在於探討蔣經國與戈巴契夫兩人在政治體制改革過程中，台蘇的政治體制；改革環境；以及改革者，戈巴契夫與蔣經國二人的人格特質、政治理念與改革實踐的比較。 / Look backward at the human history, there were many political institution reformers. In China and Russia, the regime had been always authoritarianism and controlled by emperors till the start of twentieth century. Both of the authoritarian regimes in these two countries were overthrown one after another. Russia went toward the road of Soviet institution; China (ROC) also adopted authoritarian regime since the successive insurrection in the initial years. This kind of regime did not end until the 1980s due to the political reform Chang Chin-Gwo initiated . At the same time, under the leadership of Gorbachev, the political institution reform has been started. This thesis puts emphasis on the comparison of the political institution reform of Chiang and Gorbachev in terms of political environments, characters of the leaders, political values, and the practices of the reforms. 蔣經國戈巴契夫政治體制改革民主化公開化解嚴 Chang Chin-Gwo Mikhail Gorbachev Political Institution Reform Democratiziation Glasnost Martial Law
18	蘇聯文化政策之研究-蘇維埃意識形態的體與用 / A Study on Cultural Policy of the USSR: The Substance and Function of Soviet Ideology 楊天豪, Yang, Tien Hao Unknown Date (has links) 在擴大對「蘇聯文化」研究的基礎上，本論文探討蘇聯的文化政治與政策施作，其終極目標乃透過命名的權力來建構文化的社會主體性，也即「蘇維埃人」這樣的歷史共同體。為求例證之多樣性，本論文綜合了文化研究與歷史研究途徑，以文本分析和文獻分析作為研究方法，並將指涉的文化政策範圍縮限於文學與藝術領域，以及對文化公共財，如圖書館、博物館、劇院的擴充。對布爾什維克而言，爭取文化霸權就是建構並傳播蘇維埃意識形態，透過意識形態國家機器，即藝文團體、報刊媒體等來體現，繼而將個人建構為主體，製造出一批批本應如此的「形象」。因此，蘇維埃意識形態始終驅動著蘇聯文化政策的開展。配合主政之領導人，國家對政策的指導可簡化為「文化革命─社會主義寫實主義─公開性」的歷程，並對應由逐漸緊縮到開放的程度。其中，由列寧發起的文化革命可謂蘇聯文化政策的承先啟後階段，尚且容許藝文團體的多元發展。進入史達林時期後，所推出的社會主義寫實主義既是一種創作風格，也是政策的依歸。從寫作到編曲，從繪畫到電影，它為蘇聯的文藝創作設置理論與框架，並成為作品能否公開展演及獲得國家獎勵的唯一標準。至於戈巴契夫的公開性則帶來蘇維埃意識形態更為人性化的修正與文化政策的轉折。另一方面，本論文透過觀照經蘇維埃化所產生之新蘇維埃人的日常生活片斷，概括蘇維埃文化的若干特徵，點出其指導大眾邁向由官方營造之理想人生的規訓功能，繼而探究蘇聯社會中不同身分的互動，析論政策造成的後續影響。藉由對精英、婦女與青年等文化研究關鍵面向的討論，可以發現蘇聯文化政策的差別待遇模式，以及未將文化納入政策考量的若干失誤。文化政策意識形態蘇維埃化文化革命社會主義寫實主義公開性 cultural policy ideology sovietization cultural revolution socialist realism glasnost
19	Tillbaka till framtiden : Modernitet, postmodernitet och generationsidentitet i Gorbačevs glasnost´ och perestrojka / Back to the Future : Modernity, Postmodernity and Generational Identity in Gorbachev’s Glasnost and Perestroika Petrov, Kristian January 2006 (has links) This dissertation deals with the concepts glasnost and perestroika during the Gorbachev era 1985–1991. It offers an explanation to the rise and fall of these concepts and casts light on their modern and postmodern implications, as well as their historical and generational preconditions. In light of the Soviet and Russian conceptual history, Gorbachev’s articulation of glasnost and perestroika is contrasted with the reception of these concepts in what at that time came to be called Russian postmodernism. Glasnost and perestroika both confirm and transcend Soviet modernity. They are both future-oriented but at the same time possess retrospective anchorage. The present study reconstructs the experience encapsulated in the concepts, the expectations they unleashed and the tensions they triggered. The Gorbachev era signaled a rupture in the temporal order of modernity. During this time Soviet modernity lost confidence in its self. With glasnost and perestroika a suppressed past opened up which blocked the futurist potential inherent in the present. The concept-theoretical perspective assumed in the dissertation helps explain essential aspects of the dramatic turn of events. Postmodernism’s relationship to the concepts is mainly antagonistic. At the same time glasnost and perestroika were essential to the self-identity creating process of postmodernism and its development of an understanding of a specific late Soviet postmodern situation. Beneath the surface a conflict evolves, constituted in intergenerational terms. The vast differences in deployment of the two key notions appear related to generation specific historical experiences. This is apparent in the glasnost- and perestroika discussions of the 19th and 20th centuries. In several respects the 20th century discourse reflects that of the 19th century. The analysis in the present dissertation demonstrates how Gorbachev, on the basis of his generation-specific experience as a man of the 1960s actively sought to articulate an alternative reconstruction (perestroika) and did so with a distinct ideological accent. The postmodernists, the last Soviet generation, bore the imprint of the stagnation of the Brezhnev era and had no ideal past to resuscitate. Instead of reconstructing social reality they tried to place themselves outside it. This apolitical stance however embodied both anti-political and political implications. Glasnost perestroika M. Gorbachev (b. 1931) Russian postmodernism M. Epstein (b. 1950) Soviet modernity Begriffsgeschichte generational grouping generation of the sixties generation of the eighties public sphere logocentrism apolitical History of Ideas Idé- och lärdomshistoria
20	République de Moldavie : Quel territoire pour quelle population ? : Origine, toponymie, frontières, peuplement / Republic of Moldova : What territory for what population ? : Origin, toponyms, borders, population Musat, Jana 04 January 2012 (has links) Le 27 août 1991, l’opinion publique internationale prenait acte de la naissance de la République de Moldavie, dont deux tiers du territoire ont constituées jusqu’en 1941 la province roumaine de Bessarabie. Depuis toujours, la Principauté de Moldavie se trouve dans une confluence de trois grandes cultures : slave, latine et orientale ; trois grandes religions : orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane ; trois grands peuples : slave, latin et turc et trois courants idéologiques : panslavisme, panturquisme et pan-latinisme. C’est pourquoi, à travers les siècles, la Principauté de Moldavie a manœuvré constamment entre ces Puissances et ces courants pour garder son identité nationale. Aujourd’hui, en principe, la Moldavie est toujours dans la situation de jongler entre la CEI et l’UE, entre Est et Ouest, sa situation géopolitique étant la même.Dans la Première partie de notre thèse nous avons étudié l’origine, la toponymie et les frontières de la Bessarabie, mais aussi l’engouement des Grandes Puissances pour ce territoire. Nous traiterons aussi les guerres et les négociations de paix qui la caractérisent, allant de la guerre russo-turque jusqu’au régime tsariste qui y régnait. Nous avons ensuite suivi les changements subis par la Bessarabie pendant la Première guerre mondiale, avec la création de la République Démocratique Moldave, tout en s’attardant sur le processus de la création de l’URSS avec ses répercussions sur l’évolution de la Moldavie soviétique poststalinienne. Nous avons finalement, étudié ici-même la question des nationalités, et les concepts de « nation », « nationalisme », « dénationalisation », « russification », « collectivisme », « moldovenisme » etc.La Deuxième partie démarre avec des questions sur l’identité nationale moldave, et l’éclatement des conflits régionaux. Nous décrivons les minorités séparatistes de Gagaouzie et de Transnistrie, qui n’acceptent pas la souveraineté de la Moldavie. Le régime de Tiraspol est un régime oppressif et totalitaire, qui doit être éloigné par l’action des facteurs externes. De plus, nous étudions la création de la CEI et GUAM, l’implication de l’OSCE, de l’UE, de la Russie, de l’Ukraine et de la Roumanie dans le processus de négociation pour la résolution du conflit transnistrien. Finalement, nous examinons la manière avec laquelle la « fédéralisation », et la « régionalisation » peuvent résoudre les conflits ethniques en Moldavie. En conclusion nous répondons aux questions centrales sur le territoire et la population moldave. / On August 27 1991, the international public opinion acknowledges the birth of the Republic of Moldova, which has represented two-thirds of the Romanian province of Bessarabia until 1941. During the history, Principality of Moldova is parting of the ways of three cultures: Slavic, Latin and Eastern; three great religions: Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim; three populations: Slavic, Latin and Turkish; and three ideologies: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Turkism and pan-Latin. Therefore, over the centuries, the Principality of Moldova has continuously handled these Great Powers and ideologies to keep its national identity. Nowadays, Moldova is still able to pursue between CIS and EU policies and between East and West geopolitical situation.In the first part of the thesis, we study the origin, toponyms and borders of Bessarabia, and we characterize the interest of the Great Powers for this territory. For it we describe, the wars and peace negotiations, starting with the Russo-Turkish war until the period of Bessarabia under the tsarist rule. Moreover, we treated the period of Bessarabia during the First World War, but also the creation of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, describing the process of foundation the USSR and its impact on the evolution of the post-Stalin Soviet Moldova. Finally, we studied the nationality question and the concepts like the "nation", the "nationalism", the "denationalization", the "Russification", the collectivism", the "moldovenism" etc...The Second Part starts with questions about the Moldovan national identity and the outbreaks of regional conflicts. We raise the issue of the separatist minorities of Gagauzia and Transnistria, which do not accept the sovereignty of Moldova. The Tiraspol regime is a totalitarian and oppressive regime, which must be removed by the action of external factors. Moreover, we study the creation of the CIS and GUAM and the involvement of the OSCE, EU, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in the negotiation process for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of how cans the "federalization" and "regionalization" solves the ethnic conflicts in Moldova. In conclusion, we answer to the questions dealing about the territory and the Moldovan population. Bessarabie République de Moldavie Entité moldave Indépendance Autodétermination Crise identitaire État de guerre Conflit armé Conflit transnistrien Conflits territoriaux Conflits ethniques Intégrité territoriale Fédéralisation Colonisation Famine Unification Nation Etat Peuple Nationalistes Pro-unification Bloc soviétique Territoire Groupes ethniques Régime autoritaire Minorités ethniques Autonomie Unionistes Roumanophobie Séparatisme Régime séparatiste Mouvement sécessionniste Souveraineté moldave Perestroïka Glasnost Bessarabia Republic of Moldova Moldovan entity Independence Crisis of self-identity National identity State of war Armed conflict Transnistrian conflict Territorial disputes Ethnic conflicts Territorial integrity Federalization Denationalization Moldovenism Collectivism Russification Stalinism Leninism Soviet abduction Totalitarianism Colonization Famine Unification Nation State People Nationalist Pro-unification Soviet bloc Nationalism Soviet Union Geopolitics National awakening Borders Transnistria Gagauzia Deportation Ethnic Ethnic groups Authoritarian Ethnic minorities Autonomy Unionists Roumanophobia Separatism Separatist regime Secessionist movement Independence of Moldova Perestroika Glasnost

Search results