Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Filipe Moreira Lacerda Sabino.pdf: 656871 bytes, checksum: 0ba8fda5cbc60edf7bcef1cdd36ec7b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-24 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The present study is aimed at examining the impact of the constitutional theory of international human rights treaties on Convention number 158 of the International Labor Organization (ILO). The importance of this study is translated in an attempt to correlate part of the constitutional theory of human rights to national labor law for the application of appropriate standards. For this purpose, the study begins with an analysis of the conception and denomination of human rights for a better understanding of the topic. The origin of human rights is further assessed to confirm its progressiveness in time, which would certainly influence the manner in which these rights must be interpreted. Taking into account the historical evolution of human rights, these rights may be classified according to different generations and dimensions. Subsequently, a study on international treaties is conducted to observe whether the ILO Conventions are international treaties for human rights protection and the Federal Constitution is related to the International Human Rights Treaties. The study further analyzes the constitutional regime of human rights treaties (its hierarchical threshold in Brazilian law, formation, incorporation and denouncement) indicating the main theories about the subject. Furthermore, the study addresses the impact of human rights treaties on our legal system, and more specifically on Brazilian Labor Law. With this intent, Convention number 158 of the ILO is evaluated because it is a relevant and modern topic. The study also discusses the compatibility of rules predicted in Convention number 158 with constitutional precepts, in order to assess the constitutionality (or lack of constitutionality) of its content and its denunciation by the Brazilian State. In conclusion, after detailing precepts of the Convention, the study indicates doctrinal and jurisprudential criteria to compensate for the failure to apply Convention number 158/ILO / O presente trabalho destina-se ao estudo do impacto da teoria constitucional dos tratados internacionais sobre direitos humanos na Convenção 158 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT). Sua importância se traduz na tentativa de relacionar parte da teoria constitucional dos direitos humanos ao direito do trabalho nacional, para a aplicação da normativa correta. Para tanto, inicia-se com a análise da conceituação e da denominação dos direitos humanos para melhor compreensão do tema. Em seguida, verifica-se a origem dos direitos humanos para que seja comprovada sua progressividade no tempo, o que certamente influi na forma pela qual esses direitos devem ser interpretados. Levando em conta a evolução histórica dos direitos humanos, esses podem ser classificados segundo diferentes gerações ou dimensões. Posteriormente, é realizado estudo acerca dos tratados internacionais, observando-se as Convenções da OIT são tratados internacionais de proteção aos direitos humanos e relacionando a Constituição Federal com os Tratados Internacionais sobre Direitos Humanos. Em seguida, analisa o regime constitucional dos tratados de direitos humanos (seu patamar hierárquico no direito brasileiro, formação, incorporação e denúncia), apontando as principais teorias a respeito do tema. Ainda, trata do impacto dos tratados de direitos humanos em nosso ordenamento e, especificamente, no direito do trabalho brasileiro. Para tanto, estuda a Convenção 158 da OIT, pela relevância e atualidade do tema. Nesse sentido, discorre sobre a compatibilidade das normas previstas na Convenção 158 com os preceitos constitucionais, a fim de verificar a constitucionalidade ou não de seu conteúdo e de sua denúncia pelo Estado brasileiro. Por fim, após detalhar os preceitos da Convenção, aponta os critérios doutrinários e jurisprudenciais para que seja suprida a omissão decorrente da não aplicação da Convenção 158/OIT

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LAIZ ALCANTARA PEREIRA.pdf: 571017 bytes, checksum: 6f0c99384b64cf6b5d0a4ad772f2415d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-01 / The present study aims to address the dismission motivated in employment contract as the result of systemic hermeneutic national and international rules , in particular the core principle of human dignity of the worker.Defend the validity and applicability of ILO Convention 158 ; recognition of Article 7 , I, of the Constitution as a fundamental right of immediate application , subjective and horizontal effect ; and the incidence of the principle of the social function of work and objective good faith and its attachments duties of conduct as duty of cooperation , loyalty, solidarity and information as a basis for the employer s motivation when the labor contract termination.Following this hermeneutics maintain that no longer exists potestative the right to dismiss the employer but in reverse , in the balance between free enterprise and private property versus social value of labor, property and contract, among others; the fundamental right of the worker to the motivation of his termination prevails. / O presente estudo visa abordar a dispensa motivada trabalhista como fruto de hermenêutica sistêmica normativa nacional e internacional, em especial com fulcro no princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana do trabalhador. Defendemos a vigência e aplicabilidade da Convenção 158 da OIT; o reconhecimento do artigo 7º, I, da Constituição Federal como direito fundamental de aplicação imediata, eficácia subjetiva e horizontal; e a incidência do princípio da função social do trabalho e da boa-fé objetiva e seus deveres anexos de conduta como dever de colaboração, lealdade, solidariedade e informação como fundamentos para a motivação patronal quando da rescisão contratual trabalhista.Decorrente desta hermenêutica, defendemos que não mais subsiste o direito potestativo de dispensar do empregador mas ao reverso, na ponderação entre livre iniciativa e propriedade privada versus valor social do trabalho, da propriedade e do contrato, dentre outros; a prevalência do direito fundamental do trabalhador à motivação de sua rescisão contratual.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabio Nunes de Lima.pdf: 5464921 bytes, checksum: 2c13e0cee2ecabeeabe7f22213b8bcb6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-12 / The objective of this investigation is to analyze the reduction of working hours as an implementing factor for the realization of workers social rights to health and recreation. Firstly, we introduce the concepts of the "duration of working time" and "working hours", followed by a study of their historical evolution, in Brazil and abroad. The chapter The Benefits of Working Hours Reduction covers both the direct benefits related to the rights to health and leisure and the indirect ones related to the generation of jobs and consequent heating of the economy. The realization of social rights to health and leisure - part of the Rights and Fundamental Guarantees laid down by the Constitution of 1988 - requires further analysis. We also address some issues like the commercialization of the workers health and the recommendation of the International Labor Organization (ILO) for a 40-hour working week, based on documents and international legislation. The possibility of the current working hours be reduced through collective bargaining is evaluated in light of the specificities of the Brazilian union system. Finally, this study examines a number of legislative proposals aimed at reducing the working hours in Brazil. Among them, we highlight the Constitutional Amendment 231 project, since it is in line with the present investigation as far as proposing a 40-hour workweek as a way to effectively materialize the right to health and leisure of Brazilian workers / O objetivo deste estudo é analisar a redução da jornada de trabalho como fator implementador para a efetivação dos direitos sociais à saúde e ao lazer do trabalhador. Inicialmente, são apresentados os conceitos de duração de trabalho e jornada de trabalho ; em seguida, um estudo sobre sua evolução histórica, no Brasil e no exterior. O capítulo Dos Benefícios da Redução da Jornada de Trabalho aborda os benefícios diretos, relacionados aos direitos à saúde e ao lazer, e os indiretos, relativos à geração de empregos e, consequentemente, ao natural aquecimento da economia. A efetivação dos direitos sociais à saúde e ao lazer, espécies do gênero Dos Direitos e Garantias Fundamentais, previstos pela Constituição Federal de 1988, merecem uma análise mais aprofundada. São abordados, ainda, os temas da mercantilização da saúde do trabalhador e, em seguida, a recomendação da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT) para uma duração semanal de até 40 horas de trabalho, com base em documentos e legislação internacional. A possibilidade de a jornada atual ser reduzida por meio de negociação coletiva é avaliada em face das especificidades do sistema sindical brasileiro. Por fim, o estudo analisa a grande quantidade de propostas legislativas que visam reduzir a jornada de trabalho no Brasil. Entre elas, merece destaque o projeto de Emenda Constitucional nº 231, pois está em consonância com a presente dissertação ao propor uma jornada semanal de 40 horas, como forma de realmente efetivar o direito à saúde e ao lazer do trabalhador brasileiro

Magister Legum - LLM / In this paper I delve into the connection between trade policy and labour rights as probably one of the most controversial issues, which the international trading system is faced with today. Labour laws differ from country to country and of course it is a cause for concern where some countries have higher standards than others, it becomes problematic for these countries with high standards to compete with countries with lower standards. Even though there is a definite link between trade and labour, my argument is that incorporating labour standards into the international trading system is not the best way forward to deal with the problem of abuse of labour standards. I further investigate the two organizations at the forefront of this debate, being the WTO and the ILO. In an attempt to ascertain which of the two is the best forum to deal with the issue I further look at the relationship between these two organizations. Compliance with international labour standards is a growing concern as worldwide standards are deteriorating and nothing is being done to alleviate the problem. Accordingly, I explore the causes for the abuse of labour standards and seek to find the better alternative, by looking at the respective positions of the parties who are for and against the linkage of trade with labour standards. Here the views and concerns of the developed world are weighed up against those of the developing world and looking at possible alternatives concludes the paper. / South Africa

The key research question explored in this study is: can a state attain its national economic development objectives and at the same time advance the rights of indigenous groups? Examines the tensions and prospects of the coexistence of both the rights of indigenous peoples in Africa and sustainable development with reference to selected case studies and approaches adopted by World Bank (WB) and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).The broad objectives of the study are: (a) To examine the link between indigenous peoples’ rights and sustainable development, (b) To explore the manner in which the international legal framework and African human rights system responds to the problem of indigenous in development, (c) To analyse key case studies of indigenous rights and development in Kenya, Botswana, and South Africa and explore emerging approaches by the WB and UNDP, (d) To make proposals on mechanisms for mediating indigenous peoples’ rights and national development aspirations. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Angelo Matusse of the Faculty of Law, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, Mozambique. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

De l’avis de nombreux observateurs, le monde a connu en 2008 une crise économique sans précédent depuis la Grande dépression des années trente. Au premier chef des victimes de ces dérives de l’économie globale figurent les travailleurs du monde entier. Investie depuis 1919 d’un mandat de protection à l’égard de ces derniers, l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) se doit d’être une force de propositions en ces périodes difficiles. La présente étude se propose d’analyser l’évolution des réponses normatives produites par l’OIT au lendemain des crises économiques et financières mondiales depuis sa création. Il s’agira également de mettre en corrélation le degré d’audace de l’Organisation et la composition de la scène internationale qui préside à chacune des époques considérées. Le premier chapitre sera pour nous l’occasion de montrer comment l’OIT, née dans un contexte de crise économique dans les années vingt puis confrontée en 1930 à une autre crise majeure, a su tirer profit de ces situations qui confirment sa raison d’être et la pousse à s’enquérir de nouvelles compétences (chapitre I). Nous ferons ensuite étape dans une époque marquée par la prolifération de nouvelles organisations internationales avec lesquelles l’OIT entre en concurrence : l’ère onusienne. Nous verrons comment la position de l’Organisation sur la scène internationale influe sur sa réactivité face aux crises économiques et politiques du moment (chapitre II). Forts de ces considérations historiques, nous serons enfin à même de comprendre la souplesse normative caractérisant la réaction de l’OIT face à la crise de 2008. Nous serons également en mesure de comprendre comment cette crise historique a modifié l’ordre mondial et influé sur la position de l’Organisation dans l’agencement international (chapitre III). / In the opinion of many observers, the world witnessed in 2008 an unprecedented economic crisis since the Great Depression of the thirties. The primary victims of these gobal economic breakdowns are the workers of the world. Invested since 1919 to a term of protection with respect to the latter, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has to be a vector for proposals in these difficult times. This study aims to analyze the evolution of the normative responses produced by the ILO in the wake of global economic and financial crises since its inception. It will also correlate the Organization's degree of boldness and the composition of the international picture in place over each period considered. The first chapter will give us the opportunity to show how the ILO, born in a context of economic crisis in the twenties and then facing another major crisis in 1930, has taken advantage of these situations to confirm its raison d'être and has been driven to inquire about new competencies (chapter I). We will then step in an era marked by the proliferation of new international organizations with which the ILO is in competition: the UN era. We will see how the Organization's position on the international scene affects its responsiveness to economic and political crises of the moment (chapter II). Instructed on these historical considerations, we will finally be able to understand the normative flexibility characterizing the ILO's response to the 2008 crisis. We will also be able to understand how this historic crisis has changed the world order and has affected the Organization's position in the international layout (chapter III).

Le travail domestique est une des formes d’emploi les plus anciennes au monde. Au Brésil, ce type de service tire son origine de l’esclavage, technique d’exploitation économique qui a marqué l’histoire du pays durant environ 400 (quatre cents) ans. Encore au XXIème siècle, le travail domestique est sous-évalué et peine à être reconnu comme un vrai travail. La législation nationale a progressé au point de reconnaitre aux employés de maison les mêmes droits dont jouissent les autres salariés (amendement constitutionnel, 2013). Le droit international du travail joue un rôle crucial dans l’encadrement de la situation des travailleuses domestiques au monde. La Convention concernant le travail décent pour les travailleurs et travailleuses domestiques (n° 189) et la Recommandation n° 201 l’accompagnant de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) occupent une place importante dans la promotion du travail décent aux travailleurs domestiques. Malgré l’existence de normes – nationales et internationales – importantes, la problématique de la condition de travail et de vie des travailleuses domestiques au Brésil va au-delà de la législation, impliquant la notion culturelle de dévalorisation du travail domestique, cette même conception qui associe le travail à domicile à l’esclavage. / Domestic work is one of the oldest forms of employment in the world. In Brazil, this type of service has its roots in slavery, an economic exploitation technique that has marked the history of the country for about 400 (four hundred) years. Even in the XXI century, domestic work is undervalued and barely recognized as a real job. National legislation has progressed to the point of recognizing domestic workers the same rights enjoyed by other employees (Constitutional Amendment, 2013). The International labor law has a crucial importance in the supervision of the situation of domestic workers in the world. The Convention Concerning Decent Work for Domestic Workers (n° 189) and the Recommendation n° 201 of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) play a key role in promoting decent work for domestic workers. Despite the existence of relevant national and international standards, the matter of working and living conditions of domestic workers in Brazil goes beyond the legislation because it involves the notion of cultural devaluation of domestic work, the same idea that associates home work to slavery.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Guedes Casali.pdf: 50227586 bytes, checksum: 737e1069d703888bd9e4cc046ac94f81 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-13 / The work aims to study the collective bargaining labour institute, with the presenting of his concept for both the homeland doctrine as to the ILO, its specific principles, its relation to the principle of freedom of association, the regulatory instruments (agreement and collective bargaining agreement), scope, finally, its main aspects. Study will be, even if it is possible federal civil servants carry out collective bargaining work, as they are submitted to a constitutional pay system requiring budgetary provision for the creation of job or change in salary is preceded by legal provision, and as that that law should be a private initiative of the Chief Executive (Article 167, item II, Article 61, paragraph 1, item II, point a, Article 169, paragraph 1, Article 37, item X, all of the Constitution) . Presents other arguments that prevent collective bargaining in the federal public service, for example, the absence of item XXVI of Article 7 of the Constitution in the list of social rights of civil servants contained in paragraph 3 of Article 39 also of the Constitution; the decision of the Supreme Court handed down in the records of direct action of unconstitutionality No. 492-1 / 1990, which was the origin of the subtraction of paragraph d of Article 240 of Law No. 8,112 / 1990, which provided for collective bargaining as a right of server, but it was revoked. It also presents some arguments conducive to the realization of collective bargaining in the federal public service, as the entry into force of the Convention in our legal system No. 151 of the ILO, 1978 and the forecast of the right to free union association and union strike to the servers, so, how can design the right to strike without providing for the right to collective bargaining? Finally, it is practical aspects of the implementation of the negotiation that takes place today between federal public servants and the Union (Direct and Indirect Administration). / O trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o instituto da negociação coletiva de trabalho com a apresentação de seu conceito tanto para a doutrina pátria quanto para a OIT, seus princípios específicos, sua relação com o princípio da liberdade sindical, os instrumentos normativos (acordo e convenção coletiva de trabalho), abrangência, enfim, seus principais aspectos. Estudar-se-á, ainda, se é possível os servidores públicos federais realizarem negociação coletiva de trabalho, pois estão submetidos a um sistema constitucional de remuneração que exige previsão orçamentária para a criação de cargo ou alteração no vencimento que seja precedida de previsão legal, bem como que referida lei deve ser de iniciativa privativa do Chefe do Poder Executivo (artigo 167, inciso II; artigo 61, §1ş, inciso II, alínea a; artigo 169, §1ş; artigo 37, inciso X, todos da Constituição). Apresentam-se outros argumentos que impedem a negociação coletiva de trabalho no serviço público federal, como, por exemplo, a ausência do inciso XXVI, do artigo 7ş, da Constituição no rol de direitos sociais dos servidores públicos contido no §3ş, do artigo 39, também da Constituição; a decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal proferida nos autos da Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade nº 492-1/1990, que foi a origem da subtração da alínea d, do artigo 240, da Lei nº 8.112/1990, que previa a negociação coletiva como direito do servidor, mas foi revogada. Também se apresentam alguns argumentos favoráveis à realização da negociação coletiva no serviço público federal, como a entrada em vigor em nosso ordenamento jurídico da Convenção nº 151 da OIT, de 1978 e a previsão dos direitos à livre associação sindical e realização de greve aos servidores, assim, como é possível conceber o direito de greve sem prever o direito à negociação coletiva? Por fim, trata-se de aspectos práticos da realização da negociação que acontece hoje entre servidores públicos federais e a União (Administração Direta e Indireta).

Le concept de travail décent a été présenté par le Directeur général du Bureau international du travail, en 1999, comme l’objectif prioritaire de l’Organisation internationale du travail permettant à chaque femme et chaque homme d’exercer une activité dans des conditions de liberté, d’équité, de sécurité et de dignité. Il regroupe quatre piliers interdépendants que sont l’emploi, la protection sociale, le dialogue social et la promotion des droits au travail. De manière inédite, l’OIT impose un cadre d’action pour tous les États membres. Evoluant en fonction des conditions socio-économiques de chaque État membre, le concept de travail décent est susceptible d’être défini localement tout en ayant un contour universel. La traduction du concept est facilitée par le biais des programmes par pays de travail décent (PPTD), relevant de la coopération technique du BIT, et des indicateurs mesurant le travail décent. Le concept apparaît alors comme un objectif de portée universelle et non comme une norme juridique. Si la coopération technique de l’OIT facilite la réalisation du travail décent, son action normative est également essentielle. L’action normative doit aussi s’orienter vers le concept de travail décent, comme le montrent la Convention du travail maritime adoptée par la Conférence internationale du travail en 2006 et la Convention n°189 concernant le travail décent des travailleurs domestiques adoptée en 2011. Toutefois, perçu comme un slogan politique pour redonner une visibilité à l’OIT, fragilisée par le contexte de la mondialisation, le concept de travail décent a été critiqué pour son caractère minimaliste et ignoré au sein de l’UE. La confrontation entre le concept de travail décent et le droit de l’Union révèle alors un paradoxe entre l’accroissement des conditions de vie et de travail indécentes au profit d’un renforcement du droit du marché du travail ainsi que du droit du marché intérieur et l’engagement de tous les États membres de l’UE d’être liés à la Déclaration de l’OIT de 1998. Pourtant, la situation économique et sociale actuelle au sein de l’Union européenne interroge sur la nécessité et la possibilité d’intégrer le concept de travail décent, qui révèle une approche particulière du travail, en droit de l’Union européenne. En effet, la réflexion sur un régime de travail réellement humain centrée sur les valeurs de justice sociale et de dignité humaine trouve tout son sens dans le contexte actuel de la gouvernance économique au sein de l’Union européenne et des mesures d’austérité envisageant le travail sous l’angle du marché et des échanges. La justice sociale dans le sens que lui a donné la Déclaration de Philadelphie de 1944 puis le concept de travail décent, c’est-à-dire celui de l’action, est aujourd’hui indispensable pour la protection des personnes et de l’environnement. La situation actuelle au sein de l’UE constitue donc un enjeu pour l’OIT dans sa capacité à imposer la traduction du concept de travail décent en droit social européen et pour l’UE elle-même. Le concept de travail décent propose des solutions pour l’action normative, il implique des exigences pour le législateur et le juge de l’UE. A l’instar de l’OIT, l’UE doit orienter son action normative vers le concept de travail décent pour renforcer la place des droits sociaux fondamentaux face aux libertés économiques. Cette nouvelle orientation nécessite alors pour l’UE de prendre appui sur les instruments de l’OIT, en particulier sur ses conventions et déclarations ainsi que sur la coopération technique prenant en compte ses spécificités. / The concept of decent work has been presented by the Director-General of the International Labour Office, in 1999, as an International Labour Organisation’s priority objective enabling every woman and man to exercise an activity in conditions of freedom, equity, security and dignity. This concept brings together four independent pillars that are employment, social protection, social dialogue, respecting, promoting and realizing the fundamental principles and rights at work. In a new way, the ILO imposes a framework of action for all Member States. Depending on the socio-economic conditions in each Member State, the concept of decent work is likely to be defined locally while having a universal outline. The translation of the concept is facilitated through Decent Work Country Programs (DWCPs) under ILO technical cooperation, and indicators measuring decent work. The concept of decent work therefore appears as an objectif of universal scope and not as a legal norm. If ILO’s technical cooperation facilitates the achievement of decent work, its normative action is also essential. Normative action must also be directed towards the concept of decent work, as reflected in the Maritime Labour Convention adopted, in 2006, by the International Labour Conference and in the Convention n° 189 concerning decent work for domestic workers adopted in 2011. The concept of decent work, seen as a political slogan to give visibility to the ILO, weakened by the contexte of globalization, was criticized for its minimalist nature and ignored within the European Union. The confrontation between the concept of decent work and the law of the European Union reveals a paradox between the increase in indecent living and working conditions in favor of a strengthening of labor market law and market law and the commitment of all EU member states to be linked to the ILO Declaration of 1998. Yet, the current economic and social situation in the European Union raises the question of the need and possibility of integrating the concept of decent work, which reveals a particular approach to work, in European Union law. Reflection on humane conditions of labour centered on the values of social justice and human dignity makes sense in the current context of economic governance in the European Union and the austerity measures considering the work from the perspective of the market and trade. Social justice in the sense given to it by the Declaration of Philadelphia of 1944 and then the concept of decent work, that is to say the principle of action, is today indispensable for the protection of people and the environment. The current situation in the EU is therefore an issue for the ILO in its own ability to impose the translation of the concept of decent work into European social law and for the EU itself. The concept of decent work proposes solutions for normative action and thus it implies requirements for the legislator and the judge of the EU. Like the ILO, the EU must direct its normative action towards the concept of decent work to strengthen the place of fundamental social rights in the face of economic freedoms. This new approach requires the EU to build on ILO’ instruments, in particular on its conventions and declarations and on technical cooperation taking into account its specificities.

De l’avis de nombreux observateurs, le monde a connu en 2008 une crise économique sans précédent depuis la Grande dépression des années trente. Au premier chef des victimes de ces dérives de l’économie globale figurent les travailleurs du monde entier. Investie depuis 1919 d’un mandat de protection à l’égard de ces derniers, l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) se doit d’être une force de propositions en ces périodes difficiles. La présente étude se propose d’analyser l’évolution des réponses normatives produites par l’OIT au lendemain des crises économiques et financières mondiales depuis sa création. Il s’agira également de mettre en corrélation le degré d’audace de l’Organisation et la composition de la scène internationale qui préside à chacune des époques considérées. Le premier chapitre sera pour nous l’occasion de montrer comment l’OIT, née dans un contexte de crise économique dans les années vingt puis confrontée en 1930 à une autre crise majeure, a su tirer profit de ces situations qui confirment sa raison d’être et la pousse à s’enquérir de nouvelles compétences (chapitre I). Nous ferons ensuite étape dans une époque marquée par la prolifération de nouvelles organisations internationales avec lesquelles l’OIT entre en concurrence : l’ère onusienne. Nous verrons comment la position de l’Organisation sur la scène internationale influe sur sa réactivité face aux crises économiques et politiques du moment (chapitre II). Forts de ces considérations historiques, nous serons enfin à même de comprendre la souplesse normative caractérisant la réaction de l’OIT face à la crise de 2008. Nous serons également en mesure de comprendre comment cette crise historique a modifié l’ordre mondial et influé sur la position de l’Organisation dans l’agencement international (chapitre III). / In the opinion of many observers, the world witnessed in 2008 an unprecedented economic crisis since the Great Depression of the thirties. The primary victims of these gobal economic breakdowns are the workers of the world. Invested since 1919 to a term of protection with respect to the latter, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has to be a vector for proposals in these difficult times. This study aims to analyze the evolution of the normative responses produced by the ILO in the wake of global economic and financial crises since its inception. It will also correlate the Organization's degree of boldness and the composition of the international picture in place over each period considered. The first chapter will give us the opportunity to show how the ILO, born in a context of economic crisis in the twenties and then facing another major crisis in 1930, has taken advantage of these situations to confirm its raison d'être and has been driven to inquire about new competencies (chapter I). We will then step in an era marked by the proliferation of new international organizations with which the ILO is in competition: the UN era. We will see how the Organization's position on the international scene affects its responsiveness to economic and political crises of the moment (chapter II). Instructed on these historical considerations, we will finally be able to understand the normative flexibility characterizing the ILO's response to the 2008 crisis. We will also be able to understand how this historic crisis has changed the world order and has affected the Organization's position in the international layout (chapter III).