Syfte med denna studie är att fördjupa förståelsen hur personer med utländsk härkomst, som kommer till Sverige i vuxen ålder upplever sin situation kopplat till integration i det nya landet. En annan aspekt som berörs är svenska integrationspolitiken och dess koppling till immigranternas tankar. Den metod som används är kvalitativ. I den insamlade materialet ingår tio intervjuer, vardera fem av varje kön. Dessa individer har varit bosatta i Sverige mellan tio och femton år. Integrationsperspektivet i uppsatsen är avgränsad till arbetsmarknadsintegration, boendeintegration samt social integration. Integration av personer med utländsk härkomst är betydelsefull, då dessa individer får likvärdiga sociala samt ekonomiska möjligheter.   Resultatet av undersökningen visar att dessa personer upplever att bristande språkkunskaper har varit/ är ett av de större hindren som de möter i samband med sin integrering. En annan faktor som diskuteras samt problematiseras är det svenska samhällets krav på anpassning på dessa individer, därav koppling till Strukturell/institutionell diskriminering.

<p>Syfte med denna studie är att fördjupa förståelsen hur personer med utländsk härkomst, som kommer till Sverige i vuxen ålder upplever sin situation kopplat till integration i det nya landet. En annan aspekt som berörs är svenska integrationspolitiken och dess koppling till immigranternas tankar. Den metod som används är kvalitativ. I den insamlade materialet ingår tio intervjuer, vardera fem av varje kön. Dessa individer har varit bosatta i Sverige mellan tio och femton år. Integrationsperspektivet i uppsatsen är avgränsad till arbetsmarknadsintegration, boendeintegration samt social integration. Integration av personer med utländsk härkomst är betydelsefull, då dessa individer får likvärdiga sociala samt ekonomiska möjligheter.</p><p> </p><p>Resultatet av undersökningen visar att dessa personer upplever att bristande språkkunskaper har varit/ är ett av de större hindren som de möter i samband med sin integrering. En annan faktor som diskuteras samt problematiseras är det svenska samhällets krav på anpassning på dessa individer, därav koppling till Strukturell/institutionell diskriminering.</p>

<p>An effective Integration policy is important in Sweden while our government has decided and committed to be a country where everybody will be given the same opportunities. There is a greater awareness in today’s society of integration policy goals such as equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities for all. In a number of areas, however, the disparities between immigrants and Swedish-born citizens are still too large.</p><p>The Swedish Riksdag decided on integration policy in 1997. The main task for this thesis will be to examine the motive behind the Government's decision to revoke immigrations policy and introduce integration policy. This task will be completed with two questions at issue;</p><p>• Which were the obvious pronounced and underlying, extern- and intern sectorial motives and which immigrant policies could be identified during the three periods; 1, 2 and 3?</p><p>• In what way have the extern- and intern sectorial motives, that where expressed in 1997, affected the douting in 2006 years integrationspolicy?</p><p>The questions will be examined by using Lindbloms muddling through theory and Dahlströms “eigth faces of immigration politics” and for identifying motives a model inspired by Hadenius will be used.</p><p>The empirical material has brought forward that the decision to introduce integrationpolicy was based on the central motive that earlier immigration policy produced assimilationpolitics. Which futher on caused the “perverse effect” – segregationpolitics.</p><p>The adjustments have been clarifying of words sooner than improvement of concrete measures. The Swedish government has applied seven different immigrationpolitics during the periods 1, 2 and 3. Becides Dahlströms “eight faces of immigration politics” two more have been identified; “demanding politics and condition politics”. Seven of the ten different types have been noticed; assimilation-, segregation-, diversity-, demanding, condition-, residual-, universial politics.</p><p>The motives that where observed during period 2 didn´t improve the conditions for the immigrant which were discriminated in society especially on the labourmarket. The motives from period 2 have therefore affected the motives for period 3. The recently appointed government will during it´s runningperiod try to leave the muddling through theory by the motives in creating conditions for a “self earned living” and participation. By doing this the esscense of diversity and integration policy will hopefully be reached.</p>

Ph.d-afhandling, Roskilde universitetscenter 2006.

Då vi 2006 skrev ett projektarbete om Brobyggarna i skolans verksamhet väcktes vår nyfikenhet för deras verksamheter på ett större samhälleligt plan. Därför har vi här utgått från att undersöka om Brobyggarnas utsagor om sina verksamheter stämmer överens med de uppdrag verksamheterna officiellt har. Vår uppfattning är att utvärderingar och rapporter på ett otillräckligt sätt knyter an till den svenska integrations- och storstadspolitiken och vi vill därför även undersöka hur väl förankrad denna politik är i Brobyggarnas verksamheter.Våra syften med uppsatsen är att ställa Brobyggarnas utsagor i relation till Malmö Stads målsättningar inom ramen för storstadssatsningen och integrationspolitiken, och analysera och diskutera förankringen av politiken samt om verksamheterna leder till integration eller ytterligare segregation.De empiriska resultaten har vi kopplat till teorier om demokrati och integration, vilka har visat sig vara grundläggande utgångspunkter för vår studie. För att underlätta läsarens förståelse för våra diskussioner och resultat har vi även redogjort för den politik som ligger till grund för verksamheterna.Vi anser att våra viktigaste slutsatser är, att integrationspolitikens otydliga direktiv leder till att Malmö Stads ambitiösa integrations- och demokratiarbete försvåras genom begränsningen av antalet bostadsområden, istället för att även arbeta övergripande i hela Malmö. Ibland riskerar arbetet dessutom att öka segregationen och stigmatiseringen på grund av fokuseringen på vissa befolkningsgrupper, enligt oss involverar integration alla. För att åstadkomma integration krävs ökad delaktighet, av alla medborgare, i samhället.

This thesis investigates blame avoidance behaviour in a debate between two Swedish parliamentary parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderates. By examining the debate, using R. Kent Weavers (1986) blame avoidance theory, we can better understand how political parties react to blame and what discursive strategies they apply to avoid it. Furthermore, by analyzing how political representatives avoid blame, its arguments and its language, we can gain a better picture of their incentives and what drives them to avoid blame. The thesis concludes that the Social Democrats and the Moderates use a combination of different types of blame avoidance strategies. Above all, they use strategies that Christopher Hood (2011) defines as presentational strategies and agency strategies, but they are also exploiting the 2015 refugee crisis to avoid blame. Boin et al (2009) defines this as 'crisis exploitation' and is used by the parties to shift focus from their own mistakes by framing the crisis as an external cause beyond their control. The thesis also concludes that the increased mediatization of politics has led to greater risks for parties of being exposed to blame. The parties have thus become more sensitive to exposure to blame, which in turn increases their incentives to adopt blame avoidance strategies. Finally, the thesis takes on a critical approach to blame avoidance. The practice of blame avoidance in public debate risks undermining the possibilities for an open, transparent, and genuine discussion about serious problems. Additionally, the rhetoric risks reinforcing an already polarized and antagonistic culture between parties and their voters.

Today, the integration of immigrants into Swedish society is a hotly debated topic, with labor market being one of the key areas of discussion. The aim of this study is to examine how the participation of immigrants in the labor market has been depicted in Swedish Government Official Reports from the years 1974, 1984, and 1996 from a historical perspective. Furthermore, the aim is to study whether the labor market situation of immigrants appears to change or if the textual material indicates continuity. The specific research questions addressed include how the situation of immigrants in the labor market is described in these reports and what measures were proposed to facilitate their situation in the labor market. The primary sources for this study are three governmental reports that investigated the situation of immigrants in Sweden during the specified years. The first report contributed to the establishment of an immigrant policy, the second led to a reformulation of this policy, and the third resulted in the adoption of an integration policy. The method used is a qualitative text analysis inspired by Bacchis “What’s the Problem Represented to be?”. The results were analyzed using Michael Piores theory of the dual labor market, which suggests that the labor market is divided into a primary and secondary sector. Individuals born in the country are typically expected to work in the primary sector, which consists of stable jobs with high wages, while immigrants are more often found in the secondary sector, which includes insecure jobs with low wages and higher unemployment rates. The results highlight that immigrants in Sweden have been concentrated in the secondary sector. During the 1970s, the employment rate of immigrants was high and not considered problematic, but in the 1980s and 1990s, employment rates decreased, and unemployment rose among immigrants. A recurring issue is identified in the reports is the lack of language proficiency, which is highlighted as a fundamental problem across all the texts. The finding suggest that foreign-born individuals were excluded from the trade union movement’s struggle for better conditions, that labor market training and employment services were not adequately adapted to the nature of immigration. The analysis of the texts indicates that measures were proposed to reduce the effects of the dual labor market, but these were insufficient. The main conclusion of this study is that foreign-born individuals in Sweden have historically been concentrated in the secondary sector, facing higher unemployment, insecure employment conditions and low wages, which are consequences of the dual labor market.

No description available.

The purpose of this Master thesis is to increase the knowledge about how public libraries can contribute to fulfil political programmes aimed towards integration. To achieve this we have conducted an evaluative case study about a public library in Sweden and the activities they carried out within the framework of the metropolitan policy programme Storstadssatsningen”. The questions raised consider which the political aims for integration within this programme were, which activities the library did accomplish, what the result in comparison with the politically decided aims was, and what conclusions can possibly be drawn from this? The theoretical framework consists of theories regarding evaluation, political programmes, integration and segregation, and public library-activities. The methods used in the case study are qualitative interviews and document studies. Our evaluative approach is based on Vedung (1998). The result of our case study shows that the aims of the programme at most levels were indistinct and that the library didn&apos;t have any clear goals to reach. Hence it is impossible to show any fulfilment of goals. The library accomplished a multitude of activities, which the staff had decided about themselves. Several of the activities promoted multi culture rather than integration. The programme has been successful mainly on an individual level and this is also where the library has been able to influence. Furthermore it is obvious that the overall aim to prevent segregation is nearly impossible to achieve on a local segregated city district-level. / Uppsatsnivå: D

<p><p>I denna uppsats görs en diskursanalys av alliansregeringens integrationspolitik avsedd för åren 2008 till 2010. Syfte är att titta på hur integrationspolitiken är organiserad, vilka beskrivningar och föreställningar som kommer till uttryck kring integration och vilka konsekvenser organiseringen kan få i integrationspolitiken. Den teoretiska och metodologiska utgångspunkten är diskursteori där fokus ligger på språket och hur föreställningar om verkligheten organiseras. I studien påvisas hur integrationspolitiken bygger på en föreställning om ett homogent och harmoniskt samhälle. ”Utanförskap” och ”mångfald” upprättas som yttre gränser för samhället och som hot mot ordningen. Beskrivningar av utanförskapet upprättar skillnad bl.a. genom kategoriseringar av ”utrikes födda” och ”inrikes födda”. I uppsatsen visas även hur vägen in i samhället villkoras, styr och medför krav på individer. Diskriminering på arbetsmarknaden framställs i materialet som ett avvikande beteende på individnivå. Studien visar även på hur en gemensam värdegrund organiseras som vägen mot sammanhållning och ordning. Sammantaget skapas i integrationspolitiken skillnad på olika nivåer samtidigt som utplånandet av skillnaden eftersträvas.</p></p>