楊逵在臺灣史上既是重要的社會運動家，也是知名的文藝工作者。從實地領導臺灣農民組合與臺灣文化協會，至以創作批判臺灣總督府扶植資本家成立製糖株式會社、臺灣拓殖株式會社等企業，假借農村繁榮和開闢山林為由，對臺灣土地進行的強取豪奪，楊逵從普羅大眾的視角出發，以左翼的社會運動與社會主義現實主義文學創作積極介入社會改造，堅定地表達反對殖民統治與階級壓迫的基本態度，擘畫公平、正義、民主、自由的理想社會。 一九四○年代，歷經日本殖民統治與國民黨政府兩個威權體制的高壓統治，臺灣人不僅因政權之遞嬗兩度變換國籍，也由於皇民化運動的推行與戰後全盤的中國化運動，遭逢兩次不同的國語政策與文化措施。毫無疑問，四○年代短短十年間是臺灣歷史上變動最為劇烈，也是考驗知識分子最為關鍵的時刻。可惜由於牽涉到皇民文學與二二八事件等政治上的禁忌，楊逵在這段時期的活動記錄幾乎呈現空白的狀況。本論文以《楊逵全集》編譯計畫進行期間，所蒐羅楊逵各類型的作品及其各種版本為基礎，配合近年間出土的第一手史料，藉由文學文本、歷史語境、文化現象等各方面的交互考察，為四○年代楊逵的社會運動與文藝活動進行補白的工作。此外，並借助薩伊德後殖民論述，檢視楊逵知識分子的文化立場，重構楊逵圖像。 在爬梳豐富的文獻資料之後，筆者發現無論外在環境如何艱困，楊逵總是能從艱難的時局縫隙中找尋出路；無論以文學創作針砭時政，或藉編輯刊物傳布左翼文學思潮與作品，或與日本、中國左翼作家間的交流與合作，莫不延續二○、三○年代勇敢對抗國家機器與霸權文化的批判精神，自始至終未曾偏離社會主義的階級立場。透過四○年代楊逵文學與思想的歷史研究，希望本論文不僅能為日後更為深入與更為全面性的楊逵研究做出貢獻，並能有助於了解臺灣知識菁英面臨政權更迭時的困頓與掙扎，及其社會參與和文化抗爭等諸多面向。

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Toledo Magane.pdf: 829580 bytes, checksum: b6dd6e0a1ee5e2d0a2447d68c065eb2f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-22 / In a historic moment in which the bourgeois autocracy of the country was rebuilding itself, in the year of 1979, a process started by the proclamation of political amnesty at the beginning of the government of João B. Figueiredo, an essay by Carlos Nelson Coutinho was published in issue number 9 of magazine Encontros com a Civilização Brasileira (meeting of Brazilian culture), entitled Democracy as an universal value . This essay is the very root of our present endeavor. It is an essay held by many positively or negatively as a watershed in left-wing Brazilian politics. The main purpose of this present research is to unveil the ideologic pattern of Coutinho s worldview, its ramifications and practical advent within the left-wing. There is also an added concern of salvaging an old debate of the European worker s movement about the validity, universality or class-related, of political democracy. Taking as a starting point the debates within German and Russian social-democracy, we considered the disputes between Rosa Luxemburg and Eduard Bernstein, and, later, Lenin s criticism of Kautsky. Furthermore, it is also our intention to remark on the influence exerted on Carlos Nelson Coutinho s theory by the trend of Euro-communism , particularly from the ideological output of the Italian Communist Party and its organic intellectuals . The project was based on a specific bibliographic research and in other historical documents, made through ontological criticism, containing an immanent analysis of the subject, its social determination and function in the evolving of the historical process. Sifting through Coutinho s concept-linking, we located many problematic appropriations, wherein concepts about art, taken from the works of 13 Karl Marx, were transposed to the sphere of politics. We made an effort to analyze Coutinho s limitations, with the aid of the ontologic lineaments of marxist thought. About onto-negative determination of politicity, with specify the limits of political democracy, not as ultimate liberty, due to its being supported by the pillars of a civil society driven by capital. The emancipation of mankind in general requires an association in which the free development of each is a condition for the development of all (Karl Marx) / No momento histórico de auto-reforma da autocracia burguesa, em 1979, proclamada pela anistia política, no período inicial do governo de João B. Figueiredo, foi publicado, na Revista Encontros com a Civilização Brasileira Nº 9, o ensaio de Carlos Nelson Coutinho "A democracia como valor universal" que é a raiz de nosso trabalho. Esse seu ensaio é considerado por muitos - para o bem ou para o mal - como um divisor de águas na própria esquerda brasileira. O principal objetivo desta pesquisa é o desvendamento da trama ideológica da visão de mundo de Coutinho, seus desdobramentos e sua consumação prática no interior da esquerda, bem como procura resgatar uma antiga discussão do movimento operário europeu sobre a validade, seja universal, seja de classe da democracia política. Tomando como ponto de partida os debates no interior da social-democracia alemã e russa, desenvolvemos os embates entre Rosa Luxemburgo e Eduard Bernstein e, posteriormente, as críticas de Lênin contra Kautsky. Objetivamos ainda apontar para a influência que a teoria de Carlos Nelson Coutinho sofreu do eurocomunismo , particularmente da produção ideológica do Partido Comunista Italiano e de seus intelectuais orgânicos . O trabalho baseou-se em pesquisa bibliográfica específica, e em outros documentos históricos, através da crítica ontológica, constituída da análise imanente do objeto, sua determinação social e função no evolver do processo histórico. Encontramos no decorrer das concepções de Coutinho apropriações problemáticas de transposição de conceitos acerca da arte, extraídos da obra de Karl Marx, para a esfera da política. Procuramos analisar suas limitações, com o auxílio dos lineamentos ontológicos do pensamento marxiano, sobre a determinação ontonegativa da politicidade, que especifica os limites da democracia política, não como a última forma de liberdade, pois que se assentam 11 nos pilares da sociedade civil regida pelo capital. A emancipação humana geral pressupõe uma associação na qual o livre desenvolvimento de cada um é a condição para o livre desenvolvimento de todos (Karl Marx)

This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.

While several populist parties with ties to the left side of the ideological scale have become more prominent in the electoral arenas across Western Europe, the literature on populism still has a disproportionate focus on the right. To enhance the existing research on explanatory factors to the electoral fortunes of left-wing populist parties, this study tests two competing theories using multivariate regression analysis. The first theory concerns the effect of mainstream party convergence, and the second, the increased tension between governing parties’ responsive role towards the electorate and their responsible role as national leaders, here operationalized as the implementation of fiscal consolidation. The results show that austerity is conducive to left-wing populist success, and correspondingly supports the theory of the tension between governing parties’ responsibility and responsiveness. However, the effect is weaker when controlling for economic factors, which might be an indication of a partly spurious relationship or the included variables being endogenous. Despite a flexible operationalization, the convergence theory receives marginal to no support and the direction is opposite to what is expected in two of the models, rendering the results even more ambiguous and difficult to analyze. Whereas a lack of variation in the data denotes that the findings should be interpreted with caution, there is hence an indication that existing theories concerning the success of the populist left should not be taken for granted as long as empirical research is limited.

This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.

The rise of populism is one of the most significant political phenomena of the last decade. Although populism has been studied from various perspectives, especially in recent years, there is still number of unresolved issues related to the phenomenon. One of them is a question of the relation between right-wing and left-wing populist policies. In this context, the thesis deals with the case of the 2017 French presidential election. In this vote, both right- wing populist Marine Le Pen and left-wing populist Jean-Luc Mélenchon achieved extraordinary political success. The thesis examines policy content of the selected thematic areas that the candidates were focusing on during the election campaign. It specifically examines electoral programs and media statements of the candidates as the sources of their policies. The thesis provides an analysis of the policy content of individual candidates, as well as a comparison of the policies in the selected thematic areas. Its main output is a description of the common and different features of the pre-election promises of the two selected populist politicians.

No description available.

The new phenomena of “school attacks” has emerged in Sweden since 2015. Between 2015 and today (2022), Sweden has been a subject of four “school attacks”, whereas three of these attacks have occurred within a period of seven months. In this thesis I aim to gain an in-depth insight about how “school attacks” are represented in the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism and further, to distinguish whether “school attacks” have been securitized in the national strategy. To study this, I will apply the securitization theory by Thierry Balzacq through the methodological framework of a WPR (What’s the problem represented to be?) discourse analysis on the material consisting of the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism from 2016. The findings suggest that there appears to be an undermining of right-wing extremism and exclusion of the loneactor of extremism in the strategy’s claims regarding what is the most prominent extremism-related threat to the State of Sweden and Swedish interests. Furthermore, I was able to distinguish that “school attacks” were not securitized in the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism.

The work deals with the political biography of dr. Gertrude Sekaninová-Cakrtova - left-wing politician and diplomat, that the Czechoslovak public arena, she acted from 30' to 70' of 20th century. The main axis of the paper is thematization of their motivation for political actions over time (30th-70th years), which are based on the background of a utopian communist (socialist) promise with which she identified in the first half of the 30th years, yet. The dynamics of Sekaninova-Cakrtova's motivations in the course of 40 years paper articulate in the context of a whole generation of communist intellectuals and their ambivalent relationship to postwar communist regime during its development.

<p>The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?</p><p>The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.</p><p>The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.</p><p>Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.</p><p>Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.</p>