The purpose of this paper is to study how people without home experience social services and how they experience their space of action when they meet social services. In order to answer these questions, a qualitative approach has been used. The empirical material consists of five interviews with people who have contact with social services because they are homeless. To support my analysis of the space of action for the persons being interviewed, I’ve used two theoretical perspectives, power analysis by Michel Foucault and Rational Choice. The result shows that the interviewed often feel insulted when they meet social services, that they have little or no involvement and that their space of action is small. According to Michel Foucault, the normalising power of the social services oppresses the clients and the clients in their turn are doing different forms of resistance. According to Rational Choice, interaction between people is based on power, exchange and interest. From the clients point of view the only thing they can exchange to get a place to live is to be submissive. Therefore they don’t have many resources to widen their space of action.

Cette thèse vise à cerner les raisons historiques, intellectuelles et affectives de l’importance que reçoit le problème de la vulnérabilité individuelle dans la culture politique des sociétés modernes. Il s’agit de tenter de comprendre pourquoi et par le concours de quelles transformations normatives et structurelles nous en sommes venus, comme citoyens, à attendre de l’État qu’il nous protège des affres de l’existence. L’oeuvre philosophique de Thomas Hobbes, fondée sur une anthropologie individualiste où l’homme apparaît mû par deux affects, le désir et la crainte, nous paraît être la première formulation théorique de ce problème de la vulnérabilité, et à ce titre, nous posons qu’elle a été déterminante pour l’institutionnalisation d’une rationalité politique proprement moderne. De manière à saisir quelles ont pu être les conditions de possibilité de la philosophie de Hobbes, de même que son influence sur l’imaginaire politique occidental, il nous faut tenter de comprendre non seulement pourquoi l’affectivité humaine a pu se trouver ainsi posée comme enjeu du gouvernement, mais comment elle est aussi liée, de manière générale, au fonctionnement des institutions sociales, lequel est historiquement contingent. Il en va ainsi d’une interrogation, que nous poursuivrons dans un relevé des principaux concepts à l’aide desquels Sigmund Freud, Norbert Elias, Max Weber et Michel Foucault ont pensé les modalités du façonnement social et historique de la subjectivité, et par le biais de laquelle nous espérons expliquer pourquoi le « type d’homme » sur lequel s’appuie le régime libéral moderne implique le vécu d’une expérience affective marquée par un rapport tendu entre le désir et le sentiment de la vulnérabilité.

Critical theory has historically situated the beginning of the “modern” era of subjectivity near the end of the seventeenth century. Michel Foucault himself once said in an interview that modernity began with the writings of the late seventeenth-century philosopher Benedict Spinoza. But an examination of early modern English utopian literature demonstrates that a modern notion of subjectivity can be found in texts that pre-date Spinoza. In this dissertation, I examine four utopian texts—Thomas More’s Utopia, Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis, Margaret Cavendish’s Description of a New World, Called the Blazing World, and Henry Neville’s Isle of Pines—through the paradigm of Jacques Lacan’s tripartite model of subjectivity—the Imaginary, the Symbolic, and the Real. To mediate between Lacan’s psychoanalytic model and the historical aspects of these texts, such as their relationship with print culture and their engagement with political developments in seventeenth-century England, I employ the theories of the Marxist-Lacanian philosopher, Slavoj Žižek, to show that “early modern” subjectivity is in in fact no different from critical theory’s “modern” subject, despite pre-dating the supposed inception of such subjectivity. In addition, I engage with other prominent theorists, including Fredric Jameson, Jacques Derrida, and Donna Haraway, to come to an understanding about the ways in which critical theory can be useful to understand not only early modern literature, but also the contemporary, “real” world and the subjectivity we all seek to attain.

Studien är en applicering av Foucaults Övervakning och straff på science fiction-romanen The Left Hand of Darkness av Le Guin. Fokus låg på hur makten drabbar huvudkaraktärerna; syftet var att notera hur de gör motstånd mot maktutövningen och att ta fasta på alternativa maktrelationer som kan influera verkligt politiskt arbete mot en bättre, mer jämlik värld. Att använda Foucaults idéer på liknande sätt är vanligt. Analysen består av sex sekvenser som utspelar sig på planeten Vinter i The Left Hand of Darkness. Landsförvisningar för att återupprätta härskarens makt, både avsaknaden och upprättandet av framstegsmyt och en etik som förespråkar jämlikhet utmärkte monarkin Karhide; kuvade kroppar i disciplinens förtecken och en makt som är sammantvinnad med vetandet kännetecknade byråkratin Orgoreyn. Slutsats: Det är nödvändigt att uppoffra sig för att få till stånd förändringar. Den politiske visionären kan dessutom ha användning för en särskild etik, en mindre aggressiv framstegsmyt och horisontellt samarbete.

Thus far, the novel Naked Lunch has not been discussed from the aspect of critical animal studies, nor has it been connected to the theories of Michel Foucault. This essay however, argues that these diverse fields could be connected through the use of the simians that are frequently employed in Naked Lunch. By analyzing the metaphorical role of the simian, the structure of the normalization process can be revealed. Therefore the simian’s metaphorical role becomes to reveal the different stages character goes through in that process and ultimately revealing its negative effects. They also prove to employ the role of abnormality which normalization wants to subtract from the human in order to render her docile. By applying the power mechanisms such as signals, the concept of panopticism and the theory of the docile body to specific passages where simians are highly prominent, the claim of this paper can be demonstrated. Besides Foucault, the theories of Robin Lydenberg are also used consistently throughout the essay due to her valuable observations such as the struggle between body and mind.

This study offers a look at the ways in which discourse shaped by the contemporary Israel-Palestine conflict serves as a framework for modern historiography on Palestine. It focuses specifically on the variety of historical narratives proffered as to the “truth” of the Crusade period in Palestine, roughly the eleventh through the thirteenth centuries, and their mobilization in political agendas through the Zionist-Crusader analogy. This comparison, a historical analogy likening Zionists to Frankish Crusaders or the State of Israel to the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, appears frequently in contemporary dialogue on the Israel-Palestine conflict; it comes from a diverse range of sources and for a variety of political ends, showing that the politicization of history of the contested land is a widespread phenomenon that is limited neither to academic nor political circles. Furthermore, this study argues that common national, religious, or ethnic identities do not guarantee common political conclusions or agreement on the “facts” of the Crusader past. On a broader level, this study investigates the theoretical underpinnings of national histories and their employment as political devices in nationalist movements, as well as explores the role of individual agency in creating and deploying nationalist historical narratives within the framework of the Zionist-Crusader analogy. In the specific context of the Israel-Palestine conflict and the modern State of Israel, this theoretical component focuses primarily on applications of Crusade history to supporting or challenging contemporary political-religious claims to the land of Israel-Palestine.

當代英國作家伊恩麥克尤恩的《贖罪》是部揉雜獨特告白形式的小說。小說直到最終章才清楚指出，這不僅是伊恩麥克尤恩描述主角白昂妮贖罪的小說，更是書中主角白昂妮身為一位作家的告白及贖罪手段。游移在虛假與真實的邊界，此書的核心問題在於，小說家的寫作能否彌補現實生活犯下的過錯？而身為讀者的我們，又該如何解讀小說與告白的轉變？ 本文分成四個章節。第一章介紹《贖罪》的相關評論及理論架構。第二章先闡述巴赫汀的對話和複調理論，再剖析小說中的前三部份如何具體呈現這兩種特質，突顯白昂妮藉由多重敘述觀點，瓦解幼年時自我中心傾向並開啟與他者的對話。第三章聚焦於小說架構的告白轉折。長久以來，告白被視為一種賦予解放和完整自我的力量，傅柯則提出現代社會下的告白演變為自我規訓的機制。以傅柯的觀點來解讀小說結尾，白昂妮的告白在自我解放與治癒的表層下，其實隱含了快感和權力的螺旋結構，對真實及作者身份的延宕意味著她身為小說家權力的回歸。 / Ian McEwan's Atonement is a novel experimentally weaved with a peculiar confessional form. Not until the last part of the novel are readers informed the framed narrative structure: this is not merely McEwan's novel which depicts the heroine Briony's atonement, but more importantly, the grown-up novelist Briony's own confession crafted as a novel to make amends. This complicates our reading in retrospect as the ending reveals the central dilemma: how to judge the novelist's privilege to use confession to atone for the fault made in real life. This thesis consists of four chapters. The first chapter introduces the criticisms of Atonement, followed by my theoretical frameworks adopted to read this novel. The second chapter begins with the explications of Bakhtin's theory of dialogism and polyphony. By integrating these two concepts to scrutinize the first three parts of the novel, I attempt to analyze how Briony's self-reflexive writing and utilizations of multiple points of view expose her childhood monologic mentality and demonstrate her broadening of the self-other understandings. The third chapter discusses the ambivalent confessional twist in relation to the previous story Briony has mesmerized readers to believe. While the confession has been historically considered as a means of self-liberation, Foucault brings out another aspect that the institutionalization of the confession has turned itself into a mechanism of self-discipline. The novel eventually strikes the final note on the double impetus of Briony's narrative that her confession offers a consolation to suture with the past but meanwhile, upon close inspection, the overtones of her restoration of power as a novelist and the spirals of pleasure and power still lurk behind.

While the word 'critique' appeared frequently in Australian legal education texts between 1987 and 2003, the meaning and the emphasis accorded critique varied widely. Michel Foucault's ideas about the close relationship between knowledge and power provide a theoretical framework within which this inconsistency of meaning and emphasis can be described, analysed and explained. Rather than monolithic, the discipline of legal education was by 2003 a dynamic nexus of distinct and competing discourses: doctrinalism, vocationalism, corporatism, liberalism, pedagogicalism and radicalism. Each of these six discourses was simultaneously a form of knowledge and an expression of disciplinary power within the law school. As a form of knowledge, each discourse accorded critique a different meaning and a different emphasis as a consequence of a range of historical, social and political contingencies. As an expression of power, each discourse was an attempt to achieve a set of objectives including the universalisation of a particular approach to the teaching of law and the enhancement of the status of a particular role within the law school. Critique, in a variety of forms, was a strategy employed by each discourse in order to achieve these objectives and to dominate and displace competing discourses.

A body of critical legal scholarship argues that, by the time they have completed their studies, students who enter legal education holding social ideals and intending to use their legal education to achieve social change, have become cynical about the ability of the law to do so and no longer possess such ideals. This is explained by critical scholars to be the result of a process of ideological indoctrination, aimed at ensuring that graduates uphold the narrow and conservative interests of the legal profession and capitalist society, being exercised by law schools acting as adjuncts of the legal profession, and exercised upon the passive body of the law student. By using Foucault’s work on knowledge, power, and the subject to interrogate the assumptions upon which this narrative is based, this thesis intends to suggest a way of thinking differently to the approach taken by many critical legal scholars. It then uses an analytics of government (based on Foucault’s notion of ‘governmentality’) to consider the construction of the legal identity differently. It examines the ways in which the governance of the legal identity is rationalised, programmed, and implemented, in three Queensland law schools. It also looks at the way that five prescriptive texts to ‘surviving’ law school suggest students establish and practise a relation to themselves in order to construct their own legal identities. Overall, this analysis shows that governance is not simply conducted in the profession’s interests, but occurs due to a complex arrangement of different practices, which can lead to the construction of skilled legal professional identities as well as ethical lawyer-citizens that hold an interest in justice. The implications of such an analytics provide the basis for original ways of understanding legal education, and legal education scholarship.

In 2002 New Zealand�s government set out to "accelerate" the nation�s "transformation into a knowledge society" (Ministry of Education, 2002a, p. 16). Underpinning the development of this so-called 'knowledge society' was a new approach in the way tertiary education was funded. This included introducing a new contestable model of research funding called Performance-Based Research Funding (PBRF). The research reported here was conducted at a critical juncture in the ongoing development and implementation of PBRF because it captures the experiences of fifteen academics as they encounter PBRF and the Quality Evaluation exercise for the first time. Their experiences of the inaugural 2003 Quality Evaluation exercise were examined using a discourse analysis approach informed by Michel Foucault�s (1926-1984) ideas of 'subjection' and 'governmentality'. 'Subjection' occurs when individuals shape their identities by responding to the multiple discourses that are available to them at any particular time and within any historical context (Foucault, 1969). 'Governmentality' refers to a particular instrument, technique or activity that guides and shapes conduct by producing a compliant human subject capable of supporting the interests and objectives of the state (Foucault, 1994a). In the case of academics this might mean conforming to PBRF policies and practices and participating in the development and transformation of a new 'knowledge society'. In this thesis I examine the potential for PBRF to reshape and redirect the nature of research and suggest that some assessment elements of the 2003 Quality Evaluation were flawed and, as a result, a number of participants in this study were now making decisions about their research that appeared contrary to their best interests. I also investigate PBRF as a field of compliance and argue that the Quality Evaluation exercise represents a technology of government that targets the activities and practices of New Zealand�s research academics with the effect of manifesting a more docile and compliant academic subject. I then question PBRF�s impact on the career aspirations and opportunities of academics and claim that the PBRF Quality Evaluation framework has already shifted from being a mechanism for distributing funds for research to one that identifies and rewards the most 'talented' researchers via institutional appointments and promotions. Finally, I interrogate the pursuit and practice of academic freedom and argue that as a consequence of PBRF, a number of participants in this study have positioned themselves in ways that could diminish and constrain their traditional rights to academic freedom. PBRF has the potential to locate academics within a new status-driven hierarchy of professional validation whereby the Quality Evaluation exercise will purportedly measure, evaluate and reward the most 'talented' researchers and the 'best' research. In this thesis I argue that the PBRF Quality Evaluation framework operates as a form of disciplinary power exercised as part of an international trend of intensifying audit and assessment practices in higher education. In this sense, I claim that PBRF exists as an instrument of governmentality capable of constituting a new type of academic subject by significantly shifting the way academics will have to think and conduct their professional selves in relation to their work and research.