A presente tese parte da afirmação reiterada e desconcertante desse filósofo francês de que ele não seria, de modo algum, um \"teórico do poder\", para mostrar que, para além das discussões em torno de se o primeiro Foucault (da arqueologia dos saberes), o segundo (da genealogia do poder), ou o terceiro (da ética e das condutas individuas), seria o mais importante, o \"melhor\", é possível falar numa unidade no que diz respeito à trajetória do seu pensamento e que essa unidade se dá em torno das relações políticas entre os homens, o que faz com que ele seja, eminentemente, um pensador da política, ou melhor, do político. Só que a política tal qual ele a entende não tem nada a ver com a aquela dos teóricos da política ou do poder e, sim, com a relação que ele passou a perseguir em um determinado momento dessa trajetória: a relação entre governantes e governados. Essa relação, cuja percepção se tornou possível por meio do conceito de governamentalidade, gestado no ano de 1978, constitui-se numa nova \"grade de leitura\" para a política, que permite: 1) dar um basta à idéia de que haja, nesse âmbito, modelos universais que possam dar respostas a todos os tipos de questões--modelos esses que legitimam a existência de \"intelectuais universais\", incumbidos de conceber esses modelos e apresentá-los aos \"explorados\" e \"ignorantes\", prometendo-lhes a sua libertação, bem como da \"vida política\" nas atuais democracias representativas--; 2) conceber uma noção de liberdade--enquanto uma relação entre governantes e governados que não possui limites a priori--que escapa à da tradição liberal que, gestada nos séculos XVII-XVIII, se tornou hegemônica no Ocidente a partir do século XIX, não só no plano discursivo, mas enquanto realidade sócio-econômica global. Onde quer que existam essas relações--e elas sempre existirão, para Foucault, do micro ao macro--é necessário que seja possível, sempre, pô-las sob questão; o que só acontece quando o pensamento é deixado solto para ser capaz de levantar o maior número de conflitos possível--e não de consensos--; para, crítico, apontar o maior número de problemas a serem resolvidos dentro do âmbito dessas. Algumas dessas relações irão, então, se sustentar, conseguir se justificar; outras, não, terão que ser revistas, num interminável trabalho de extensão dos limites da liberdade humana. Essa nova noção de liberdade, por sua vez, traz consigo a possibilidade de interrogação do fenômeno da subjetividade, na medida em que são sujeitos, sempre, os que participam dessas relações entre governantes e governados. Por isso, o presente trabalho se esforça em mostrar percursos intelectuais que, tendo sido percebidos e diretamente abordados por Foucault (caso de Kant e de Platão) ou não (segunda clínica lacaniana e perspectivismo ameríndio), mantêm, na ênfase que dão ao sujeito, uma visada em comum com a empreitada foucaultiana. / This thesis initiates itself by the reiterated and astonishing declaration by this French philosopher that he would not be, under any circumstance, a \"power theoretician\", in order to show that, beyond the debates on whether it would be the first Foucault (the archeology of knowledge one), the second (genealogy of power one), or the third (the ethics and the individual conduct one), the most important one, the \"best\", it is possible to talk about a unity in what concerns the trajectory of his thought and that such unity concerns the political relations between men, which results in that he is, eminently, a thinker of politics, or rather, of the political. Except that politics as he understands it has nothing to do with that of the theorists of politics or of power but with a relationship that he began to pursue somewhere along such a trajectory: the relationship that exists between the governing and the governed. Such a relationship, whose perception became possible by means of the concept of governmentality, conceived in the year of 1978, constitutes itself as a \"grid of understanding\" for politics, which allows to: 1) declare that we\'ve had enough of the idea that there shall exist, in such domain, universal models that may answer all kinds of questions--models which legitimate the existence of \"universal intellectuals\", held responsible for conceiving such models and for presenting them to the \"exploited\" and \"ignorant\", promising their liberation, as well as of \"political life\" in current representative democracies--; 2) to conceive a notion of liberty--as a relationship between the governing and the governed which has no a priori limits--that escapes from the liberal tradition one which, created along the XVII/XVIIIth century, became hegemonic in the West since the XIXth century, not only on the discursive level, but as socio-economic global reality. Wherever such relations exist--and they will always do, for Foucault, from micro to macro--it is necessary that it be possible, always, to put them open to question; that which only occurs when thought is left free to be able to raise the highest number possible of conflicts--and not consensuses--, in order to, critic as it is, point out the highest number of problems to be solved in such domain. Some of those relationships will be able, then, to sustain themselves, to justify themselves; others, won\'t, they will have to be modified, in an interminable labor of extending the limits of human liberty. This new notion of liberty, by its turn, carries along with itself the possibility of the inquiry of the phenomenon of subjectivity, as it is that it is always subjects that participate in such relations between the governing and the governed. For this reason, this thesis makes an effort to present intellectual paths which, having been noticed and approached by Foucault (the case of Kant and Plato) or not (second Lacanian clinic and Amerindian perspectivism), maintain, in the emphasis they give to the subject, a common viewpoint with the Foucauldian enterprise.

<p>Mot bakgrund av att asexualitet på senare år formulerats som en möjlig sexuell identitet, orientering eller preferens är syftet med uppsatsen att teoretisera den asexuella positionen – här definierat som ”frånvaro av lust till sexuell praktik”. Detta görs genom en nära läsning av fyra texter som varit centrala inom feministisk och queer teoribildning, med intentionen att undersöka hur asexualitet positioneras i relation till dessa teorier. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna hämtas från feministiska och konstruktivistiska teorier om kön, sexualitet, makt och subjektstatus, främst Michel Foucault (1976)och Judith Butler (1990). Mina läsningar visar att i Gayle Rubins sexuella värdehierarki (1984) tilldelas positioner utifrån sexuellt aktörskap, och det är således sexuella subjekt som kan emanciperas. I Adrienne Rich’s text om obligatorisk heterosexualitet (1980) tillskrivs även den icke-sexuella kvinnan aktörskapet att undkomma tvångsheterosexualisering - Rich’s införande av ett lesbiskt kontinuum kan ses som en dekonstruktion av en sexuell kategori. I min läsning av Michael Warner (1993) frågar jag huruvida den queera metoden även kan användas till att ifrågasätta normer om att vara sexuell, och i min läsning av Butler (1990) diskuterar jag frånvaro av begär i relation till möjliga subjektspositioner inom ramen för en heterosexuell matris. I min slutdiskussion återknyter jag till Foucault, och problematiserar (a)sexualitet ur ett könsmaktsperspektiv. Jag avslutar med att problematisera den gränsdragning mellan sexuellt och icke-sexuellt vi alla ständigt avkrävs att göra.</p>

Mot bakgrund av att asexualitet på senare år formulerats som en möjlig sexuell identitet, orientering eller preferens är syftet med uppsatsen att teoretisera den asexuella positionen – här definierat som ”frånvaro av lust till sexuell praktik”. Detta görs genom en nära läsning av fyra texter som varit centrala inom feministisk och queer teoribildning, med intentionen att undersöka hur asexualitet positioneras i relation till dessa teorier. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna hämtas från feministiska och konstruktivistiska teorier om kön, sexualitet, makt och subjektstatus, främst Michel Foucault (1976)och Judith Butler (1990). Mina läsningar visar att i Gayle Rubins sexuella värdehierarki (1984) tilldelas positioner utifrån sexuellt aktörskap, och det är således sexuella subjekt som kan emanciperas. I Adrienne Rich’s text om obligatorisk heterosexualitet (1980) tillskrivs även den icke-sexuella kvinnan aktörskapet att undkomma tvångsheterosexualisering - Rich’s införande av ett lesbiskt kontinuum kan ses som en dekonstruktion av en sexuell kategori. I min läsning av Michael Warner (1993) frågar jag huruvida den queera metoden även kan användas till att ifrågasätta normer om att vara sexuell, och i min läsning av Butler (1990) diskuterar jag frånvaro av begär i relation till möjliga subjektspositioner inom ramen för en heterosexuell matris. I min slutdiskussion återknyter jag till Foucault, och problematiserar (a)sexualitet ur ett könsmaktsperspektiv. Jag avslutar med att problematisera den gränsdragning mellan sexuellt och icke-sexuellt vi alla ständigt avkrävs att göra.

The aim of this essay is to analyze the implementation process of the International Baccalaureate’s Diploma Programme in four of the approximately 30 schools currently offering the IB at upper secondary level in Sweden. The starting point is a comparison between definitions in fundamental documents in the national programmes for Natural Science (NV) and Social Science (SP) on the one hand, and the IBDP on the other. The evaluation, based on Program theory, focuses in particular on the consistencies in the Organizational plans of each system.  The basic assumption is that the IB due to a deviating organizational system, different structures, aims and objectives makes a challenge for the dominating educational discourse, to use a concept by Michel Foucault, and that resistance against the IB therefore is to be expected. As a second part of the evaluation five people who either play, or have played the role of coordinators of the IB, and who thereby are responsible for the implementation, have been interviewed. The questions have been focused around in what sense the informants can confirm resistance in their implementation work due to the differences found in the first part of the evaluation, and in what ways it manifests itself. Finally, Michel Foucault’s power structures in connection to discourse analysis have been applied on the results of the two previous parts of the essay. Foucault claims a school to be one of the state institutions acting on its behalf in conserving and defending its discourse against outside enemies. Two configurations of power are according to Foucault used in the defence; ‘marginalization’ and ‘normalization’. The result of the study confirms evidence of both power structures being found in the implementation of the IB in the four schools included in the analysis and that the resistance against the IB in these schools can be interpreted accordingly. / Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att analysera implementeringen av International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme (IBDP) i fyra av det 30-talet gymnasieskolor som för närvarande erbjuder utbildingen i Sverige. Utvärderingen är indelad i två delar baserad på ’programteori’, och fokuserar på delar i respektive utbildnings organisationsplan.  Den första delen har sin utgångspunkt i styrdokument i respektive utbildning och utgör en jämförelse av olika grundläggande definitioner för, å ena sidan de nationella Naturvetenskapsprogrammet (NV) och Samhällsprogrammet (SP), och å andra sidan IBDP. Detta är av relevans för att IB-utbildningen skiljer sig tillräckligt mycket från de nationella programmen för att utgöra en utmaning av det nationella systemet, det som Michel Foucault skulle kalla den dominerande diskursen. Den andra delen består av fem intervjuer med nuvarande eller före detta coordinatorer, de personer som ansvarar för implementeringsarbetet på de enskilda skolorna. Här är frågorna fokuserade runt de områden där implementeringsarbetet antas vara svårast utifrån de skillnader som framkommer i den första delen av utvärderingen. Slutligen används de maktbegrepp som Foucault anger i sin diskursanalys på de två första delarna av arbetet. Foucault hävdar att skolan är en av de institutioner som agerar för att bevara och försvara en stats diskurs mot utomstående makter. Enlig Foucault uttrycks detta i två maktkonfigurationer; ‘marginalisering’ och ‘normalisering’. Resultatet av studien visar att det finns tecken på att båda maktmedel i implementering av IB på de fyra aktuella skolorna och att motståndet mot IB går att förstå enligt denna modell.

[pt] Esta monografia tem, como objetivo geral, perceber a articulação entre as relações de poder e a população ao longo de diferentes períodos. Partindo de alguns conceitos clássicos, desenvolvidos pelo filósofo Francês Michel Foucault, como poder de soberania e disciplinar, bem como a noção de sociedade de controle trabalhada por Gilles Deleuze, será feita uma análise dos mecanismos que levam à passagem de uma tecnologia de poder a outra ao longo de diferentes momentos do processo histórico. / [en] This monograph has as main objective to understand the relationship between power relations and the population over different periods. Starting with some classic concepts developed by French philosopher Michel Foucault, as sovereign and disciplinary power, and the notion of control society of control by Gilles Deleuze, is an analysis of the mechanisms that lead to the passage of power from one technology to another over different times of the historical process.

In this essay I try to find out how the local political climate in the Swedish Municipal Örebro looks like through the eyes of Michel Foucault. I’ve been focusing on the concept power, knowledge and politic. I’ve been applying the discourse theory on the study and the founder of that theory is Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, the discoursetheory is a refinement of Foucaults thoughts about discourse. The object of study is the Mayor of Örebro, Staffan Werme and the position connected to that post. I’ve used the method “shadowing”, and I’ve been following the Mayor in every physical room that he appears in for nearly two weeks. The aim is too see which subject-position that the Mayor ascribes to in those different rooms, and also how the concept of power is used.

Ce travail de recherche est une généalogie de la notion de « désir sexuel » telle qu'elle fut conçue dans le christianisme antique du IIIe au Ve siècle. À partir de la distinction entre deux anthropologies concurrentes, nous cherchons à reconstituer les modalités selon lesquelles ce désir a été pensé comme une pulsion irrésistible. Nous nous inscrivons donc dans la tradition des études de genre puisque nous posons la question de savoir s'il existe, au fondement des catégorisations sociales et des modes de légitimation du pouvoir, une forme de naturalité irréductible. Notre objectif est de mettre en évidence, d'une part, en quoi l'idée de désir naturel est une forme de problématisation contingente du désir sexuel et, d'autre, part, les conséquences de cette façon de penser. Entre le IIIe et le Ve siècle, les auteurs chrétiens s'opposent en ce qui concerne la question des capacités humaines. Pour les « perfectionnistes », l'homme est capable d'accéder par ses propres forces à la perfection. Par conséquent, le « monde » est pensé par eux comme un ensemble de liens qui entravent l'itinéraire spirituel du sujet. La solitude du « désert » apparaît alors dans ce cadre problématique comme un moyen d'accéder à la liberté. Au contraire, pour les « défaillantistes », l'homme est par nature infirme, si bien que la perfection est conçue non plus comme ce à quoi il peut lui-même accéder, mais comme un don de Dieu. En soulignant que l'homme n'est pas le maître dans sa propre maison puisqu'il ne peut maîtriser sa libido, Augustin montre que sa libération n'est envisageable qu'au prix de sa soumission à des institutions coercitives ayant pour fonction de compenser sa faiblesse. Proposant une forme originale de problématisation de la nature humaine en naturalisant la pulsion sexuelle, le défaillantisme chrétien permet donc de justifier la soumission des hommes. En faisant la généalogie du désir sexuel, ce travail s'emploie à montrer que la liberté ne requiert pas seulement une critique de l'idée de répression, mais une remise en cause plus fondamentale du modèle naturaliste de la pulsion. / This thesis is a genealogical study of the notion of “sexual desire” as it appeared in Ancient Christianity from the 3rd to the 5th century. Distinguishing between two competing anthropologies, it seeks to reconstruct the modalities according to which this desire has been understood as a compelling drive. It is in line with gender studies in so far as it asks the question of whether there is, at the basis of social categories and justifications of power, a form of irreducible naturality. The purpose here is, on one hand, to show that the notion of natural desire derives from a contingent problematization of sexual desire and, on the other hand, to highlight the consequences of this reasoning. Between the 3rd and 5th centuries, Christian authors opposed one another on the question of human capabilities. For the “perfectionists,” man was able to achieve perfection on his own. Consequently, they saw the “world” as full of bonds hindering the subject's spiritual progress. In this context, being alone in the “desert” appeared as a means to achieve freedom. On the contrary, the “defaultists” held that man was naturally flawed, so that perfection was not thought to be an achievable goal any more, but a gift from God. Underlining that man was no master in his own house because he could not master his own libido, Augustine showed that his liberation could only depend on his submitting to coercive institutions designed to compensate for his weakness. Offering an original problematization of human nature by naturalizing the sexual drive, Christian defaultism could thus justify the submission of men. By tracing a genealogy of sexual desire, this study seeks to demonstrate that freedom does not only require criticizing the idea of repression, but more radically questionning the naturalist model of the drive.

A presente tese parte da afirmação reiterada e desconcertante desse filósofo francês de que ele não seria, de modo algum, um \"teórico do poder\", para mostrar que, para além das discussões em torno de se o primeiro Foucault (da arqueologia dos saberes), o segundo (da genealogia do poder), ou o terceiro (da ética e das condutas individuas), seria o mais importante, o \"melhor\", é possível falar numa unidade no que diz respeito à trajetória do seu pensamento e que essa unidade se dá em torno das relações políticas entre os homens, o que faz com que ele seja, eminentemente, um pensador da política, ou melhor, do político. Só que a política tal qual ele a entende não tem nada a ver com a aquela dos teóricos da política ou do poder e, sim, com a relação que ele passou a perseguir em um determinado momento dessa trajetória: a relação entre governantes e governados. Essa relação, cuja percepção se tornou possível por meio do conceito de governamentalidade, gestado no ano de 1978, constitui-se numa nova \"grade de leitura\" para a política, que permite: 1) dar um basta à idéia de que haja, nesse âmbito, modelos universais que possam dar respostas a todos os tipos de questões--modelos esses que legitimam a existência de \"intelectuais universais\", incumbidos de conceber esses modelos e apresentá-los aos \"explorados\" e \"ignorantes\", prometendo-lhes a sua libertação, bem como da \"vida política\" nas atuais democracias representativas--; 2) conceber uma noção de liberdade--enquanto uma relação entre governantes e governados que não possui limites a priori--que escapa à da tradição liberal que, gestada nos séculos XVII-XVIII, se tornou hegemônica no Ocidente a partir do século XIX, não só no plano discursivo, mas enquanto realidade sócio-econômica global. Onde quer que existam essas relações--e elas sempre existirão, para Foucault, do micro ao macro--é necessário que seja possível, sempre, pô-las sob questão; o que só acontece quando o pensamento é deixado solto para ser capaz de levantar o maior número de conflitos possível--e não de consensos--; para, crítico, apontar o maior número de problemas a serem resolvidos dentro do âmbito dessas. Algumas dessas relações irão, então, se sustentar, conseguir se justificar; outras, não, terão que ser revistas, num interminável trabalho de extensão dos limites da liberdade humana. Essa nova noção de liberdade, por sua vez, traz consigo a possibilidade de interrogação do fenômeno da subjetividade, na medida em que são sujeitos, sempre, os que participam dessas relações entre governantes e governados. Por isso, o presente trabalho se esforça em mostrar percursos intelectuais que, tendo sido percebidos e diretamente abordados por Foucault (caso de Kant e de Platão) ou não (segunda clínica lacaniana e perspectivismo ameríndio), mantêm, na ênfase que dão ao sujeito, uma visada em comum com a empreitada foucaultiana. / This thesis initiates itself by the reiterated and astonishing declaration by this French philosopher that he would not be, under any circumstance, a \"power theoretician\", in order to show that, beyond the debates on whether it would be the first Foucault (the archeology of knowledge one), the second (genealogy of power one), or the third (the ethics and the individual conduct one), the most important one, the \"best\", it is possible to talk about a unity in what concerns the trajectory of his thought and that such unity concerns the political relations between men, which results in that he is, eminently, a thinker of politics, or rather, of the political. Except that politics as he understands it has nothing to do with that of the theorists of politics or of power but with a relationship that he began to pursue somewhere along such a trajectory: the relationship that exists between the governing and the governed. Such a relationship, whose perception became possible by means of the concept of governmentality, conceived in the year of 1978, constitutes itself as a \"grid of understanding\" for politics, which allows to: 1) declare that we\'ve had enough of the idea that there shall exist, in such domain, universal models that may answer all kinds of questions--models which legitimate the existence of \"universal intellectuals\", held responsible for conceiving such models and for presenting them to the \"exploited\" and \"ignorant\", promising their liberation, as well as of \"political life\" in current representative democracies--; 2) to conceive a notion of liberty--as a relationship between the governing and the governed which has no a priori limits--that escapes from the liberal tradition one which, created along the XVII/XVIIIth century, became hegemonic in the West since the XIXth century, not only on the discursive level, but as socio-economic global reality. Wherever such relations exist--and they will always do, for Foucault, from micro to macro--it is necessary that it be possible, always, to put them open to question; that which only occurs when thought is left free to be able to raise the highest number possible of conflicts--and not consensuses--, in order to, critic as it is, point out the highest number of problems to be solved in such domain. Some of those relationships will be able, then, to sustain themselves, to justify themselves; others, won\'t, they will have to be modified, in an interminable labor of extending the limits of human liberty. This new notion of liberty, by its turn, carries along with itself the possibility of the inquiry of the phenomenon of subjectivity, as it is that it is always subjects that participate in such relations between the governing and the governed. For this reason, this thesis makes an effort to present intellectual paths which, having been noticed and approached by Foucault (the case of Kant and Plato) or not (second Lacanian clinic and Amerindian perspectivism), maintain, in the emphasis they give to the subject, a common viewpoint with the Foucauldian enterprise.

Les principes néolibéraux fondés sur la mise en concurrence des individus les uns contre les autres ont contribué aux profonds bouleversements du monde du travail depuis les années 1970, autant dans ses dimensions objectives (conditions de travail) que dans ses dimensions subjectives (rapport au travail). Michel Foucault et plus tard Pierre Dardot et Christian Laval ont fait l’analyse de la généalogie de la pensée néolibérale, construisant l’idée qu’un « sujet néolibéral » allait émerger, dont la caractéristique serait l’adoption d’un ethos entrepreneurial. À l’aide d’entrevues semi-dirigées, le terrain d’analyse de la représentation pharmaceutique fut sélectionné, car il a été jugé particulièrement propice à l’émergence d’un tel ethos, alors que les entreprises de cette industrie encouragent l’adoption d’initiatives entrepreneuriales. L’analyse du corpus d’entretien a permis l’émergence de trois ethos idéal-typiques, soit « le compétitif », « la carriériste » et « le familial ». Ces ethos ont illustré la diversité des rapports au travail que nous pourrions retrouver dans la société québécoise. Ce travail de recherche permet d’avancer les réflexions critiques sur le néolibéralisme et ses répercussions sur notre rapport individuel et collectif au travail. / Neo-liberal principles based on competition between individuals against each other have contributed to the profound changes in the world of work since the 1970s, both in its objective dimensions (working conditions) and in its subjective dimensions (relationship to work). Michel Foucault and later Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval analyzed the genealogy of neo-liberal thought, constructing the idea that a "neo-liberal subject" would emerge, whose characteristic would be the adoption of an entrepreneurial ethos. Using semi-structured interviews, the field of analysis of pharmaceutical representation was selected because it was deemed particularly conducive to the emergence of such an ethos, as companies in this industry encourage the adoption of entrepreneurial initiatives. The analysis of the interview corpus led to the emergence of three ideal-typical ethos, namely "the competitive", "the careerist" and "the family man or woman". These ethos illustrated the diversity of relationships at work that we could find in Quebec society. This research work makes it possible to advance critical reflections on neoliberalism and its repercussions on our individual and collective relationship to work.

Diploma thesis "I become speech." Death and Return of the Author in the Perspective of Philosophy of Identity focuses on the question of inclusion of the author into the interpretation of literary text and aims to highlight the fruitfulness of such inclusion as well as some of its dangers. The thesis is divided into three parts. In the first part the author of the thesis presents a polemic account of some antiauthorial approaches, especially the "death of the author" as appearing in the texts of R. Barthes, M. Foucault and Jacques Derrida, along with a short mention of antiintentionalism of W. K Wimsatt and M. C. Beardsley and a theory of the model author by U. Eco. The common feature of the aforementioned antiauthorial theories is a reductive idea of the author and his relation to text - the problematic aspects of authorial interpretation, which their texts wish to make evident, is then only a consequence of the problematic underlying notion of the author-subject. The second part of the thesis intends to present an alternative theoretical understanding of the "real author" using the philosophy of identity od J. Butler and P. Bourdieu. These authors are proposing a theory of a person who is not understood as a "real thing" that would be available for a complete delimitation, description and...