Orientador: Armando Boito Júnior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T04:04:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Berringer_Tatiana_M.pdf: 912919 bytes, checksum: a949724b5220b0b3f1bef038dc9eb100 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A presente dissertação tem por objeto o Estado e o papel desta instituição nas relações internacionais. Buscaremos comparar criticamente a concepção de Estado utilizada por Hans Morgenthau, autor consagrado pioneiro da teoria realista das relações internacionais, com a teoria de Estado marxista sistematizada por Nicos Poulantzas em Poder Político e Classes Sociais (1968). A particularidade deste trabalho reside em identificar o conceito de Estado utilizado pelo realismo, visto que esta corrente preconiza a centralidade desta categoria aos estudos de relações internacionais sem se ocupar em defini-lo claramente. Defenderemos o conceito marxista de Estado e outro conjunto de problemas para a teoria das relações internacionais. Para Morgenthau, o Estado é o representante do ?interesse nacional?, cuja legitimação está baseada na defesa e segurança do território, frente aos demais Estados e no equilíbrio de justiça entre os grupos de interesse. Concomitantemente, afirma que somente alguns indivíduos estão aptos a representar o Estado na cena internacional. O marxismo entende que o discurso de Morgenthau está confinado na superfície do fenômeno estudado; que Morgenthau toma o Estado pelo que esse diz ser, e não, realmente, pelo que o Estado, de fato é. Para Poulantzas, o Estado capitalista se distingue dos demais tipos de Estado porque a dominação política de classe não se mostra visivelmente nas suas instituições. A estrutura jurídico-política formada pelo direito capitalista e pelo burocratismo confere a ideia de instituições universais e uma igualdade formal aos cidadãos, sob estas estruturas constrói-se ideologicamente a representação da unidade do povo-nação. A função global do Estado é ser o fator de coesão de uma sociedade dividida em classes sociais, esteorganiza e unifica as frações das classes dominantes no bloco no poder. O Estado é uma arena de disputa entre as frações e classes dominantes. Diante disso, a política externa não corresponde simplesmente ao interesse nacional, mas sim, aos interesses das classes ou frações hegemônicas do bloco no poder, ou de alianças entre as classes, que por sua vez apresentam-se como interesses gerais da nação / Abstract: This work aims the analysis of the concept of State and the function of this institution in international relations. It seeks critically compare the concept of the state used by Hans Morgenthau, acclaimed author of the realist theory of international relations, with the marxist theory of the state systematized by Nicos Poulantzas in Power Politic and Social Classes (1968). The particularity of this work lies in identifying the concept of the state used by realism, since this theory printed the centrality of this category of the studies of international relations but did not concern to define it clearly. We will defend the Marxist concept of the State and other set of problems for the theory of international relations. To Morgenthau, the state is the representative of the ?national interest?, whose legitimacy is based on defense and security of the territory and the justice between the groups of interest. Concurrently, he says that only some individuals are able to represent the state in international scene. Marxism believes that the Morgenthau's speech is confined to the surface of phenomenon studied, that Morgenthau takes the State as it is being said, not really, of what the state actually is. For Poulantzas, the capitalist state is distinguished from other types of State because the political class domination does not appear visibly in their institutions. The legal-political structure formed by capitalist law and the bureaucracy give the idea of universal institutions and citizen's formal equality under these structures is constructed ideologically for the representation of the unity of people-nation. The global function of the state is to be the cohesive factor of a society divided by social classes; it organizes the power in bloc. The state is an arena of dispute between the fraction and the ruling classes. The foreign policy reflects the dominant class interests and is configured by the fractions conflicts and the alliance between the classes or fractions, which in turn present themselves as general interests of nation / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Ciência Política

Försvarsbeslutet 2020 innebär en markant ökad satsning på det svenska försvaret. Även om satsningen inte är jämförbar med upprustningen under andra världskriget och den inte når samma nivå som det kalla krigets neutralitetsförsvar, så utgör satsningen ett trendbrott. Under ett drygt decennium har försvaret gått från att utgöra ett ”särintresse”, ständigt utsatt för reduceringar, till att nu vara föremål för satsningar som innebär att försvaret återetableras på flera orter i landet. Förmågor och förband som varit föremål för avvecklingsdiskussioner får tillskott och den operativa förmågan skall öka. Perioden har också inneburit satsningar på, det i det närmaste bortrationaliserade, totalförsvaret i syfte att öka samhällets motståndskraft och medborgarnas skydd.Författarna vill med denna uppsats undersöka om det senaste decenniets förändringar av försvars- och säkerhetspolitiken kan beskrivas utefter en teoretisk referensram av realism och liberalism. Undersökningens huvudsakliga empiriska material utgörs av utrikes- och säkerhetspolitiska inriktningsdokument och linjetal från perioderna 2008/09, 2014/15 och 2019/20. Dessa dokument undersöks kvalitativt med en metod för tematisk analys och förändringar i det empiriska resultatet analyseras utefter idealtyperna realism och liberalism. Undersökningens slutsatser visar att de försvarspolitiska förändringarna går att beskriva utefter idealtyperna realism och liberalism och den svenska försvarspolitiken har i flera avseenden fått ett ökat inslag av realism samtidigt som den ideologiska grunden är bestående. En del urkunder beskriver det som ett paradigmskifte. / The Defense Bill of 2020 meant a significant increase in investment in the Swedish defence. Even if the investment is not comparable to the rearmament during the Second World War and it does not reach the same level as the Swedish armed forces of the Cold War neutrality had, the investment constitutes a change of trend. During little over a decade, the defence has gone from being described as a “special interest”, constantly exposed to reductions, to now being the subject of investments that mean that the Armed Forces is re-established in several places in the country. Capabilities and units that have been the subject of reduction discussions will be reinvigorated and the operational capability will increase. The period has also involved investments in, the almost dismantled, total defence in order to increase society's resilience and the protection of its citizens. With this dissertation, the authors want to investigate whether the changes in defence and security policy over the past decade can be described according to a theoretical frame of reference of realism and liberalism. The dissertation’s main empirical material consists of foreign and security policy documents and declarations from the periods 2008/09, 2014/15 and 2019/20. These documents are examined qualitatively with a method for thematic analysis and changes in the empirical result are analysed according to the ideal types of realism and liberalism. The inquiry’s conclusions show that the defence policy changes can be described according to the ideal types of realism and liberalism, and Swedish defence policy has in several respects gained an increased element of realism even though the ideology is consistent. Some documents describe it as a paradigm shift.

Ausgehend von der These, Luftverkehr finde am Boden statt, entwickelt die am Institut für Kulturwissenschaft verteidigte Dissertation eine spezifische Geopolitik des Luftverkehrs. Der Luftverkehr wird dabei über seine Operationen am Boden und an Flughäfen untersucht. Der genaue Blick auf die technischen Details bei der Implementierung dieser Anlagen in machthistorisch entscheidenden Momenten des 20. Jahrhunderts ermöglicht eine Revision geopolitischen Denkens und eröffnet einen innovativen Zugang für eine Genealogie der Globalisierung. Die Dissertation analysiert die Bewegungen in der Luft auf ihre stets lokalen und immanent territorialen Dimensionen – und widerlegt so den vermeintlichen und häufig wiederholten Anspruch an den Luftverkehr, er sei das globale, raumvernichtende Verkehrssystem par excellence (Carl Schmitt, Paul Virilio, Martin Heidegger). Die Dissertation ist auch ein Beitrag zur Genealogie von Medientheorie, insofern sie unter Rückgriff auf Harold A. Innis die Übertragung nicht von Zeichen, sondern von Personen und Gütern zum Gegenstand hat. Historisch geht sie von der Kriegslogistik der USA im Zweiten Weltkrieg aus. Sie bezieht heterogene Quellen ein: politische Programme und Debatten, internationale Beziehungen; philosophische, juridische, ökonomische und urbanistische Diskurse; ingenieurstechnische Entwicklungen und militärische Doktrinen. Sie nimmt den Leser mit auf eine Reise über alle Meere und Kontinente mit Fokus auf Saudi-Arabien, Zentral- und Südafrika, Brasilien und den Nahen Osten, untersucht Ereignisse von den 1930er bis 1970er Jahren und endet mit einem Epilog zu den Anschlägen vom 9. September 2011. / This dissertation develops a specific geopolitics of aviation, taking an original perspective as it starts with the assumption that air travel happens on the ground. The focus is on a thorough examination of the technical details for implementing the facilities of airports at moments decisive for the distribution of power in the 20th century. Geopolitical discourses are revised to enable an original understanding for the genealogy of globalisation. The dissertation analyses movements in the air with view on their immanent local and territorial dimensions. It breaks with the overcome understanding of aviation as a traffic system that is global and that destroys space as no other (Carl Schmitt, Paul Virilio, Martin Heidegger). The dissertation was disputed at the Institute for Cultural Studies. It is also a contribution to the genealogy of media theory, following in the footsteps of Harold A. Innis, as it focuses on the neglected transmission of goods and people instead of signs and codes. Starting point is the US military logistics in World War II. The heterogeneous material under review includes political programmes and debates; international relations; philosophical, juridical and economic discourses; urbanism, engineering and military doctrines. It takes the reader on a journey around the world, with focus on Saudi-Arabia, Central and Southern Africa, Brazil and the Near East, taking into account events from the 1930s to 1970s, and concluding with an epilogue on the events of 9/11.

This thesis examines the development of decision making taken by two countries, the United Kingdom and the United States, in response to Croatia’s declaration of independence from Yugoslavia. The focus is on the recognition process and the reasoning and rationale used by the government officials and diplomats of the United Kingdom and United States to arrive at their policy decisions and opinions. The concentration is mainly on events from the early 1990s until mid 1992. Topics explored include matters such the politics behind non-recognition, democratic social norms, respect for human rights and Western national interests. The thesis first hypothesizes, then analyses, which International Relations theory, that is, realism or constructivism, possesses the best capacity explain why these nations initially withheld their recognition of Croatia’s independence before moving to accept the Republic of Croatia as an independent state. The role of the International Relations theories is to offer an interpretation and understanding of these events and decisions. Subsequently, they are judged on their ability to do so. The thesis finds that via the insight of scholars, analysts and theoretical perspectives that both the John Major government of the UK and the George H.W. Bush Administration of the United States behaved mostly according to realist principles, with some instances of constructivist manner. / Graduate / 0615 / 1616 / 0335 / cljubic9@gmail.com

British influence on the diplomacy of WWII, as it relates to postwar planning, is underappreciated. This work explores how the use of astute tactical maneuvering allowed Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden to impact the development of the post-war world in a greater degree than is typically portrayed in the narratives of the war. Detailing how the study of business negotiations can provide new insights into diplomatic history, Yalta exposes Britain’s impact on the creation of the post-war order through analyzing the diplomacy of WWII as a negotiation. To depict WWII post-war planning diplomacy as a negotiation means that the Yalta Conference of 1945 must be the focal point of said diplomacy with all the negotiations either flowing to or from the conference. This analysis reveals that Britain harnessed the natural momentum of the negotiation process to create bilateral understandings that protected or advanced their interests in ways that should not have been afforded the weakest party in the Grand Alliance. By pursuing solutions to the major wartime issues first and most stridently through the use of age-old British diplomatic tactics, they were able to enter into understandings with another member of the Grand Alliance prior to the tripartite conferences. Creating bilateral understandings with the Americans on the direction of military operations and the Soviets over the European settlement produced the conditions under which the tripartite negotiations transpired. Options available to the excluded party were thus limited, allowing for outcomes that aligned more favorably to British interests. A synthesis of diplomatic documents, diaries, and memoirs with historical writings as well as research on business and international negotiations brings to life the diplomatic encounters that led to the creation of the post-war order. To provide the reader a basis for analysis of wartime diplomacy, this work is broken down into two parts. Part I focuses on the strategies created for Yalta. Part II (future doctoral dissertation) will use these strategies to evaluate the performances of each party. Combined the two parts expose that British diplomatic maneuverings is an undervalued aspect of wartime diplomacy.