Orientador: Laymert Garcia dos Santos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T16:09:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Curtolo_MariaClaudiaNovaes_M.pdf: 879976 bytes, checksum: a3832360896b2715c464d8e8a4a8e5b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa trata de percepções do funcionamento da grande máquina social do militar e escritor alemão Ernst Jünger e do dramaturgo e poeta alemão Heiner Müller. Para tanto, propõe articulações entre os conceitos de mobilização total, cunhado por Jünger, e de estratégia de aceleração total econômica e tecnológica, lançado por Müller. Em um primeiro momento, o conceito de mobilização total é posto para girar por meio de temas tais como Primeira Guerra Mundial, técnica, trabalhador e dor, abarcando a passagem da era dos deuses à era dos titãs. Em um segundo momento, é o conceito de estratégia de aceleração total econômica e tecnológica que é posto para girar através da linha de força da história alemã, abrangendo o titanismo nazista por meio de temas como máquina militar alemã, Segunda Guerra Mundial e Auschwitz / Abstract: This research deals with perceptions of the functioning of the great social machine from the German military and writer Ernst Jünger and from the G rman playwright and poet Heiner Müller. For both, it proposes joints between the oncepts of total mobilization, coined by Jünger, and of economic and technological total acceleration strategy, launched by Müller. At first, the concept of total mobilization is rank to turn by means of subjects such as First World War, technique, worker and pain, covering the passage from the age of gods to the age of titans. In a second moment, is the concept of economic and technological total acceleration strategy that is rank to turn through the line of force of the German history, enclosing the Nazi titanism by means of subjects such as German military machine, Second World War and Auschwitz / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestre em Sociologia

Orientador: Zeljko Loparic / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T08:15:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_AlexandredeOliveira_D.pdf: 1187565 bytes, checksum: e3b80b936ca7fb5018f17cc8d4c84fa0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é fazer um estudo da Kehre, a inflexão que se inicia no pensamento de Heidegger a partir dos anos trinta, relacionando-a ao problema da técnica. A assim denominada ¿virada¿ é definida como a mudança da pergunta pelo ¿sentido de ser¿ à pergunta pela ¿verdade do ser¿, esta última pensada como uma ¿topologia do ser¿. Essa trajetória filosófica de Heidegger será abordada buscando conciliar duas linhas de interpretação, quais sejam: aquela que pensa a Kehre como decorrente de contradições internas ao projeto da ontologia fundamental; e aquela que a concebe como resultado de novos desafios, os quais teriam surgido em meio ao caminho do pensar: fundamentalmente, a técnica e o envolvimento com o Nacional-socialismo. A tese a ser defendida é de que, devido a dificuldades internas à analítica existencial, o projeto de uma ontologia fundamental mostra-se, já no final do anos 20, insuficiente para a tarefa de desconstruir a metafísica da presentidade (Anwesenheit). Entretanto, é apenas através do problema da técnica que essas dificuldades se intensificam e tornam-se mais claras, conduzindo a problemas que não poderiam ser vislumbrados no âmbito da ontologia fundamental. Com relação às dificuldades internas à ontologia fundamental, serão destacados três aspectos, quais sejam: 1) a impossibilidade de se levar a cabo o projeto de uma ciência do ser; 2) a dificuldade em superar a assim denominada ¿filosofia da subjetividade¿ e 3) a insuficiência da analítica existencial para a destruição da história da ontologia e para que o Dasein se aproprie de sua época. No que diz respeito à técnica será dada ênfase ao diálogo que Heidegger estabelece com Ernst Jünger; ver-se-á também que a confrontação com a técnica é responsável pelo engajamento e pela decepção com o movimento Nacional-socialista, pelas reflexões acerca da arte e da linguagem (as quais se iniciam na segunda metade dos anos trinta) bem como pela elaboração de conceitos fundamentais do pensamento tardio do filósofo, como: Ereignis; ¿topologia do ser¿ e quadrindade (Geviert). Por fim, dever-se-á provar que a Kehre é processo gradual, porém radical, na medida em que diz respeito à própria origem da verdade. Ela marca o abandono gradativo da temporalidade (Zeitlichkeit) como horizonte transcendental para o entendimento do ser, mostrando a necessidade de buscar a origem da verdade nos envios epocais do próprio ser / Abstract: This work¿s objective is to study the Kehre, the inflection initiated in Heidegger's thought during the 30s due to his relationship with the question of technique. The so called ¿turn¿ is defined as a conversion of the question of the ¿meaning of being¿ to the question of the ¿truth of being¿, thought of as a ¿topology of being¿. Heidegger¿s trajectory will be considered by conciliating two lines of interpretation: one which treats the Kehre as a consequence of inner contradictions in the project of fundamental ontology; and another one which comprehends it as the result of new challenges that occurred to his way of thinking: fundamentally, technique and the involvement with National-Socialism. The thesis argues that, in consequence of the inner difficulties of the existential analytic the project of a fundamental ontology proved, already at the end of 20s, to be insufficient to deconstruct the metaphysics of presence. However, these difficulties became intensified and clearer only by means of the problem of technique, which lead to problems which could not be perceived in the field of fundamental ontology. In relation to the inner difficulties of fundamental ontology three aspects will be emphasized: 1) the impossibility to conclude the project of the science of being; 2) the difficulty to surmount the so-called ¿philosophy of subjectivity¿; 3) the insufficiency of existential analytic to destroy the history of ontology and to cause the Dasein to appropriate its own time. Concerning technique, the dialog with Ernst Jünger will be emphasized as well as the fact that Heidegger¿s confrontation with technique is responsible for his engagement and for his disappointment with the National-Socialist movement; for his reflections concerning art and language (which start in the second half of the 30s); and also for the elaboration of some fundamental concepts of his late thought, like: Ereignis; ¿topology of being¿ and Geviert. Finally, it should be proved that the Kehre is a gradual process, although radical, since it relates to the origin of truth. It represents a gradual abandonment of temporality as a transcendent horizon for the understanding of being, showing the necessity to search for an origin of truth in the epochal sendings of being itself / Doutorado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia

Com a ascensão do nacional-socialismo em 1933, iniciou-se uma série de medidas como promulgações de leis e criação de tribunais especiais para garantir a manutenção e expansão do poder do regime. Como exemplo da instrumentalização do sistema judicial nacional-socialista e suas consequências no Pós-guerra, destacamos na presente pesquisa os depoimentos de duas vítimas políticas do Tribunal do Povo, Hans Hirzel e Franz J. Müller. Ambos foram integrantes do grupo de resistência estudantil conhecido como Rosa Branca, cuja história contribuiu para o processo de contestação da validade de sentenças penais proferidas neste período. Desenvolvemos um estudo na interface entre as áreas da História (HUDEMANN, 2014; BENZ, 2008; STEINBACH; TUCHEL, 2004; ARENDT, 1989, entre outros) e do Direito (SILVA, 2011; ALEXY 1997; STOLLEIS, 1994; HART, 1958; RADBRUCH, 1946; entre outros), tendo como cerne o conceito de Unrecht (Injustiça extrema). Com base no modelo de análise textual de Christiane Nord (2010, 2009), dos Estudos da Tradução, destacamos a relevância de uma análise multidisciplinar da situação comunicativa e da temática dos textos-fontes para a tradução. Apresentamos uma edição bilíngue de três documentos pertinentes para abordar o conceito estudado nesta pesquisa. Nosso corpus é composto por um ofício enviado em 1983 pela Secretaria de Justiça do Estado Federado de Baden-Württemberg a Franz Müller; seu depoimento ao lado de Hans Hirzel no Parlamento Alemão em 1984, cuja temática central gira em torno da questão da validade do direito e das práticas jurídicas no período do nacional-socialismo, e a Lei de anulação das sentenças da injustiça extrema nacionalsocialista na administração da justiça penal de 1998, medida que anulou retroativamente sentenças penais proferidas por tribunais nacional-socialistas. Trata-se de documentos que registram parte do percurso histórico e jurídico de correção da injustiça nacional-socialista no período do Pós-guerra. Com esta pesquisa, pretendemos viabilizar o acesso a pesquisadores de diferentes áreas do conhecimento a este material inédito em português acerca da validade do direito legalmente produzido em períodos totalitários. / With the ascension of national-socialism in 1933, a series of measures such as promulgation of laws and the creation of special courts were introduced in order to guarantee the maintenance and expansion of the regimes power. As an example of the use of nationalsocialism court system as a power tool and its consequences in the post-war period, in this research we highlight the testimony of two political victims of the People\'s Court, Hans Hirzel and Franz J. Müller. Both were part of the student resistance group known as The White Rose, which has contributed for the contestation of the validity of the criminal judgments issued in this period. We developed a study at the interface between the fields of History (HUDEMANN, 2014; BENZ, 2008; STEINBACH; TUCHEL, 2004; ARENDT, 1989, among others) and Law (SILVA, 2011; ALEXY 1997; STOLLEIS, 1994; HART, 1958; RADBRUCH, 1946; among others) having the Unrecht concept (Extreme Injustice) as the core concept. Based on the model of text analysis of Christiane Nord (2010, 2009), on Translation Studies, we highlight the relevance of interdisciplinary analysis of the communicative situation and the topic of the source texts for translation. We produce a bilingual edition of three documents that are relevant to approach the concept studied in this research. Our corpus consists of an official document sent in 1983 by the Justice Administration of the state Baden-Württemberg to Franz Müller; his testimony beside Hans Hirzel at the German parliament in 1984, which central topic is based on the validity of the law and the legal practices in the period of national socialism, and the Law of annulation of extreme national socialist injustice in the implementation of criminal law, from 1998, measure that cancelled retroactively criminal judgements issued by national socialist courts. These are documents that register part of the historical and legal path of correction of national socialist injustice in the post-war period. With this research, we intend to facilitate the access to researches from different areas of knowledge to this unreleased material in Portuguese about the validity of the Law legally produced in totalitarian periods.

Inom den rasideologiska och nationalsocialistiska svenska Nordiska motståndsrörelsen förstås vi idag leva i en tid av destruktivitet, där det svenska samhället präglas av en förintande könskamp som hotar de vita folken. Hotet, som förkroppsligas och bedrivs av feministerna, lägger grunden till den antifeminism som genomsyrar rörelsen, och i denna studie analyseras hur antifeminismen tar sig uttryck inom Nordiska motståndsrörelsen. Syftet är att analysera hur feministen, och indirekt feminismen, konstrueras av rörelsen genom att dels undersöka hur feministen konstrueras i relation till (re)producerade normativa föreställningar om genus, ras och sexualitet, dels i relation till de emotioner som genomsyrar framställningarna av feministen. Det socialkonstruktionistiska perspektivet har kombinerats med Laclau och Mouffes diskursteori som tillsammans med diskursanalytiska verktyg hämtade från Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys lagt grunden till studiens metod och analys. Utifrån diskursteori och Butlers teori om performativitet samt Ahmeds teoribildning om affektiva figurationer har jag kunnat visa hur rörelsens antifeminism grundas i idealet om den ”naturliga” könsordningen och den heterosexuella kärnfamiljen, där den vita kvinnokroppen blir en symbol för den föreställda vackra nordiska nationen. I motsats till detta ideal konstrueras feministen som en affektiv figuration, en ”ful feminist”, som förkroppsligar det demoraliserande projekt den kulturmarxistiskt influerade feminismen förstås utgöra. Genom narrativet om den vita nationens undergång drivs en rädslans politik vilken legitimerar rörelsens kamp mot feminismen och feministerna, där NMR förstås förkroppsliga kärleken i motsats till feministernas hat. Att vara antifeminist inom Nordiska motståndsrörelsens diskurs är att förespråka kärleken för nationen samtidigt som det innebär att kämpa för den vita rasens överlevnad, och antifeminismen blir därmed ett bärande element för rörelsens upprätthållande.

Victimes et bourreaux témoignent de la double dégradation, anthropologique et morale, subie par la figure de l’homme à Auschwitz. Hannah Arendt et Emmanuel Lévinas, tous deux Juifs et nés en 1906, ont tenté de retrouver le sens de la dignité humaine après la Shoah. Partageant la même admiration embarrassée pour la pensée de Martin Heidegger, dont ils ont suivi l’enseignement, ils s’engagent dans des voies philosophiques très différentes. Alors qu’Arendt met en avant l’espace politique comme lieu d’expression de la pluralité et de reconnaissance publique des différences individuelles, Lévinas fait de l’éthique la « philosophie première » et situe le proprement humain dans la responsabilité infinie pour autrui. Là où Arendt insiste sur l’importance de la pensée et du jugement dans la recherche des normes morales, Lévinas soutient que la lutte contre le mal est indissociable de la réponse à l’appel du Bien.Deux axes problématiques guident, dans ce travail, la confrontation entre les deux philosophes : l’articulation entre universalité et diversité d’une part ; le lien entre éthique et politique d’autre part. L’enjeu étant l’organisation d’un monde commun pour l’expression et la préservation de la dignité humaine. / The victims and the torturers attest to both the human and moral degradation suffered by the figure of man at Auschwitz.Hannah Arendt and Emmanuel Lévinas, both Jews and born in 1906, attempted to recover the meaning of human dignity after the Holocaust. Despite sharing the same embarrassed admiration for the thought of Martin Heidegger, whose courses they followed, they choose very different philosophical paths.While Arendt emphasizes the political space as the place where plurality is expressed and individual differences are publicly acknowledged, Lévinas makes ethics « first philosophy » and situates what is essentially human within infinite responsibility for the Other. Where Arendt insists on the importance of thought and judgment in the search for moral standards, Lévinas holds that the struggle against evil is inseparable from responding to the call of the Good.In this thesis, two critical themes guide the comparison between each philosopher: the connection between universality and diversity on one hand; and, the link between ethics and politics on the other. The issue at stake is the organization of a shared world for the expression and the preservation of human dignity.

Master thesis "The comparison of political and cultural activities of the extreme right in the Czech Republic and Germany during 90's in the 20th century" is firstly defining the terms related to study of the extreme right. Secondly, the thesis is analyzing success of German and Czech extreme right wing parties in the elections, then establishing and forms of membership in the extreme right organizations, making demonstrations, protest events and violent acts with extreme right context which are organized by supporters of the extreme right thoughts. Thirdly, the thesis is focusing on cultural activities, such as live music events with extreme right music artists, with outlining the lyrics of these Czech and German artists. Finally, comparative analysis is describing the form and frequency of all political and cultural activities. Conclusion of the thesis is that forms of the extreme right in the Czech Republic and Germany in the 90's were very similar, however in Germany these activities were more regular and more brutal. KEYWORDS Extreme right wing, ultra - right, neo - Nazism, extreme right wing parties, extreme right organizations, skinheads.

This diploma thesis "Freelance journalist Franta Kocourek" deals with the life and career of Franta Kocourek, the important Czechoslovak journalist in the 20. century. Diploma focuses especially on his working in the press media - prestigious periodicals of the First Czechoslovak Republic weekly magazine Přítomnost and daily newspaper Lidové noviny, not too much successful weekly magazine Groš, leaded by himself, and daily newspaper Slovenský hlas. Kocourek especially had concentrated on reportages, but he was also very universial in styles and issues. He had been writing profound reportages about growing influence of nacism besides surveys about people living at the edge of society, expert studies about the cinemotagraphy or essayes. This diploma describes Kocourek as a omnifarious personality, who had been occupying by literature, movies or public lectures except his working in media. There is also mentioned his working in the radio, where he had been improving among the best reporters at the turn of the 1930s and the 1940s, who had been going along with the Czechoslovak people during last period of the First Czechoslovak Republic, short time of the Second Czechoslovak Republic and the nazi ocupation. Diploma puts near Kocourek not only as a top, well-educated and much-travelled journalist, but...

In this master thesis I want to focus on high rank executives in the National Bank of Czechoslovakia. between years 1938- 1953. These employers are important to me, because they were educated during the time of Austro-Hungarian empire or during the time of The First Czechoslovak Republic. They also had to work under nazist economic system and under communist economic system as well. These interactions between employers and both regimes are the ones that I would like to study in my master thesis. I would also like to study their social background. Their place of birth was also important. It is important to know their skills in foreign languages. Foreign languages were necessary for communication between the bank and other financial institutions. Key words: The National Bank of Czechoslovakia, banking, nazism, communism, social history, bureaucracy, economic system

Cette étude décrit le marché des films allemands en Moselle pendant l'annexion du département à l'Allemagne nazie. Elle analyse la politique locale du cinéma mise en place par les nouvelles autorités (partie 1), la programmation des films (partie 2), leurs circulations et leurs consommations par les spectateurs (partie 3). Privilégiant une approche anthropologique du cinéma, l'observation essaie d'interroger l'efficacité des mécanismes d'hégémonie culturelle qui ne se réduisent ni à une entreprise de manipulation politique, ni à l'imposition implicite d'une vision du monde. Elle porte son attention sur le plaisir comme moteur de la conduite esthétique et expression d'une sensibilité partagée.Dès juillet 1940, le cinéma est entièrement « germanisé » : l’organisation de l’activité cinématographique est placée sous le contrôle du NSDAP et les films (Deutsche Wochenschau, Kulturfilm et longs-métrages) sont tous projetés en allemand. Pour autant, le cinéma demeure l’activité-phare de l’annexion. La fréquentation des salles de cinéma est massive notamment du fait de la qualité d'une filmographie qui était déjà la première en Europe avant l'avènement du nazisme. L'analyse du marché montre également la faible présence des films de propagande les plus spontanément associés au cinéma nazi et la normalité d'un divertissement de culture germanique centré sur le succès des genres les plus populaires (comme les films musicaux, les mélodrames, les films historiques) et sur le prestige et la beauté de vedettes admirées (Viktor de Kowa, Marika Rökk, Viktor Staal, Ilse Werner, etc.).L'étude de la réception des films allemands en Moselle annexée est l'étude de l'expérience qu'en font les spectateurs, notamment les plus jeunes d'entre eux, dont nous avons pu raviver les souvenirs par l'intermédiaire d'enquêtes orales. Les films sont un moyen de se divertir, de s’extraire d'un quotidien coercitif et répressif, et d’observer les tensions sociales inhérentes à la société de l’époque. Cette appropriation des films est à l’origine d'une neutralisation des effets idéologiques des plus virulents d'entre eux, et d’un attachement profond des spectateurs au cinéma allemand en général. Son plaisir est entretenu. Il fait l'objet d'échanges, de discussions, de partages. Mais l'assimilation systématique de tous ces films à l'idéologie nazie a rendu impossible sa transmission après la chute du Troisième Reich et la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale.Pensé volontairement comme un vecteur essentiel de la germanisation des populations de l'Est de la France appelées à devenir des Allemands à part entière, utilisé comme un instrument de propagande de l'idéologie nazie et une vitrine culturelle de l'Allemagne, le cinéma en Moselle annexée est un loisir sous influence qui se vit pourtant librement. Le plaisir du cinéma allemand est à la fois ce qui permet aux autorités de s'imposer politiquement dans l'ordre du loisir et dans le même temps, ce qui rend possible, par le biais du jeu, caractéristique de l'homo ludens, le souci de soi et l'estime des autres. Cette ambivalence paradoxale est le propre de l'hégémonie culturelle / This study describes the German film market in Moselle during the annexation of the department to Nazi Germany. It analyses the local politics of cinema put in place by the new authorities (part 1), the programming of films (part 2), their circulation and their consumption by the spectators (part 3). Focusing on an anthropological approach to the cinema, it attempts to question the effectiveness of the mechanisms of cultural hegemony that are not reduced to political manipulation, nor to the implicit presentation of a worldview. The focus is on pleasure as the driving force of aesthetic behaviour and the expression of a shared sensibility.From July 1940, the cinema is completely "Germanized": the organisation of the film industry is placed under the control of the NSDAP and the films (Deutsche Wochenschau, Kulturfilm and feature films) are all screened in German. However, the cinema remains the core activity of the annexation. Cinema attendance is significant, particularly because of the quality of films that were the best in Europe before the advent of Nazism. Market analysis also shows how few propaganda films, of the kind most readily associated with Nazi cinema were shown and that Germanic cultural entertainment focused predominantly on the most successful genres (such as musicals, melodramas, historical films) and on the reputation and beauty of famous celebrities (Viktor de Kowa, Marika Rökk, Viktor Staal, Viktor Rökk, etc.)The study of German films in annexed Moselle is essentially a study of the experience of the viewers, especially the youngest of them, whose memories we have been able to revive through oral surveys. The films are a way to have fun, of escaping a coercive and repressive daily life, and the social tensions inherent in society at the time. This appropriation of film is aimed at neutralising the more dangerous ideological ideas, and the profound attachment of viewers to the German cinema in general. The gratification continues because it is the subject of exchanges, discussions, sharing. However, the systematic assimilation of all these films to Nazi ideology made it impossible to show them after the fall of the Third Reich and the end of the Second World War.Deliberately conceived as an important tool in the Germanisation of the peoples of eastern France (who were expected to become fully-fledged Germans) and to be used as a propaganda tool for Nazi ideology and a cultural showcase for Germany in annexed Moselle, cinema was a free-spirited leisure activity. The popularity of German cinema is what allowed the authorities to politically manipulate leisure-time, moreover, it was made possible through cultural play or 'homo lumens' and by caring for oneself and the esteem of others. This paradoxical ambivalence is characteristic of a cultural hegemony.

This historic study is expanded with a contemporary view. It has interdisciplinary connections to fashion--‐, gender--‐ and postcolonial studies. The analysis is based on interwievs with Swedish skinheads with a wide range of backgrounds and experiences. One of the questions answered is which factors creates inclusion versus alienation in relation to the skinhead culture. The sources tell stories about a romanticisation of the workingclass, a homosocial expectation based on gender and a distinct heteronormativity. They also show how some non--‐normative functionalities pass, while others are seen as deviant which creates an alienation from the community. Are there any connections between skinhead culture, violence, nationalism and Nazism and if so, how does this show? The image of the skinhead in mass media is heavily coded with Nazism though many of the sources have experienced their subculture as highly diverse. The skinhead get’s to play the role of The Other  in the  Swedish debate on nationalism  and nazism.  To depict skinheads as the ”true” nazis becomes an effective way to make both everyday racism as well as dressy Nazism invisible. Also institutionalized violence, racial profiling and white violence  is made  invisible by this making of The Other. How come typical skinhead features have become popular in mainstream culture right now and what does this popularisation do to the subculture? The present political situation creates an aesthetic discussion which  does not limit itself to the subcultural domains.  At a time when skinhead features become mainstream it might take a more extreme expression to continue as sub--‐culture. The heavily charged aesthetics can be used as a subversive tool for shifting power perspectives, this is especially flagrant within the gayskin culture which uses the aesthetics as a camp play with stereotypes.