No description available.

No description available.

[pt] Este trabalho trata da expansão urbana no entorno do Parque Nacional da Tijuca, uma área de preservação ambiental dentro da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, centro urbano com cerca de 6.300.000 habitantes. O objetivo principal foi estudar, através de avaliações feitas com base em imagens de satélite e fotos aéreas de oito favelas vizinhas ao Parque (Borel, Cerro Corá, Complexo do Turano, Mata Machado, Vila Parque da Cidade, Rocinha, Salgueiro e Santa Marta) a modificação ocorrida no uso do solo, entre os anos de 1999 a 2009, principalmente na variação da área edificada e em locais situados acima da cota 100m e encostas com declividade do terreno superior a 45 graus. Com a utilização de programas computacionais de sistemas de informação geográfica e interpretação visual de imagens, foram obtidas importantes conclusões sobre a tendência de expansão das favelas analisadas. Em todas, foram constatadas taxas de crescimento mínimo da ordem de 3,6 por cento acima da cota 100m e da ordem de 1,6 por cento nas áreas de encostas com declividade acima de 450, que indicam um agravamento ao risco de escorregamentos de terra ao qual estas populações estão expostas. Em contrapartida, foi também possível observar os bons resultados da política de reflorestamento, constatadas nas variações positivas de área de cobertura vegetal em várias destas favelas, através do programa Mutirão Reflorestamento da Prefeitura da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, iniciado em 1987. / [en] This workwill focus on the urban expansion around the National Park of Tijuca, an area of environmental protection within the city of Rio de Janeiro, anurban center with a population of approximately 6.300.000 inhabitants and 1023 registered slums. The main objective is to study, through estimates made using satellite images and aerial photos, the modification in the land use in eight slums situated around the park (Borel, Cerro Corá, Complexo do Turano, Mata Machado, Vila Parque da Cidade, Rocinha, Salgueiro e Santa Marta) during a ten year period from 1999 to 2009. Two specific aspects, concerning new constructions above 100m of altitude and on slopes with declivity superior to 45 degrees, will be examined in detail, since they are restrictions provided by law. With the use of geographic information systems and visual interpretation of images, several important conclusions were obtained about the expansion tendency of these slums. In all of them the growing rate was at least 3.6 per cent above the 100m altitudeand at least 1.6 per cent in areas with declivity superior to 45degrees, indicating that these populations are exposed to serious risks of landslides. On the other hand, it was also possible to notice the good results of the reforestation policy, initiated by the City of Rio de Janeiro in 1987, given the positive variations in the areas of vegetation observed in several of the slums analyzed in this work.

Urban space is a product of power relations and negotiations in society. Who gets represented and monumentalised in it, you? One is being formed and deformed by the environment they are placed into through the way it functions and suggests certain actions in a particular sequence, through the power distribution in its spatial equivalent. Cities, consciously or not, dictate and proclaim “norms” encoded into their visible and invisible fences by those in majority, those in power, systematically failing the misfits. Yet rebellious minorities coming out of oppressive systems refuse to be silenced and “normalised”, their dissent practices carry critical potential, highlighting systematic obstacles, testing response measures and prototyping alternative futures. For my research I define:Social sustainability as constant renewal of the system and social contract, adapting to the newly occurring challenges of the time.Dissent as expressing opinions, demanding conditions and carrying lifestyles, at variance with those hegemonic or officially held. Working in Stockholm’s suburban area of Tensta I concentrate on local postcolonial dissident practices. I want to take a look at how they can inform urban planning, making the system more flexible and adaptable to constant changes. I decode the disciplining choreography of the city and examine roles of such dissent actors as planner, civic educator, warrior and builder. In my design proposal I try toset a new civic urban stage with shifting borders, multilayered visibility, entrance and escape points, with mobilisation, education, commoning and retreat backstage able a) of making global, national and communal politics a local and tangible affair, b) of enhancing and empowering individuals and minorities in their role as civic actors, building peaceful urban voice; and create flexible local ecosystems c) facilitating new grassroots societies prototyping.

[pt] A dissertação discute o movimento de ocupação das escolas no Brasil durante os anos de 2015 e 2016 a partir da reflexão de que esse foi um tipo de mobilização em que os jovens das classes populares se apresentaram de forma inédita na cena pública, em um fenômeno que revela sinais contraditórios. De um lado, as ocupações constituem uma demonstração de apreço inédito dos jovens em relação à escola pública, percebida como decisiva para suas vidas; de outro, o fenômeno não deixa de explicitar uma nova forma de desigualdade entre os jovens de classes populares, em um processo que se sobrepõe à desigualdade já existente decorrente do dualismo entre a rede pública e a rede privada. Por mobilizar questões ligadas ao campo da educação e ao projeto de escolarização da juventude brasileira, a ocupação das escolas aparece como resultado de um processo de mudança social que, analisado pela chave da sociologia da educação, revela uma nova forma de ação coletiva e uma interlocução entre instituição, sujeitos e direitos. De modo a contextualizar como se chegou a esse processo de mudança social, considerou-se necessária a problematização da promessa de um projeto de escola republicana, que somente a partir de 1988 se materializa na afirmação da escola pública como central à construção da democracia no país; em seguida, apresenta-se uma revisão bibliográfica que busca salientar como a escola enquanto instituição produz desigualdades internas que redefinem as desigualdades externas à ela, atravessando com isso os projetos de futuro da juventude popular. Com base nessa revisão bibliográfica, que mobiliza um debate sobre as narrativas de jovens de classes populares e sobre a insuficiência de políticas públicas direcionadas à juventude, pode-se avançar em uma reflexão sobre o quanto ainda falta para que a universalização do acesso à escola se dê de fato, e sobre o quanto isso impacta de maneira negativa na trajetória de jovens no Brasil. Por fim, caracteriza-se o movimento de ocupação das escolas em seus diferentes aspectos, e de como ele interpela as bases de autoridade da instituição escolar tal como ela está posta no Brasil. Nesse contexto, as narrativas de jovens, apresentadas em tal revisão bibliográfica nos fornece melhor compreensão da visão que eles têm sobre a escola, sobre seus efeitos, ou mesmo sobre a falta dessa instituição em suas vidas. É nesse sentido que o debate sobre a ocupação das escolas importa para o estudo das Ciências Sociais, pois o fato de haver uma parcela da população juvenil engajada dentro das escolas, reivindicando direitos e mostrando a sua capacidade reflexiva acerca de questões que vão além dos muros da escola, como vimos em 2015/16, é sem dúvida um fenômeno de primeira grandeza para a sociologia da educação, para a sociologia da juventude e para os estudos sobre as novas formas de desigualdade social. / [en] The dissertation discusses the movement of occupation of Brazilian schools during the years of 2015 and 2016 based on the reflection that this was a form of mobilization in which the young of grassroots classes came forward in an unprecedented way in the public scene, upon a phenomenon which reveals contradictory signs. On one hand, the occupations constitute a demonstration of their unprecedented appreciation towards public school, perceived as decisive for their lives; on the other hand, the phenomenon still expresses a new form of social inequality among the young of grassroots classes, in a process that overlaps the inequality already in place as a result of the duality between public and private systems. Because it mobilizes issues connected to the field of education and the project of schooling Brazilian youth, the occupation of schools arises as a result of a process of social change that, considered in the key of sociology of education, reveals a new form of collective action and a dialogue between institution, subjects and rights. In order to contextualize how we have reached this process of social change, it seems necessary to question the promise of a republican school project, which is materialized only since 1988 in the affirmation of the public school as central to the construction of a democracy in the country; thereafter, a bibliographic review is presented in the pursuit of emphasizing how the school as an institution produces internal inequalities that redefine external inequalities to itself, crossing projects of future of grassroots youth. On the basis of this bibliographical review, which mobilizes a debate on narratives of grassroots-classes youngs and on the insufficiency of public policies directed to the youth, we can proceed to a reflection on how much it still lacks for the universalization of access to school actually happens, and on how much that impacts the paths of youngs in Brazil on a negative way. Ultimately, we describe the movement of occupation of schools in its different traits, and how it heckles basis of authority of the educational institution as it is presented in Brazil. In this context, the narratives of the youngs, presented in this bibliographical review, provide us a better comprehension of their vision towards the school, towards its effects, or even on the lack of the institution in their lives. It is in this sense that the debate about the occupation of schools matters to the study of Social Sciences, because the fact of having a fraction of the juvenile population engaged inside the schools, claiming rights and showing their reflective capacity on the questions which cut across the walls of the school, as seen in 2015/2016, is undoubtedly a phenomenon of first rate to sociology of education, to sociology of the youth, and to the studies of new means of social inequality.

[pt] A indústria da construção civil tem grande impacto no desenvolvimento econômico e social de um país. Apesar de sua importância, é um dos setores que apresentam mais riscos aos seus trabalhadores. Diversos elementos de projetos de edificações podem apresentar riscos de acidentes aos trabalhadores durante a construção. Desta forma, é de grande importância a análise e planejamento da segurança ainda na fase de projeto, segundo o conceito prevenção através do projeto (Prevention through Design - PtD). Mesmo com os estudos nesta área, percebe-se ainda a necessidade de pesquisas voltadas para a análise quantitativa a fim de auxiliar projetistas, sem expertise em segurança do trabalho, no processo de verificação e análise da segurança do projeto, com o objetivo de reduzir riscos de acidentes aos trabalhadores da construção e, consequentemente, elaborar projetos mais seguros. Com esta finalidade, foi desenvolvido um questionário para avaliar a experiência e a opinião de profissionais do ramo da construção civil a respeito do planejamento da segurança da construção. Como resultado, pôde-se concluir que a prática atual diverge da opinião dos respondentes, uma vez que a prática enfatiza o planejamento da segurança na fase de construção, enquanto segundo a opinião dos respondentes, este planejamento também deveria ocorrer nas etapas anteriores à construção. Isto mostra a importância da análise da segurança na fase de projeto. Além disso, com o questionário foram mensurados os níveis de riscos de acidentes diversos para compor as métricas de segurança do projeto desenvolvidas nesta pesquisa que foram utilizadas na avaliação da nota de segurança do projeto. Com isso, foi possível definir processos bem estruturados por meio do uso da metodologia BIM, possibilitando apoiar o(a) projetista nos processos de decisão através da avaliação da segurança do projeto e ainda, na identificação dos elementos de projeto mais críticos para a segurança do trabalhador. Desta forma a metodologia desenvolvida contribui para a elaboração de um projeto mais seguro aos trabalhadores da construção de edificações. / [en] The construction industry generates wealth and jobs, directly impacting the social and economic development of a country. Despite this positive impact, construction workers are exposed to many risks to their health and safety. Many elements in a project can present hazards to workers during the construction phase. With this in mind, it is of great importance to analyze and plan safety in the design phase, according to the Prevention through Design (PtD) concept. Despite the available studies on the subject, there is still a need for quantitative research, to help designers, without expertise in worker s safety, in the process of verification and analysis of project safety, with the purpose that construction workers risks are reduced by designing a safer design. To achieve that, a questionnaire was developed to assess the experience and opinion of professionals in the construction industry regarding construction safety planning. As a result, it was possible to observe that the practice differs from the opinion of the professionals, once the practice emphasizes safety planning in the construction phase, while in the respondents opinion, this planning should occur in the phases prior to construction, with emphasis on the executive design phase. This shows the importance of considering a safety analysis in the design phase. In addition, with the questionnaire, the levels of risk of various accidents were measured, composing the safety metrics of the project, developed in this research for the project s safety score evaluation. Thus, it was possible to define well-structured processes through the use of the BIM methodology, making it possible to support the designer in the decision processes through the evaluation of project safety, contributing to the development of a safer project for construction workers.

Le Conseil de sécurité est l’organe principal du système onusien chargé du maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Face à une situation illégale, il ne peut donc l’ignorer et s’en désintéresser. Cependant, la perpétration d’un acte à la légalité controversée par l’un ou plusieurs de ses membres permanents peut nous laisser entendre que l’organe politique onusien aura des difficultés à remplir son rôle. Les membres permanents vont tenter d’instrumentaliser le Conseil de sécurité afin de diminuer l’illégalité de la situation. Ceci pose avec acuité le problème du contrôle de son activité en matière de maintien de la paix. L’accomplissement d’un acte illégal par un ou plusieurs membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité nécessite alors de réfléchir à des moyens d’ordre juridique pour limiter son pouvoir. Cette réflexion s’avère particulièrement pressante lorsque le Conseil est confronté à une occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents ou, lorsqu’il crée ou autorise des opérations de paix de grandes envergures suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses membres permanents. Afin de limiter les prérogatives du Conseil de sécurité, le régime juridique de l’occupation tel qu’énoncé par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 devrait être appliquer par l’organe politique onusien lorsqu’il intervient dans une situation d’occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents. L’objectif est d’éviter qu’il n’attribue aux puissances occupantes des missions qui dépassent le cadre juridique imposé par le droit des conflits armés. L’autorisation, par le Conseil de sécurité d’opérations de paix, telles qu’une administration civile transitoire ou une force multinationale avec un mandat de la paix avec recours à la force armée, suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses propres membres permanents, ouvre le débat sur leur réglementation. Alors, il sera proposé une interprétation progressiste de la définition de l’occupation telle qu’énoncée par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 afin d’y intégrer ces nouvelles formes d’occupations pacifiques, présentant de grandes similitudes avec les occupations de guerre. Ainsi, le régime juridique de l’occupation pourra leur être appliqué. / The Security Council is the primary body of the UN system responsible for peacekeeping and international security. In cases of violations of international law, the Security Council cannot turn a blind eye. Nevertheless, in cases when Security Council members are themselves perpetrators of international law violations one could conclude that this political body has difficulties in fulfilling its mandate. The danger exists that Security Council members in violation of international law will implicate the Security Council in justifying illegal decisions. This therefore raises the question of Security Council accountability. The violation of international law by a Security Council member therefore requires a legal mechanism to limit the powers of this body. This is particularly relevant for cases of occupation involving its permanent members, or, when the Security Council creates or authorizes large-scale peace-keeping operations following an armed conflict involving its own members. In order to limit the powers of the Security Council, this study proposes to impose a legal regime of administration as stipulated by the IV (1907) Hague and the 4th 1949 Geneva Convention, according to which the Security Council intervenes when a territory is administered by one of its permanent members. The goal is to avoid that the Security Council gives too much freedom to an administrative power during interventions which go beyond the legal framework defined by the law on administrated territories. The authorization by the Security Council of peace-keeping operations, such as transitional civil administration or multinational peace-keeping force mandated to use force, following an armed conflict involving its own members, opens the debate of their regulation. Consequently a progressive interpretation of occupation as defined by the IV (1907) Hague and the 4th 1949 Geneva Convention is proposed in order to encompass new forms of peaceful occupations which contain clear similarities with military occupations. Thus, they will fall under the legal mechanism of the latter.

Pourquoi créer un État palestinien ? Avant tout parce qu’il s’agit de l’unique solution qui détient un fondement juridique, à travers la résolution 181 des Nations-Unies votée en 1947. Cette résolution préconisait la création de l’État israélien et celle de l’État palestinien comme deux facettes d’une unique solution. La création d’un État palestinien n’est pas seulement légale au regard du droit, elle permettrait également le partage des responsabilités revenant à chacun des acteurs du conflit. Une telle création est-elle possible en l’état actuel de la situation au Moyen-Orient ? Telle est la problématique de notre étude, qui comprend deux volets, l’un théorique, l’autre pratique. L’objectif est de revoir les règles du droit international relatives aux critères de formation d’un État palestinien, d’examiner si ces règles sont respectées et de déterminer quels sont les obstacles qui compliquent l’application d’une telle création. La première partie qui consiste à s’interroger sur la formation d’un État palestinien nous mène à examiner quatre éléments : la population permanente, le territoire déterminé, le gouvernement effectif et la capacité à entrer en relation avec les autres États. L’étude de ces éléments montre que la Palestine est un embryon d’État. Même si le concept d’un État palestinien peut être envisagé en droit, qu’en est-il de sa viabilité ? La deuxième partie de notre étude porte sur les obstacles juridiques à la création d’un État palestinien. Quatre éléments qui sont l’occupation, l’édification d’un mur entre Israël et les territoires palestiniens, les colonies de peuplement israéliennes en territoire palestinien occupé incluant la question de Jérusalem et enfin le droit au retour des réfugiés sont étudiés. Il ressort de cette recherche qu’un État palestinien pourrait être créé en droit mais sa viabilité reste conditionnée au bon vouloir d’Israël sur les questions évoquées ci-dessus. Aujourd’hui, les dimensions du conflit rendent particulièrement complexe une entente entre les deux parties. Le cadre juridique international représenté par l’ONU ne peut s’appliquer au conflit israélo-palestinien que s’il bénéficie de l’appui diplomatique clair et sincère de l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux. / Why creating a Palestinian State? Because it is the unique solution which has a legal background according to the 181 resolution of the United Nations Organization voted in 1947. This resolution recommended the creation of the State of Israel and the Palestinian one as two sides of an unique solution. The creation of a Palestinian State is not only legal, it would also allow the share of responsibilities between the protagonists of the conflict. Is this creation possible considering the current situation in the Middle-East? This is the problematic of the study which consists of two parts, the first one being theoretical and the second one looking at practical issues. The purpose is to review the rules of international law related to the criteria required for the creation of a Palestinian State and to examine if these rules are respected in order to determine which are the obstacles that make this creation difficult to achieve. The first part is analyzing if the four key requirements for the creation of a Palestinian State i.e. the population, the territory, the real government and the international legal capacity are met. The survey of these items shows that Palestine is an embryonic State. Even if the concept of a Palestinian State could be legally considered, could it be viable? The second part of the study deals with the legal obstacles of the creation of a Palestinian State. We are then reviewing four major issues which are the occupation, the building of a wall separating Israel and the Palestinian territories, the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, including the specific situation of Jerusalem and finally the right of return of the Palestinian refugees. This study shows that a Palestinian State could be legally created but its viability would be conditioned to the willingness of Israel regarding the questions mentioned above. The various dimensions of the conflict make today an agreement between the two protagonists very difficult to achieve. The international legal scope represented by the United Nations Organization can apply to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict only if it gets a clear and strong support of all the countries.

La communauté internationale et le droit international sont confrontés à un défi majeur : trouver une solution mettant un terme au conflit israélo-palestinien. L’étude du conflit israélo-palestinien à la lumière du droit international montre les nombreuses difficultés relatives à l’émergence d’un Etat palestinien. En effet, ce dernier est une source de violation du droit international du fait notamment des manquements aux droits fondamentaux qui ne cessent de sévir sur ce territoire. Les violations commises à l’encontre du droit international remontent à l’époque du mandat britannique et sont finalement caractérisées par l’impunité des entités qui les ont commises. Cela permet donc de mettre en évidence les lacunes où même les faiblesses du droit international, plus précisément celles de l’ONU qui se trouve en difficultés face à un manquement constant à ces principes et à ces décisions. On a cherché à pallier à cette situation infernale par l’usage de techniques qu’offre le droit international dont l’objectif est de mettre un terme à un conflit. Il existe une technique qui paraît être la plus appropriée pour le conflit israélo-palestinien, il s’agit de la fameuse technique de la négociation. Cependant le processus de paix ayant débuté en 1990 se trouve aujourd’hui presque oublié.Malgré tout cela, la création d’un Etat palestinien se trouve être la base de la solution du conflit israélo-palestinien. Cette présente étude cherche à démontrer, sur la base de la définition de l’Etat selon le droit international, que la Palestine dispose d’une part, d’éléments avérés, mais imparfaits, permettant à cette dernière de constituer un Etat selon le droit international, et d’autre part que cette dernière ne peut accéder au rang d’Etat dans la mesure où certains éléments nécessaires à la constitution d’un État demeurent contestables. Ce qui manque à la Palestine pour se constituer en Etat c’est l’effectivité. / The international community and the international law are facing a great challenge: find the solution to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The study of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in light of international law shows many difficulties related to the emergence of a Palestinian state. Indeed, this conflict is a source of violation of international law specifically a violation of human rights that continues to strike in this area. Violations against international law go back to the time of the British mandate and are finally characterized by the impunity towards the entities that have committed them. Therefore, this allows us to highlight the weaknesses of international law, more specifically those of the United Nations that is confronted with the constant breach of its principles and decisions. We have tried to overcome this infernal situation by using the techniques offered by the international law that aims to put an end to a conflict. There is a technique that seems to be the most appropriate for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict known as the negotiation. However, the peace process that began in 1990 is now almost forgotten.Despite all this, the creation of a Palestinian state is the base to the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This present study aims to demonstrate, based on the definition of the State under international law, that Palestine has, on one hand, confirmed elements/components that are imperfect, allowing the latter to constitute a State under international law, and on the other, that it can’t achieve statehood to the extent that certain elements necessary for statehood remain questionable. What Palestine is missing is effectiveness.

L’occupation de l’Indochine française par le Japon entre juin 1940 et juillet 1941 constitue un événement-clé de l’histoire de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Désirant sortir de son isolement diplomatique et du bourbier du conflit chinois, le Japon profite de la victoire allemande en juin 1940 pour occuper le nord de l’Indochine, arrimer la colonie française à son économie, imposer sa médiation dans le conflit franco-thaïlandais, puis occuper le sud de l’Indochine avant de se lancerdans ce la Guerre du Pacifique. Pourtant, son ennemi désigné est, traditionnellement, l’URSS. Les raisons de cet hybris sont à chercher dans sa volonté de détruire le statu quo imposé par les puissances occidentales en Asie orientale, ainsi que dans une crise interne insoluble qui le font choisir le camp des pays totalitaires. L’occupation du sud de l’Indochine en juillet 1941 est un point de non-retour. Cette crise où l’Indochine française a joué un rôle central, permet à l’historien de découvrir le mécanisme du processus de décision dans le Japon d’avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les groupes dirigeants japonais ne connaissent pas de lutte entre des faucons et des colombes, mais la rivalité permanente de factions qui cherchent prendre la tête du mouvement expansionniste. Car si l’expansion fait consensus, la décision, tant de la direction que des moyens, est l’objet d’âpres luttes. C’est cependant à l’occasion de l’occupation de l’Indochine et à mesure que la Guerre du Pacifique se rapproche, qu’une synthèse se fait en haut de l’État par la constitution d’un groupe dirigeant composé de militaires et de bureaucrates favorisant une évolution totalitaire du régime, couplée à la construction d’un empire en Asie et dans le Pacifique. / The occupation of French Indochina by Japan from June 1940 to July 1941 constitutes a key event for World War II history. Eager to escape its diplomatic isolation and the quagmire of the war in China, Japan takes advantage of German victory in June 1940 to occupy Northern Indochina, to tie up the French colony to its economy, to impose its mediation in the French-Thai conflict, occupy the Southern part of Indochina and, then, to launch the Pacific War. However, its traditional foe was the USSR. The reasons of this hubris lie in its desire to destroy the status quo enforced by western powers in Eastern Asia, as well as in an insoluble internal crisis that made Japan choose the side of totalitarian countries. The occupation of Southern Indochina in 1941 is a point of no return. This crisis where French Indochina played a crucial part allows the historian to uncover the mechanism of the decision-making process in Japan before the Second World War. Japanese leading groups do not operate on a partition between hawks and doves, but on the constant rivalry of factions who would try to take the lead of the movement for expansion. If expansion is the object of a consensus among leaders, the decision of its direction and means is the causes of fierce conflicts. However, the occupation of Indochina and the approach of the Pacific War lead to a synthesis at the top of the State, by the composition of a leading group made of military and bureaucrats who promote the totalitarian evolution of the regime coupled with the building of an empire in Asia and in the Pacific.