The theme of this thesis is the assessment of the prerequisites for the pluralism of law and non-state justice systems to improve the possibilities of solving disputes in society. The main research question is whether non-state justice systems fulfil a social role in providing justice. The thesis should offer a descriptive analysis of the concept of legal pluralism and methodological procedures for the inclusion of non-state justice systems in the state. The outcome of the work should be an overview of the possibilities of interaction between different legal systems, whether formal or customary, of the different ways of resolving disputes in this environment, and of the contribution of such proposals to the reform of the legal environment that count on the real situation in society. The thesis of procedural pluralism and participatory methods of solving disputes that have a user, a citizen in the center of these systems is offered as a starting point for new designs. The final part of the work will therefore explore current approaches to improving legal systems that aim to increase participation of user based on their needs, and will include some cases for comparing individual programs to improve legal systems.

This thesis is a profoundly personal one. It examines the role of context in creation (authorship) and perception (reading an image) of representation. Born in Sri Lanka during the emergence of one the world's longest lasting civil wars, I never recognized my love and concern for the Island and its ancient history and culture until I traveled to America to pursue a higher education. Ever since, I have constantly found myself in situations where I am regarded as the 'other' or the 'outsider' ; I seem to not fit in completely in this country as well as in my own. In the US I am considered 'eastern' or 'exotic', whereas in my own country, I am considered 'westernized', no longer looked at as a typical Sri Lankan woman. This thesis examines and explores marginalization, orientalism, deconstruction theories, semiotic studies, dialect as well as attire, in the specific context of Graphic Design. / by Fathima Asma Nazim. / Thesis (M.F.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Les objectifs de la thèse sont de comprendre : 1) les mécanismes de diffusion, d’adoption et d’institutionnalisation des accréditations internationales, 2) les comportements stratégiques mobilisés à l’égard notamment du processus initial d’accréditation institutionnelle AACSB, 3) les réponses stratégiques et organisationnelles pour gérer les demandes institutionnelles conflictuelles provoquées par les injonctions des 21 standards AACSB (2003) et 4) les changements opérés en vue de l’alignement aux injonctions du processus initial prescrit et des 21 standards AACSB (2003). Dans une perspective néo-institutionnaliste, nous mobilisons un cadre d’analyse alliant les comportements stratégiques et le changement institutionnel. Pour répondre aux objectifs de la recherche, une étude de cas longitudinale rétrospective et en temps réel sur 15 ans d’une business school universitaire française est menée. Les résultats de la recherche permettent d’enrichir notamment le cadre d’analyse d’Oliver (1991) d’une sixième réponse stratégique et de trois tactiques dans le cas d’un processus initial d’accréditation institutionnelle AACSB. / This research aims to understand: 1) the mechanisms of diffusion, adoption and institutionalization of international accreditations, 2) the strategic behaviors adopted to respond to the initial AACSB accreditation process, 3) the strategic and organizational responses to the conflictual demands originated by the 21 AACSB 2003 standards and 4) the changes occurred in order to ensure the organizations’ alignment to the 21 AACSB 2003 standards and to the required process.Based on a neo-institutional perspective, we used two conceptual frameworks about strategic responses and institutional change. In order to comply with our objectives, we have conducted a 15-year longitudinal case study both retrospectively and in real time within the only French business school operating inside a university. The principal result of the research is the identification of a 6th new strategic response for Oliver’s (1991) framework as well as three tactics to be adopted in the initial AACSB accreditation process.

Depuis les recommandations de l'OMS de la fin des années 1970, de nombreux pays enAfrique ont mis en place des dynamiques de reconnaissance de la médecinetraditionnelle et de ses praticiens. Cette thèse s'intéresse au projet de développement dela « médecine intégrative » à Madagascar, consistant en son intégration au sein dusystème de soins officiel et conventionnel. Ce projet a pour objectif l'amélioration de lasanté des populations et passe par une double évaluation : au niveau social avecl'encadrement des activités des tradipraticiens et au niveau thérapeutique avec larecherche sur les plantes médicinales et le développement de remèdes traditionnelsaméliorés. Cette recherche est le fruit d'une démarche méthodologique qui s'appuie surdes enquêtes multi-situées, avec un terrain de recherche dans la capitale malgache et sesenvirons et avec l'ethnographie d'une localité rurale de la région Analanjirofo (côte estde Madagascar). Cette approche s'intéresse d'un côté aux tentatives d'applications desdécisions politiques en matière d'encadrement de la médecine traditionnelle et de l'autreà la pratique concrète des soins traditionnels ainsi qu'aux comportements individuels etcommunautaires face à la gestion des maux, des malheurs et de la maladie avec desétudes de cas approfondies. Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le champ de l'anthropologie de lasanté avec une orientation sur les dynamiques politiques et de développement. Unintérêt particulier est porté à la nature de la cohabitation entre praticiens (médecins,guérisseurs) se déclinant d'un simple référencement de patients à une plus rarecollaboration. Cette étude met en exergue le décalage pouvant exister entre desdécisions gouvernementales et leurs applications locales ainsi que les enjeux sociaux,politiques et économiques qui en résultent. / Following the WHO recommendations made in the late 1970s, many countries in Africahave implemented dynamics of recognition of traditional medicine and traditionalhealers. This dissertation focuses on the development of « integrative medicine » inMadagascar, consisting in its integration into the formal and conventional health caresystem. This development project, focusing on improving population's public health,requires a double evaluation: a social evaluation with the supervision of traditionalhealers' practices and a therapeutic evaluation with research on medicinal plants anddevelopment of improved traditional remedies. This research is the result of amethodological approach based on multi-located fieldworks conducted in the Malagasycapital and its surroundings and an ethnography of a rural town in the Analanjiroforegion (east coast of Madagascar). On one side, this approach focuses on the attempts ofapplication of political decisions regarding the supervision of traditional medicine andon the other side, on the real practice of traditional care as well as on individual andcommunal behaviours when facing disease, sickness, illness and misfortunes withextended case studies. This thesis contributes to the anthropology of health with a focuson political and developmental dynamics. A special emphasis is placed on the nature ofcohabitation existing between practitioners (doctors and traditional healers) going froma simple referencing of patients to a rare collaboration. This study tends to highlight thepossible gap between government decisions and local applications as well as theresulting social, political and economic issues.

Le pluralisme juridique relativise le monopole étatique dans la production normative, en laissant aux autres groupes sociaux la possibilité de créer du droit. La mafia en tant qu’organisation soumise à des règles qui lui sont propres représente un véritable ordre juridique qui entre en contradiction avec la légalité et la structure de tout l’ordre juridique étatique. Il paraît difficile, au premier abord, de considérer la mafia comme un ordre juridique, car elle s’oppose aux critères étatiques et juridiques traditionnels. En effet, les analyses en matière de pluralisme font rarement le lien entre le pluralisme juridique et les systèmes violents, arbitraires et illégaux. Cependant, d’un point de vue sociojuridique, il est possible d’envisager le pluralisme juridique à partir de l’analyse du phénomène mafieux. Cette hypothèse explore la relation entre divers ordres (étatique, mafieux et communautaire) de nature contradictoire et dans un contexte violent.L’organisation criminelle du trafic de drogue en Colombie durant les années 1980 et 1990 sert de base à la réflexion. Cet exemple est riche d’enseignements du fait de l’imbrication des intérêts des narcotrafiquants, de l’État et des classes sociales. Ce travail de recherche explore ainsi la mafia pensée et vécue comme un ordre juridique sui generis à caractère contre-étatique, possédant une force normative sans limites. / The legal pluralism relativises the state’s monopoly to create norms by taking into consideration the possibility that different social groups contribute to the production of law. The mafia and its rules can form a legal order in contradiction with the legality and the structure of the state legal order. It seems difficult to consider the mafia as a legal order because it is in contradiction with the traditional legal and state criteria. Indeed, the analysis of legal pluralism rarely does this link between legal pluralism and violent, arbitrary and illegal systems. However, from a socio-legal perspective, it is absolutely possible to affirm a sort of legal pluralism issued from the mafia phenomenon. This hypothesis explores, in a violent context, the contradictory relation between different kinds of orders, such as State, mafia and community order.In order to analyse this issue, the Colombian drugs traffic between the 80’s and 90’s shows a specific legal culture and legal consciousness, which in a specific context reveals interesting characteristics for a socio-legal study. The mafia and its multiple networks can infiltrate the legal culture of the regions where it acts, and sometimes, its actions and operations may be intertwined with the State and other legal actors. In this sense, it is appropriate to consider a mixed legal system, where the legal and illegal co-exist; and where the mafia, popular and state law became a "mélange" as a product of the interaction between the different legal systems as well as a product of the porosity existing between all the legal systems. This research explores the mafia, in real life and in theory, as a sui generis legal order that has a normative force without limits.

Forgés par les théoriciens de l’économie environnementale dans les années 1990, les Paiements pour Services Environnementaux (PSE) sont des instruments promus comme d’innovants mécanismes de marché permettant la conservation des ressources naturelles. Cette construction savante circulant dans les sphères académiques et politiques internationales coexiste dans la pratique avec une « variété de PSE ». Présenté comme un idéaltype en matière de PSE, le Programme de Paiement pour Services Environnementaux (PPSE) du Costa Rica, introduit en 1996, est pourtant aux antipodes du modèle théorique de l’économie environnementale. En effet, les PSE tico sont des instruments incitatifs largement financés et mis en oeuvre par l’Etat, qui subventionnent non seulement la conservation des forêts privées mais également la production de bois. Cette thèse « réinjecte » les variables politiques, très souvent occultées dans la littérature en économie environnementale, afin d’expliquer les spécificités des instruments PSE costariciens. En cherchant à saisir « par le bas » les impacts de l’internationalisation de l’action publique, elle identifie deux variables dans les processus de « traduction » de ces instruments importés de l’international, opérant au niveau national et local : le gouvernement par les coalitions d’acteurs et les règles formelles et informelles du régime politique national. Cette enquête interroge la démocratisation et l’éclipse de l’Etat associées communément aux politiques environnementales. Elle montre au contraire que le régime politique costaricien structure et autorise un jeu plutôt fermé et « discret » (Culpepper, 2011) de coalitions d’acteurs, distant du « politics » et structuré autour des intérêts productifs du bois. Ce jeu tend à capturer la fabrique des instruments PSE, afin d'accaparer les flux financiers de la redistribution étatique et de la coopération internationale. Il façonne une enclave de « pluralisme limité » (Linz, 1964 ; Hermet, 2004), confinée au sein du régime démocratique costaricien. / Developed by environmental economists during the 1990s, Payments for Environmental Services (PES) are market mechanisms, promised as being innovative for natural resource conservation. This theoretical construction, circulating within academic and international political spheres, coexists in practice with a « variety of PES ». Presented as an ideal example of PES, the Programme for Payment for Environmental Services (PPES) of Costa Rica, introduced in 1996, is however very far from the theoretical model of environmental economics. In fact, tico PES are incentives, financed and put into place largely by the state. They subsidize not only private forest conservation but also wood production. This work « reinserts » political variables, too often omitted in the environmental economic literature, in order to explain the specificities of the Costa Rican PES. By looking at the impacts of the internationalization of public action on national and local level, we identify two variables which help to comprehend the « translation» process of these international tools : government by coalitions and formal and informal rules of the national political regime. This study questions the democratization and the eclipse of the state usually associated with environmental politics. It shows that the Costa Rican political regime structures and authorizes a game by coalitions, which is rather closed and «discrete » (Culpepper, 2011), distant from « politics » and structured around the stakes linked with wood production. This game tends to take over the construction of PES mechanisms, in order to appropriate the financial flows which stem from the state’s redistribution and international cooperation. This game engenders an enclave of « limited pluralism » (Linz, 1964 ; Hermet, 2004) confined within the democratic Costa Rican regime.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Carlos Aguiar.pdf: 901472 bytes, checksum: 3b6c26303ce1edc02887e20aa5c9575c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-03 / The purpose of this study is to show that union unicity is not part of the Brazilian constitutional system. The Brazilian Federal Constitution is grounded on a closed system formed by guarantees and principles which consolidate democracy, particularly by means of diversity; pluralism; broad possibility of options. This system operation is presented by a model of scientific-structural acknowledgement of union freedom by means of an explanatory concentric diagram showing the democratic coexistence of subsystems within the union system, and the formatting of ways of expressing the representativeness and execution of atypical collective-bargaining agreements / O presente estudo tem por objetivo demonstrar que a unicidade sindical não está inserida no sistema constitucional brasileiro. A Constituição Federal se sustenta mediante um sistema fechado, composto por garantias e princípios que consolidam a democracia, em especial, por meio da diversidade; pelo pluralismo; pela ampla possibilidade de opções. Para efetivação desse sistema é apresentado um modelo de reconhecimento científico-estrutural da liberdade sindical, por intermédio de um diagrama concêntrico explicativo, evidenciando o convívio democrático de subsistemas dentro do sistema sindical, bem como a formatação de modos de exteriorização de representatividade e celebração de acordos coletivos atípicos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Josias Jacintho de Souza.pdf: 2462194 bytes, checksum: 6a0fcd8dd5a9036f7946574bc1c8f6e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-14 / The aim of this work is to analyze the historical and contemporary relationship between Religion, Law and State and the problems due to that relationship: temporary or permanent problems? If in the past the purpose of the union between Religion and State was to bring peace among people, and in modern times it s spoken about total separation also to bring peace, which is then the ideal form of relationship between Religion and State: united or separate? The theory-ideology of the union or separation between Religion and State would be a utopia? What s the importance of Law in that relationship? This research brings a proposal of terminological adaptation of the current polarity, Religious State or Lay State, by another terminology: Plural State. With the current need to think and rethink the relationship between political and religious power, the hypothesis of a Plural State represents as much the maintenance as the globalization of the cultural, political and religious diversities. A Plural State contemplates everything and everybody; as much the globalized as the regionalized State; as much the religious as the lay State. It also contemplates those who believe and disbelieve in the humanity's future divine restoration, preached by religions. Aristotle affirmed that the human being is naturally a political animal. Just political? The human being is naturally also a believing animal, not necessarily or only in the doctrines and dogmas of the religions, but in the discovered and hidden mysteries of life, in their mysteries with rational and irrational answers. During the life, everybody influences and is influenced by habits, concepts and cultural and religious truths. Therefore, trying to unite or juridically separate all cultural and religious diversities is utopia. In spite of that, the fair Law is the only means able to reasonably balance the relationships between Religion and State. There s no other way. If the ideal of a perfect society in the earth is humanly impossible, the Christianity assures that what is impossible for the men is possible for God. Thus, only He could give answers for all of the human inquiries and provide solutions for all the problems of the world. Therefore, it s only with the destruction of the utopia of the human ideals and with the effectiveness of the ideals preached by the religions that the world would be transformed. When? There s no predetermined time by the religions and neither by the planners of the utopian ideals. The utopia is similar to the horizon. When we walk towards it, it moves away from us. When we keep walking, it moves away more than before. The utopia is like this: we will never reach it. And if it s so, what s it for? To make us walk. Even being utopia the ideas and the ideals of the union or separation between Religion and State, it makes us think in a new ideal: adaptation of the historical and neomodern reality of Religious State and Lay State to Plural State. One more utopia? The utopia makes us walk. As much the political as the religious life produce ideas and ideals, united or separately: the political life intends to produce new happy life in the earth; the religious life intends to produce new happy life begun in the earth and perpetuated in the beyond, in heaven, where there s justice . Utopian ideas and or ideals as much of the political life as of the religious life? The utopia makes us walk / O objetivo da tese é analisar a relação histórica e contemporânea entre Religião, Direito e Estado e os problemas decorrentes dessa relação: problemas temporários ou permanentes? Se no passado o propósito da união entre Religião e Estado era de fazer reinar a paz entre os povos, e na modernidade fala-se em total separação para também fazer reinar a paz, qual é então, a forma ideal de relação entre Religião e Estado: unidos ou separados? A teoria-ideologia da união ou da separação entre Religião e Estado seria uma utopia? Qual a importância do Direito nessa relação? O trabalho traz uma proposta de adequação terminológica da atual polaridade entre Estado Religioso e Estado Laico para outra terminologia: Estado Plural. Com a necessidade atual de pensar e repensar a relação entre poder político e poder religioso, a hipótese de um Estado Plural representa tanto a manutenção como a globalização das diversidades culturais, políticas e religiosas. Um Estado Plural contempla tudo e todos; tanto o Estado globalizado como o Estado regionalizado ; tanto o Estado religioso como o Estado laico . Também contempla aqueles que crêem e descrêem na futura restauração divina da humanidade, pregada pelas religiões. Aristóteles afirmou que o ser humano é naturalmente um animal político. Apenas político? O ser humano é naturalmente também um animal que crê. Crente não necessariamente ou somente nas doutrinas e dogmas das religiões, mas nos mistérios descobertos e encobertos da vida, nos seus mistérios com respostas racionais e irracionais. Durante a vida, todos influenciam e são influenciados por costumes, conceitos e verdades culturais e religiosas. Portanto, tentar unir ou separar juridicamente todas as diversidades culturais e religiosas é utopia. Apesar disso, o Direito justo é o único meio capaz de equilibrar razoavelmente as relações entre Religião e Estado. Não há outro caminho. Se o ideal de uma sociedade perfeita na terra é humanamente impossível, o cristianismo assegura que o que é impossível para os homens é possível para Deus. Assim, somente Ele poderia dar respostas para todas as indagações humanas e proporcionar soluções para todos os problemas do mundo. Portanto, somente com a desconstituição da utopia dos ideais das pessoas e com a efetivação dos ideais pregados pelas religiões é que o mundo seria transformado. Quando? Não há um tempo pré-determinado pelas religiões e nem pelos projetistas dos ideais utópicos. A utopia é semelhante ao horizonte. Quando caminhamos em direção a ele, ele se afasta de nós. Quando caminhamos mais um tanto, ele se afasta outro tanto dobrado. A utopia é assim: nunca a alcançaremos. E se é assim, para que serve? Para nos fazer caminhar. Mesmo sendo uma utopia as idéias e os ideais da união ou da separação entre Religião e Estado, a utopia nos faz pensar num novo ideal: a adequação da realidade histórica e neomoderna de Estado Religioso e Estado Laico para Estado Plural. Mais uma utopia? A utopia nos faz caminhar. Tanto a vida política como a vida religiosa produzem idéias e ideais, conjunta ou separadamente: a vida política se propõe a produzir nova vida feliz na terra; a vida religiosa se propõe a produzir nova vida feliz a começar na terra e a perpetuar no além, no céu, onde habita justiça . Idéias e ou ideais utópicos tanto da vida política como da vida religiosa? A utopia nos faz caminhar

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-07-11T12:31:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 José Lúcio da Silva Menezes.pdf: 1078461 bytes, checksum: e1f115ad8f67ca49b3879da7c9c93eed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-11T12:31:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 José Lúcio da Silva Menezes.pdf: 1078461 bytes, checksum: e1f115ad8f67ca49b3879da7c9c93eed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation examines the ethnic and cultural diversity of the Brazilian people in Mario de Andrade’s work Macunaíma - a consecrated literature work that has been object of numerous other investigations. A specific inquiry gave the north to this research: could Macunaíma's character be taken as an expression of a given representation of the Brazilian people? An issue that problematizes Mario de Andrade rhapsody, because the main character was enshrined as an emblem of national identity that was a concern of the nationalism at that time. Macunaíma was noted for his uncharacteristic characteristics attributed to him by the modernist author: hero without character, selfish, with exaggerated sexuality, lazy and very astute. The National identity that was part of the debates proposed by the modernists during of the Modern Art Week of 1922 had as objective to recover the popular culture. Thus Macunaíma, which is the result of an intense research on Brazilian people culture, accomplishes, in some way, the yearnings of that movement / Esta tese examina a diversidade étnica e cultural do povo brasileiro no livro Macunaíma, de Mário de Andrade – uma obra consagrada e objeto de inúmeras outras investigações. Uma indagação deu o norte a este trabalho: o caráter de Macunaíma poderia ser tomado como expressão de uma dada representação sobre o povo brasileiro? Trata-se de uma questão que problematiza a rapsódia de Mario de Andrade, pois o personagem central sagrou-se como emblema da identidade nacional – o que era uma preocupação do nacionalismo vigente naquele período. Macunaíma se notabilizou pelas características nada abonadoras que lhe atribui o autor modernista: herói sem caráter, egoísta, de sexualidade exacerbada, preguiçoso e muito astucioso. A identidade nacional que era parte dos debates propostos pelos modernistas da Semana de Arte Moderna de 1922 tinha como princípio recuperar a cultura popular. Assim, Macunaíma, que é resultado das intensas pesquisas de Mario de Andrade sobre a cultura do povo brasileiro, realiza, de certa forma, os anseios daquele movimento

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:35:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Boratti Favretto.pdf: 1462966 bytes, checksum: 2774d239d8fde01cc11abc3047907b7e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-16 / The Declaration Dignitatis humanae of Second Vatican Council doctrinally introduces the concept of religious freedom founded on the dignity of the human person. Stands out, in the interim, the anthropological foundation, which unfolds the theological and doctrinal, setting up religious freedom as the apogee of all freedoms. The goal of this work is develop the theme process of genesis, establish the conceptual definition and present the discussion about religious freedom. This, through a phenomenological analysis that ends at the historical and theological hermeneutic of the conciliar periods before Preparatory, Preparatory and of the four Sessions of Vatican II and the Magisterium of the documents of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries which treated theme. The text is structured in a systematic way in four chapters. The first constitutes status quaestionis by presenting the context of religious freedom theme of development in magisterial documents prior to Dignitatis humanae, as well as the positioning of the Magisterium ecclesiastic, that of religious intolerance, passes to tolerance and affirmation of the right to freedom religious. The second and third chapters cover the doctrinal content of this Declaration in their immediate environment, the Second Vatican Council. They present the process of genesis of religious conception of freedom expressed in the text of the Declaration Dignitatis humanae, exposing and already analyzing the several thematic stages and redaction until it reaches the final version of the Declaration and the conception of the right to religious freedom. The fourth chapter presents the legal ramifications, theological, anthropological and ethical prospective to Dignitatis humanae. Framework that enables our understanding of the phenomenon of religious plurality in terms of a possible horizon not only to theological reflection, but also to religious studies, to infer from the declaration concerning the situations design of a theology of religions and theology of religious pluralism; whose religious language provides contribution to constitution of the States of democratic rights, which in turn has the function of protecting and promote religious freedom. The theme of religious freedom gives new perspective to the free practice of religion and opens wide dialogic engagement between the Catholic Church, other Christian churches, other religions, people "without religion" and other "good will". / A Declara??o Dignitatis humanae do Conc?lio Vaticano II apresenta doutrinariamente a concep??o de liberdade religiosa fundamentada na dignidade da pessoa humana. Sobressai, neste ?nterim, o fundamento antropol?gico que se desdobra do teol?gico e doutrin?rio, configurando a liberdade religiosa como o apogeu de todas as liberdades. O objetivo desta disserta??o ? desenvolver o processo de g?nese deste tema, estabelecer a defini??o conceitual e apresentar o debate acerca da liberdade religiosa. Isto, mediante uma an?lise fenomenol?gica que desemboca na hermen?utica hist?rica e teol?gica dos per?odos conciliares Antepreparat?rio, Preparat?rio e das quatro Sess?es do Conc?lio Vaticano II, bem como de documentos do Magist?rio eclesi?stico dos s?culos XIX e XX que trataram do tema. O texto se estrutura de maneira sistem?tica em quatro cap?tulos. O primeiro deles se constitui em status quaestionis ao apresentar o contexto do desenvolvimento do tema da liberdade religiosa nos documentos magisteriais que antecedem a Dignitatis humanae, bem como o posicionamento do Magist?rio eclesi?stico, que da intoler?ncia religiosa, passa ? toler?ncia e afirma??o do direito ? liberdade religiosa. O segundo e terceiro cap?tulos abarcam o conte?do doutrinal dessa Declara??o em seu contexto pr?ximo, o do Conc?lio Vaticano II. Apresentam o processo de g?nese da concep??o de liberdade religiosa expressa no texto da Declara??o Dignitatis humanae expondo e, j? analisando, as diversas etapas tem?ticas e redacionais at? que se chegue ? vers?o definitiva da Declara??o e da concep??o de direito ? liberdade religiosa. O quarto cap?tulo apresenta os desdobramentos jur?dico, teol?gico, antropol?gico e ?tico prospectivos ? Dignitatis humanae. ?mbito que possibilita a compreens?o do fen?meno da pluralidade religiosa em termos de um horizonte poss?vel n?o somente ? reflex?o teol?gica, mas tamb?m ?s ci?ncias da religi?o, ao inferir da Declara??o as suscita??es concernentes ? concep??o de uma teologia das religi?es como teologia do pluralismo religioso; cuja linguagem religiosa oferece contributo ? constitui??o do Estado de direito democr?tico, que por sua vez, tem a fun??o de tutelar e promover a liberdade religiosa. O tema da liberdade religiosa proporciona nova perspectiva para a livre pr?tica da religi?o e inaugura amplo empenho dial?gico entre a Igreja Cat?lica, as outras Igrejas crist?s, as outras religi?es, as pessoas sem religi?o e outras de boa vontade .