La construction de la paix en matière de sortie de crise admet l‟importance du rôle de la mémoire comme en témoigne la montée en puissance des politiques de la mémoire à qui incombe l‟apaisement de la mémoire collective d‟une société dans la résolution des conflits et le changement de régime politique. Cette entreprise reste assujettie à la connaissance ou non des violations graves des droits de l‟homme, à la réparation matérielle et symbolique à l‟égard des victimes en quête de reconnaissance ainsi qu‟à la réécriture de l‟histoire dans le but de changer les stéréotypes à l‟origine d‟une conflictualité à dominante communautaire.Du fait de l‟absence d‟un système judiciaire indépendant et d‟un État en position de tiers, les politiques de la mémoire initiées dans la résolution des crises congolaises tendent plutôt à légitimer un régime politique autoritaire au lieu de promouvoir la réconciliation. La constitutionnalisation de la paix, les mises en cause limitées des criminels de guerre et le déficit de « congolité » révèlent les lacunes de ces politiques et les constantes des politiques du pardon engagées sur la scène internationale.Dans cette optique, l‟édification d‟une paix positive différente d‟un simple arrêt des hostilités appelle l‟instauration d‟une corrélation entre le pardon et la justice dans une quête d‟accountability. Une telle approche requiert une attitude nouvelle à même de favoriser la mutation des conduites négatives en postures rationnelles afin d‟oublier les avanies du passé et de promouvoir un nouveau vivre en commun novateur. À ce titre, la réussite des politiques de la mémoire reste inséparable de la promotion graduelle d‟un projet commun entre les anciens belligérants. Si la mise en place de mécanismes de résolution des conflits futurs apparaît comme un facteur majeur, toute sortie de crise reste partielle quand elle n‟est pas affiliée à un processus de réconciliation. / Building peace following a conflict reveals the importance of the role of the memory as witnessed by the increased importance of the memory policies witch are responsible of conflicts and the change of political regimes. This undertaking remains subject to the knowledge, or lack of it, of the serious violations of the rights of man, and the material and symbolic redress for victims seeking recognition as well as the rewriting of history with the aim of changing stereotypes at the origin of conflicts within a particular community.Given the absence of an independent judicial system and a third party State, the memory policies initiated in the resolution of Congolese conflicts tend towards legitimizing an authoritarian political regime rather than promoting reconciliation. The constitutionalizing of peace, the limited accusation of war criminals and the deficit of “congolité” reveals the inadequacy of these policies, and the continuance of the international pardon policies.In light of this, the edification of a positive peace that differs from a simple cessation of the hostilities requires the establishment of a correlation between forgiveness and justice in a quest for accountability. This approach calls for a fresh attitude capable of favouring the transformation of the negative behaviours into rational positions with the aim of forgetting past outrages in order to work toward promoting a new innovative communal life. If the establishment of the future resolution mechanisms appear to be a major factor, any withdrawal from a crisis remains partial when not associated with a process of reconciliation.

La justice et le pardon sont comme deux pôles d'une dialectique qui les unit au point de les rendre inséparables. Le pardon est un don gratuit relèvant d'une démarche personnelle tandis que la justice est un droit naturel ou légal inhérent à toute personne humaine. En effet, le pardon ne s'oppose pas à la justice. Il s'y superpose sans interférer. Le travail de l'un est complété par l'apport de l'autre. À cet égard, il ne peut y avoir de guérison avec le pardon sans la justice. De même, il ne peut y avoir de réconciliation avec la justice sans le pardon. Ainsi, le pardon est le fruit de la justice. Car dans l'acte du pardon, c'est l'amour au-delà de la faute qui brise la douleur et la haine. Le pardon grandit celui qui l'offre et contribue au bonheur d'autrui. Le passé est vaincu et transcendé. La justice est un rempart contre tout ce qui se dresse contre l'homme et supprime les discordes et les inégalités. De ce point de vue, justice et pardon qui sont deux vertus en interaction, apportent l'épanouissement moral et spirituel à l'homme. Ils sont au service de la charité. / Justice and forgiveness are like two poles of a dialectic that unites them to the point of making them inseparable. Forgiveness is a free gift that comes from a personal approach while justice is a natural or legal right that every human being is entitled. Indeed, forgiveness is not incompatible with justice. It coexists with justice without interfering. The work of one is supplemented by the contribution of the other. In this regard, there cannot be closure with forgiveness without justice. Likewise, there can be no reconciliation with justice without forgiveness. Thus, forgiveness is the fruit of justice. In fact, forgiveness is an act of love beyond fault that breaks pain and hatred. Forgiveness grows whoever offers it and contributes to the happiness of others. The past is vanquished and transcended. Justice is a safeguard that removes discord and inequality. From this point of view, justice and forgiveness are two interacting virtues that bring moral and spiritual fulfillment to human being. They are at the service of charity.

Henri IV met fin aux guerres civiles de religion en 1598 en décrétant la mémoire des troubles « éteinte et assoupie, comme de chose non advenue ». Comment se positionne le théâtre français par rapport à cette politique d’oubli, quel espace mémoriel offre-t-il ? Nous considérons la tragédie qui s’écrit entre 1629, fin officielle des guerres civiles et date de la dernière tragédie d’actualité, et 1653, fin de la Fronde et d’une nouvelle menace de division intérieure. La tragédie semble se détourner d’une actualité trop déchirante, en ce sens elle oublie, mais elle se trouve pourtant travaillée par cet oublié. En partant du plus visible : la mise en scène des princes cléments, nous montrons que cette forme d’oubli officiel et volontaire est très représentée sur la scène tragique. Mais l’oublié est aussi ce qui travaille les tragédies dans la représentation qu’elles offrent du conflit familial qui fournit bon nombre des sujets tragiques du temps. La tragédie fait donc affleurer le présent du passé, la mémoire de la division, par le détour allégorique. À un théâtre mélancolique où le passé pèse sur le présent de tout son poids s’oppose un théâtre de relance historique dans lequel peut s’ouvrir un avenir nouveau. Enfin, l’oubli apparaît dans ces années de théorisation dramatique comme un idéal pour le spectateur absorbé dans le spectacle, et comme une menace quand il conduit à l’oubli de soi chez certains comédiens ou spectateurs naïfs. L’oubli, dans son équivocité fondamentale, permet donc d’articuler théorie politique, dramatique et images scéniques, dans un premier dix-septième siècle où l’on ne cesse de penser la violence qui menace le lien et la communauté au risque de la division. / Henry the 4th ends the religious civil wars in 1598 by ordaining that the remembrance of troubles is « extinguished and abated, like something that did not occur ». How does French drama stand in relation with this politics of oblivion ? What kind of memorial space does it open ? We consider tragedies written between 1629, official end of the troubles and date of publication of the last usual times tragedy, and 1653, end of a new internal division threat embodied by the Fronde. In appearance, tragedy seems to forget a harrowing recent past by turning away from it, but it is simultaneously deeply influenced by what has been forgotten. By starting with what is most visible, the staging of merciful princes, we demonstrate that this official and voluntary oblivion is very much represented on the tragic stage. But forgetfulness is also influencing tragedies in their displaying of family feuds, a frequent tragic topic of these times. Tragedy thus makes surface the present of the past, the memory of division, through allegoric detours. A double-face drama emerges : one of melancholy in which past weighs on present, one of historical reset with an ouverture for renascent prospects. Last, in these years of dramatic theorization, forgetfulness appears to be, for a spectator absorbed by the play, an ideal, as well as it can drag the most naive of them and some comedians into forgetting about their selves in denial of reality and confusion with fiction. The fundamental ambiguity of forgetfulness enables to articulate political theory, drama and staging, in a 17th century where violence is thought to threaten the community with division.

Le présent mémoire a pour objectif de procéder à une étude de Thérèse Desqueyroux (1927), roman de François Mauriac. Pour cela, il est proposé un parcours en trois parties: la première partie vise à la présentation de l’écrivain et de l’oeuvre dont s’occupe ce travail; la deuxième partie se rapporte à une analyse du roman à la lumière des catégories narratologiques; la troisième et dernière partie concerne un examen des données repérées sous un angle sociohistorique. À partir de ce parcours d’étude, il est constaté, parmi plusieurs questions, que (1) la protagoniste du roman est quelqu'un d'inadapté à son milieu familier et social parce qu’elle représente un déplacement en ce qui touche la notion d’identité féminine instituée, à travers l’histoire, dans la culture occidentale; et (2) la conception chrétienne du pardon traverse le roman. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo proceder a um estudo sobre Thérèse Desqueyroux (1927), romance de François Mauriac. Para tanto, é proposto um percurso em três partes: a primeira parte visa à apresentação do escritor e da obra à qual se consagra este trabalho; a segunda parte é referente a uma análise do romance à luz das categorias narratológicas; a terceira e última parte concerne a um exame dos dados levantados sob um ângulo sóciohistórico. A partir deste percurso de estudo, é constatado, entre outras questões, que (1) a protagonista do romance não se adapta ao seu meio familiar e social, visto que ela representa um deslocamento no que tange à noção de identidade feminina instituída, ao longo da história, na cultura ocidental; e (2) a concepção cristã do perdão atravessa o romance.

Le présent mémoire a pour objectif de procéder à une étude de Thérèse Desqueyroux (1927), roman de François Mauriac. Pour cela, il est proposé un parcours en trois parties: la première partie vise à la présentation de l’écrivain et de l’oeuvre dont s’occupe ce travail; la deuxième partie se rapporte à une analyse du roman à la lumière des catégories narratologiques; la troisième et dernière partie concerne un examen des données repérées sous un angle sociohistorique. À partir de ce parcours d’étude, il est constaté, parmi plusieurs questions, que (1) la protagoniste du roman est quelqu'un d'inadapté à son milieu familier et social parce qu’elle représente un déplacement en ce qui touche la notion d’identité féminine instituée, à travers l’histoire, dans la culture occidentale; et (2) la conception chrétienne du pardon traverse le roman. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo proceder a um estudo sobre Thérèse Desqueyroux (1927), romance de François Mauriac. Para tanto, é proposto um percurso em três partes: a primeira parte visa à apresentação do escritor e da obra à qual se consagra este trabalho; a segunda parte é referente a uma análise do romance à luz das categorias narratológicas; a terceira e última parte concerne a um exame dos dados levantados sob um ângulo sóciohistórico. A partir deste percurso de estudo, é constatado, entre outras questões, que (1) a protagonista do romance não se adapta ao seu meio familiar e social, visto que ela representa um deslocamento no que tange à noção de identidade feminina instituída, ao longo da história, na cultura ocidental; e (2) a concepção cristã do perdão atravessa o romance.

Le présent mémoire a pour objectif de procéder à une étude de Thérèse Desqueyroux (1927), roman de François Mauriac. Pour cela, il est proposé un parcours en trois parties: la première partie vise à la présentation de l’écrivain et de l’oeuvre dont s’occupe ce travail; la deuxième partie se rapporte à une analyse du roman à la lumière des catégories narratologiques; la troisième et dernière partie concerne un examen des données repérées sous un angle sociohistorique. À partir de ce parcours d’étude, il est constaté, parmi plusieurs questions, que (1) la protagoniste du roman est quelqu'un d'inadapté à son milieu familier et social parce qu’elle représente un déplacement en ce qui touche la notion d’identité féminine instituée, à travers l’histoire, dans la culture occidentale; et (2) la conception chrétienne du pardon traverse le roman. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo proceder a um estudo sobre Thérèse Desqueyroux (1927), romance de François Mauriac. Para tanto, é proposto um percurso em três partes: a primeira parte visa à apresentação do escritor e da obra à qual se consagra este trabalho; a segunda parte é referente a uma análise do romance à luz das categorias narratológicas; a terceira e última parte concerne a um exame dos dados levantados sob um ângulo sóciohistórico. A partir deste percurso de estudo, é constatado, entre outras questões, que (1) a protagonista do romance não se adapta ao seu meio familiar e social, visto que ela representa um deslocamento no que tange à noção de identidade feminina instituída, ao longo da história, na cultura ocidental; e (2) a concepção cristã do perdão atravessa o romance.

La reconnaissance est généralement présentée soit comme une réussite soit comme un échec. Pourtant, les nombreux défis qui se présentent actuellement aux sociétés démocratiques occidentales obligent à chercher une porte de sortie à cette alternative tragique. Comment échapper au malheur de la reconnaissance ? La reconnaissance est le concept phare d'un ensemble de théories et de politiques très variées. Elle repose sur des identités et cultures à la base de la diversité. La diversité est la notion derrière laquelle se trouvent des politiques officielles et non-officielles de pluralisme, c'est-à-dire de promotion de la diversité. C'est là le cœur d'un problème majeur, à l'intersection entre politique, sociologie et philosophie. D'un côté la reconnaissance fige les facteurs de diversité ; de l'autre, la diversité, caractérisée par une prolifération d'identités et de cultures potentiellement variables au cours du temps et en partie fluides, bloque le processus de reconnaissance. Comment alors conjuguer diversité et reconnaissance ? En effet, la diversité empêche la reconnaissance et la reconnaissance empêche la diversité. L'une fait obstacle à l'autre. Introduire l'opérateur de l'échec dans le rouage de la diversité et de la reconnaissance permet d'identifier les zones les plus problématiques : les fondements même de la reconnaissance, les modalités de la non-reconnaissance, et la question de la violence, véritable angle-mort des théories et des politiques les plus courantes. Partant de ces difficultés, et après un travail de déconstruction, nous proposons une piste de reconstruction de la reconnaissance ainsi renouvelée, formée de trois pans, sous-tendus par le postulat d'une auto-détermination radicale des individus et des groupes. Le premier pan repose sur la séparation. Elle est résistance à l'uniformisation et à la conversion sous la forme, par exemple, d'une injonction à l'assimilation. Le deuxième pan concerne la diversité comme postulat d'une nouvelle politique de reconnaissance repensée à partir de la diversité. Les conséquences sont plus profondes au niveau individuel que collectif. Le troisième pan a trait au poids du passé dans la reconnaissance : désormais cette reconnaissance-là est sans réconciliation, sans rachat et sans réparation. Elle n'est plus un outil, mais une modalité des relations intersubjectives. Il ne s'agit pas d'ignorer les tragédies passées, bien au contraire ; mais plutôt de les prendre en compte pour élaborer un concept tourné vers l'avenir. / Recognition is typically presented either as a success, or as a failure. However the many challenges presented to Western democratic societies require that we look for a way out of is tragic duality. How can one escape the misfortune of recognition? Recognition is the foundational concept of a diverse array of theories and policies. It is based on the interplay among various identities and cultures which collectively constitute diversity. Diversity is the concept on which official and unofficial policies of pluralism, that is to say policies to promote diversity, are based. This is the heart of a significant problem at the intersection of politics, sociology and philosophy. On the one hand, recognition crystallizes factors of diversity. On the other hand, diversity as characterized by a proliferation of cultures that are fluid and potentially variable over time, blocks the recognition process. How then to combine diversity and recognition? Diversity prevents recognition and recognition prevents diversity. One precludes the other. Introducing the notion of failure in the interplay between diversity and recognition permits one to identify the most problematic areas: the very foundation of recognition, the terms of non-recognition, and the issue of violence which is the real blind-spot of the most common theories and policies. From these difficulties, and after an exercise in deconstruction, we propose a reconstruction of the concept of recognition, a renewed track, consisting of the sections underpinned by the postulate of the radical self-determination of individuals and groups. The first aspect rests on separation. Separation is resistance to conformity and conversion in the form, for example of an obligation to forced assimilation. The second aspect concerns diversity as a premise for a new policy of recognition conceived from the standpoint of diversity. The effects of this new policy are more significant at the individual level than at the collective level. The third aspect relates to the importance of the past assigned to recognition. This redesigned concept of recognition is without reconciliation, without atonement, and without compensation. This is not to ignore past tragedies, quite the contrary; but rather to take them into account in order to look to the future.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Salinas Serrano.pdf: 1305825 bytes, checksum: 90634f177e48cb87681db090ed04a379 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-15 / Even though the hiring process of employees (registered according to the Consolidation of the Labor Law) by the Public Administration may look simple at a glance, the employment relationships that are established are permeated with cumbersome questions when checked against the interface of Labor Law and Administrative Law. The present work aims to raise the main issues originated from applying the regime of the Consolidated Labor Laws to public employees (denomination now elected, as will be justified, the employees the Public Administration registeres according to the Consolidation of the Labor Law), considering, on one hand, the unavailability and inalienability of public interest, a guiding principle of the Administrative Law; and, on the other hand, the unavailability and inalienability of worker rights. The analysis of this dilemma will be conducted with a focus on studying the applicability of the institute of tacit pardon to public employees, which effectively challenges the juxtaposition of the legal-labor and legaladministrative regimes when verifying if the Government is able to abstain from penalizing an employee who committed a faulty act punishable with dismissal on a just cause basis and, also, if the legal system legitimizes this omission to be considered a pardonº / Embora à primeira vista possa parecer simples a compreensão do regime de contratação de empregados celetistas pela Administração Pública, as relações de trabalho que se estabelecem são permeadas por questões embaraçosas, diante da interface entre o Direito do Trabalho e o Direito Administrativo. Objetivamos com o presente estudo perfazer levantamento das principais problemáticas advindas da aplicação do regime da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho aos empregados públicos (denominação ora eleita, conforme será justificado no decorrer do trabalho, aos empregados celetistas da Administração Pública), tendo em vista, de um lado, a indisponibilidade do interesse público, princípio norteador do Direito Administrativo; e, de outro lado, a indisponibilidade dos direitos do trabalhador. A análise desse dilema será feita com enfoque no estudo da aplicabilidade do instituto do perdão tácito aos empregados públicos, que efetivamente coloca em cheque a justaposição dos regimes jurídico-trabalhista e jurídico-administrativo, ao verificar se pode o Estado, deixar de punir empregado que tenha cometido ato faltoso apenado por justa causa e, ainda, se o ordenamento jurídico legitima que essa omissão seja considerada perdão à falta cometida, pelo silêncio

As catástrofes coletivas impostas pelos regimes autoritários, sejam eles racistas, tal como o apartheid na África do Sul, sejam eles diretamente políticos, tal como a ditadura militar no Brasil, implicam esforços diários de reflexão e ação política. O que caracteriza estes governos é a violação aos direitos de seus cidadãos por meio de um brutal aparato policial-militar. E o pior: todo esse esquema foi montado e mantido pelo Estado, que institucionalizou a prisão, a tortura, o desaparecimento e o assassinato. As sociedades têm enfrentado o seguinte problema: como conciliar o passado doloroso com um presente democrático, administrando os conflitos que com a mera passagem institucional de um governo de exceção para um democrático não se encerraram. Isto porque as violações aos direitos humanos não se restringiram às instituições políticas, mas, indo muito além, atingiram os indivíduos e alteraram significativamente a subjetividade dessas sociedades. A oposição entre a razão política pacificadora do Estado e as memórias doloridas sobre a ditadura militar brasileira obstrui a expressão pública da dor e reduz a memória às emoções privadas. A sociedade sul-africana, valorizando as narrativas, tornou públicas estas experiências ao divulgar as narrativas construídas em seu espaço, criando um impacto na sociedade, seja em suas subjetividades ou mesmo nas políticas públicas adotadas posteriormente. Abriu mão de punir quem confessasse tudo, em nome de uma conciliação nacional. Já no Brasil, a conciliação promovida entre a anistia de 1979 e a democratização de 1985 teve por preço a omissão das memórias do horror. Nossa idéia é que diante da queda de investimento no diálogo e na convivência pública democrática, a publicidade dos traumas e ressentimentos por meio das narrativas poderia contribuir para a consumação do luto e para o aprimoramento dos elos sociais. / The collective catastrophes imposed by authoritarian regimes, be they of racist character, like apartheid in South Africa, or be they of strictly political character, like the military dictatorship in Brazil, require daily efforts of reflection as well as political action. These governments were characterized by their systematic violation of their citizens\' rights by brutal military and police apparatus. Worst of all, the whole scheme was set up and maintained by a State which institutionalized imprisonment, torture, disappearance and murder. Thus, these societies are left today to face a difficult issue: how to reconcile such painful past with a democratic present, and still manage the conflicts that do not end with a mere institutional passage from a dictatorial government to a democratic one. Human rights violations were not limited to political institutions, but went far beyond; they reached individuals, and they modified the subjectivity of those societies significantly. The opposition between the State pacificatory political reason and the painful memories regarding Brazilian military dictatorship obstructs public expression of pain and reduces memory to private emotions. In contrast, by valuing the narratives of the past, the South African society tried to recover the memory of the painful moments making these experiences public by publishing their narratives. South Africans gave up punishing those State criminals with the only condition they would confess everything, in order to foster a national conciliation. In Brazil, however, the ideal of a national conciliation to put an end to military rule paid the huge price of silencing the memories of pain, torture, and death. This had an impact on society, on its subjectivity and even on the public politics adopted later. Our point of view is that due to the lack of investment in the dialogue and in the democratic social communion the publicizing of traumas and resentments by means of narratives could contribute to realization of the mourning, thus promoting social bonds.

As catástrofes coletivas impostas pelos regimes autoritários, sejam eles racistas, tal como o apartheid na África do Sul, sejam eles diretamente políticos, tal como a ditadura militar no Brasil, implicam esforços diários de reflexão e ação política. O que caracteriza estes governos é a violação aos direitos de seus cidadãos por meio de um brutal aparato policial-militar. E o pior: todo esse esquema foi montado e mantido pelo Estado, que institucionalizou a prisão, a tortura, o desaparecimento e o assassinato. As sociedades têm enfrentado o seguinte problema: como conciliar o passado doloroso com um presente democrático, administrando os conflitos que com a mera passagem institucional de um governo de exceção para um democrático não se encerraram. Isto porque as violações aos direitos humanos não se restringiram às instituições políticas, mas, indo muito além, atingiram os indivíduos e alteraram significativamente a subjetividade dessas sociedades. A oposição entre a razão política pacificadora do Estado e as memórias doloridas sobre a ditadura militar brasileira obstrui a expressão pública da dor e reduz a memória às emoções privadas. A sociedade sul-africana, valorizando as narrativas, tornou públicas estas experiências ao divulgar as narrativas construídas em seu espaço, criando um impacto na sociedade, seja em suas subjetividades ou mesmo nas políticas públicas adotadas posteriormente. Abriu mão de punir quem confessasse tudo, em nome de uma conciliação nacional. Já no Brasil, a conciliação promovida entre a anistia de 1979 e a democratização de 1985 teve por preço a omissão das memórias do horror. Nossa idéia é que diante da queda de investimento no diálogo e na convivência pública democrática, a publicidade dos traumas e ressentimentos por meio das narrativas poderia contribuir para a consumação do luto e para o aprimoramento dos elos sociais. / The collective catastrophes imposed by authoritarian regimes, be they of racist character, like apartheid in South Africa, or be they of strictly political character, like the military dictatorship in Brazil, require daily efforts of reflection as well as political action. These governments were characterized by their systematic violation of their citizens\' rights by brutal military and police apparatus. Worst of all, the whole scheme was set up and maintained by a State which institutionalized imprisonment, torture, disappearance and murder. Thus, these societies are left today to face a difficult issue: how to reconcile such painful past with a democratic present, and still manage the conflicts that do not end with a mere institutional passage from a dictatorial government to a democratic one. Human rights violations were not limited to political institutions, but went far beyond; they reached individuals, and they modified the subjectivity of those societies significantly. The opposition between the State pacificatory political reason and the painful memories regarding Brazilian military dictatorship obstructs public expression of pain and reduces memory to private emotions. In contrast, by valuing the narratives of the past, the South African society tried to recover the memory of the painful moments making these experiences public by publishing their narratives. South Africans gave up punishing those State criminals with the only condition they would confess everything, in order to foster a national conciliation. In Brazil, however, the ideal of a national conciliation to put an end to military rule paid the huge price of silencing the memories of pain, torture, and death. This had an impact on society, on its subjectivity and even on the public politics adopted later. Our point of view is that due to the lack of investment in the dialogue and in the democratic social communion the publicizing of traumas and resentments by means of narratives could contribute to realization of the mourning, thus promoting social bonds.