Данная магистерская диссертация посвящена изучению проблем перевода английских социально-политических неологизмов на русский язык. Рассмотрены основные теоретические особенности понятия «неологизм»: его трактование и классификации. В работе также представлены основные способы перевода неологизмов в целом. Поскольку данная магистерская диссертация изучает особенности перевода социально-политических неологизмов, была дана подробная характеристика социально-политическому дискурсу. Для того, чтобы проверить, с какими проблемами сталкивается переводчик при работе с данной лексикой, было проведено исследование, в котором нами было отобрано 104 неологизма, появившихся после 2018 года и не закрепленных в словарях, и 161 вариант их перевода. В результате можно отметить, что на сегодняшний день не существует универсального способа, который подходил бы для перевода незакрепленного социально-политического неологизма. Кроме этого, существует большая вариативность полученных при переводе результатов, возникают трудности при передаче сложной структуры неологизма и зачастую отсутствует точное понимание значения нового слова. Это говорит о том, что проблема перевода неологизмов является одной из ключевых проблем современного переводоведения. / This master’s thesis is devoted to the study of the problems of translation of socio-political neologisms from English into Russian. The main theoretical features of the concept «neologism» such as interpretation and classification have been considered. The paper also presents the main methods of translation of neologisms. In this paper a detailed description of socio-political discourse was given because this master’s thesis studies the peculiarities of translation of socio-political neologisms. To understand which problems the translator faces when he works with this lexis we conducted a research where we have selected 104 neologisms, which appeared after 2018 and were not fixed in the dictionaries, as well as 161 versions of their translation. As a result, it can be noted that today there is no universal method that would be suitable for the translation of every socio-political neologism. Moreover, there is a huge translation variability. Also, there are difficulties in transmitting the complex structure of neologism and often there is no clear understanding of the meaning of the new word. Therefore, the problem of translation of neologisms is one of the key problems of modern translation science.

Работа посвящена составления речевого портрета 46-го президента США Джо Байдена. Для этой цели в исследовании осуществляется анализ речевого поведения данного политика и выявление присущих его речи особенностей, делающих ее уникальной и узнаваемой. Материал исследования составили 100 источников, включающих в себя видеозаписи с публичными выступлениями Дж. Байдена и их расшифровки в период с вступления в должность президента США в 2021 г. по 2022 г. В первой части работы рассматриваются общие вопросы терминологии, вводится понятие речевого портрета и производится разграничение данного термина и смежных лингвистических понятий. Также в теоретической части работы рассматриваются подходы к речевому портретированию в отечественной и зарубежной лингвистике, а также основные принципы и модели описания речевого портрета. Особое внимание уделяется особенностям политического дискурса и специфике создания речевого портрета политика. Во второй части работы приводится краткий экскурс в биографию изучаемой личности, производится анализ речевого поведения Джо Байдена на основе модели описания речевого портрета политика, предложенной исследовательницей Е. В. Осетровой. Анализируются присущие речи данного политика черты – клише, фразы, конструкции, коммуникативные приемы, а также речевые промахи. По каждому параметру модели описания речевого портрета политика, по которой производится анализ, приводятся примеры конкретных речевых конструкций из речи изучаемой персоналии и их переводы, представленные в виде таблиц. На основе анализируемых материалов раскрывается образ, создаваемый политиком через речевой портрет. Результаты исследования могут быть использованы в лингвистике при дальнейшем изучении речевого портретирования и методики описания речевого портрета политика, а также при изучении личности Джо Байдена. / The purpose of the work is to study the speech portrait of the 46th US President Joe Biden. the speech behavior of this politician and the features inherent in his speech that make it unique and recognizable are analyzed in the study. The research material was compiled from 100 sources, including video recordings of public speeches by J. Biden and their transcripts during the period from the inauguration of the US president in 2021 to 2022. In the first part of the work, general issues of terminology are considered, the concept of a speech portrait is introduced, and a distinction is made between this term and related linguistic concepts. Also, in the theoretical part of the work, approaches to speech portraiture in domestic and foreign linguistics are considered, as well as the basic principles and models of creating a speech portrait. Special attention is paid to the features of political discourse and the specifics of creating a speech portrait of a politician. In the second part of the work, a brief digression into the biography of the studied personality is given. The analysis of Joe Biden's speech behavior is carried out based on the model of describing the speech portrait of a politician proposed by researcher E. V. Osetrova. The features inherent in the speech of this politician are analyzed – cliches, phrases, constructions, communicative techniques, as well as speech mistakes. For each parameter of the model examples of specific speech constructions from the speech of the studied person and their translations are presented in the form of tables. Based on the analyzed materials, the image created by a politician through a speech portrait is revealed. The results of the study can be used in linguistics in the further study of speech portraiture and methods of creating the speech portrait of a politician, as well as in the study of the personality of Joe Biden.

This research will analyze the impact of bipartisan politics and the media's conflicting role in influencing public perceptions regarding national security issues. The central focus is on popular media narratives, critically examined as an impediment to fostering unified public solidarity or opposition regarding the enactment of controversial legislation. In light of the increase in geopolitical conflict and the pervasive nature of terrorism, this study attempts to analyze the media's public role versus the privacy of clandestine agencies whose policies, albeit controversial address critical national security concerns. As a result, the conflict inherent between institutional and public spheres provides the groundwork for discursive and objective analysis.Empirical data collection and critical analysis of relevant materials; academic journals, online archives and published works by individuals active in media and national security, provide the primary source of qualitative data. Research was primarily inductive. Analysis effectively combined data from various qualitative sources in an effort to justify the central hypothesis. Contemporary tragic events also provided a supplemental source of relevant content. It is important to note, such events resonate with the rationalization arrived at in the conclusion.The principle aim of this research was to address the question: Does the media's promotion of the bipartisan political agenda impede or enhance national security policies? In addition, is the role of the media reflective of state subservience or does the media actively challenge national security initiatives, e.g. curtailing of civil liberties, human rights violations and loss of constitutional freedoms? The analysis further subjected by cross-disciplinary inquiry and academic theories pertinent to achieving the principle aims of this research.The theoretical framework and methodology utilized was consistent with political discourse analysis (PDA), specifically textual, as all discursive elements were present within the collected source materials. Additional analysis utilizing mediatization and audience theories provides the proper contextualization within communicative and media studies. Contemporary events surrounding geopolitical conflict, race relations and terrorism in relation to the institutional and international response, provides further demonstrable results, which is commensurate with the overall conclusions of this study.The outcome and results of this research indicate that mainstream media provides both a support role, emphasizing status quo narratives concerning national and international political perspectives and policy, and also a contradictory role impeding domestic solidarity by exacerbating political division along the usual bipartisan lines. The specific focus on legislation that results in expanding judicial powers surrounding national security concerns. Such policies often interpreted as contrary to the preservation of domestic freedoms. These findings correlate with Couldry and Hepp's notions of institutionalist mediatization theory regarding the media as innately powerful agents of change, imparting influence on audiences and non-media actors.

Ce mémoire propose une analyse critique du discours de la War on Christmas et, plus largement, de celui des culture wars. En mobilisant la caractérisation du discours historico-polémique que fait Foucault dans Il faut défendre la société, l'étude présentée dans ce travail vise à comprendre comment le discours de la guerre appliqué au domaine politique tend à polariser les enjeux et à radicaliser les solutions proposées. De plus, cette analyse souligne l'historiographie spécifique qui soutient ces discours des culture wars : celle de l'histoire des luttes pour défendre l'idéal du nationalisme chrétien, de l'Amérique glorieuse trahie et souillée et de l'âge d'or vers lequel on cherche à retourner. Le discours de la War on Christmas est examiné au travers des allocutions du polémiste Bill O’Reilly et du président Trump. Plus spécifiquement, ce mémoire cherche à mettre en lumière l'importance de l'aspect métaphorique et performatif de ce type de discours, deux dimensions qui permettent de comprendre pleinement l'influence qu'il exerce sur le monde sociopolitique. / This master's thesis offers a critical analysis of the War on Christmas discourse and, more broadly, of the culture wars. By mobilizing the characterization of the historical-polemical discourse that Foucault makes in Il faut défendre la société, this study seeks to understand how the war discourse applied to politics tends to polarize the issues and radicalise the proposed solutions. Moreover, this analysis underlines the specific historiographical basis of the culture wars discourse: the history of the struggle to defend the ideal of Christian Nationalism which forms the basis of a mythical Glorious America, betrayed and defiled, and that of a gone Golden Age which we try to reclaim. The War on Christmas discourse is studied through the speeches of the polemist Bill O’Reilly and of President Trump. The study presented in this thesis seeks to put forward the importance of the metaphorical and performative dimensions of this type of discourse. These two particular aspects allow a more complete understanding of the influence that this kind of speech can exert on the sociopolitical world.

Through recent years social media has become a useful platform for politicians to share their political ideologies with their followers. An example of such a platform is X(formerly Twitter) where politicians regularly post statements for their followers. Donald Trump, the former American president, particularly stands out for his memorable “fake news” statements. Numerous studies have been done on the correlation between X and political discourse. This study will further this research by looking at the political discourse of American President Joe Biden on his official X account, @POTUS. This study will look at posts from Joe Biden regarding the ongoing Israel-Hamas war. The study aims to gain a better understanding of how Biden represents himself and The United States through his discourse. The analytical tools for this analysis will be speech acts per the Speech Act Theory, as defined by John Searle and George Yule, and personal deixis. 116 posts were saved from Biden ́s account, where 73 posts containing only text were chosen for analysis. The results from the analysis showed a tendency to use assertive, commissive, and expressive strategies and a high frequency in personal deixis wherein the pronouns “I” and “we” were used the most. The results showed that Biden ́s discourse helped represent himself and The United States as proactive, empathetic, and engaged actors in the war. Biden conveyed a strong stance in support of Israel while also expressing concern for Palestinian civilians.

The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the knowledge of linguistic tools typical for French political discourse. The thesis is based on an analysis of selected political speeches of former French President Nicolas Sarkozy. It tries to capture how a change in a specific political situation of a particular author can affect communicative strategies, discursive practices, and then select the linguistic tools due to the addressee in a particular communicative situation and the communicative intention. The first part of the thesis is focused on the rhetoric and stylistics, which contribute to the typological definition of texts falling within the French political discourse. The second part is based on an analysis of three essential political speeches Nicolas Sarkozy.

La manipulation suscite un intérêt croissant dans tous les domaines de la communication humaine. Elle se réalise pleinement et principalement à travers le langage, que celui-ci soit combiné ou non avec d’autres moyens de communication. Or, le peu de travaux de recherche réalisés sur le sujet sont pratiquement inexistants en linguistique.La manipulation par le discours est une solution d’efficacité pour réaliser une communication qui semble compromise lorsque la tension est extrême entre les objectifs du locuteur d’une part, et les moyens dont il dispose et les contraintes du contexte de l’autre. La stratégie de manipulation par le discours s’apparente à la rhétorique tout en la détournant car elle doit garder secrets ses objectifs et ses moyens de réalisation. Même si elle peut se servir de l’argumentation, le plus souvent, elle l’évite.Le discours politique est l’un des meilleurs exemples de cette tension extrême qui est à l’origine de la manipulation. À ce titre, la campagne présidentielle de 2007 en France est le modèle le plus adapté et le plus récent d’étude de la manipulation par le discours.Cette recherche a pour objectif de rendre compte des moyens langagiers de réalisation des stratégies de manipulation dans une approche globale de l’analyse du discours. Elle procède par l’examen détaillé de ses différents supports formels : variations sémantiques, organisation syntaxique et discursive, jeux sur les incidences entre constituants, rôle de la répétition, implicite etc. Compte tenu de l’importance majeure du contexte dans sa réalisation, l’approche pragmatique, avec la théorie de l’implicite et celle des actes de langage, s’est ici révélée la plus appropriée. Elle a permis de rendre compte du fonctionnement du macro-acte de langage manipulatoire à travers de nombreux exemples tirés d’un corpus de 195 discours politiques, et d’élaborer une théorie globale de la manipulation par le discours. / The interest in manipulation is growing in all areas of human communication. It is fully realised mainly through the language, whether combined or not with other means of communication. However, in linguistics, studies conducted on this subject are virtually non-existent.Manipulation by the discourse is an effective solution for realising the communication that seems compromised when the tension is extreme between the goals of the speaker on the one hand, and the means available including constraints of the context, on the other hand. The strategy of manipulation by the discourse is similar to rhetoric, while diverting it, because manipulation must keep secret its objectives and its means of realisation. Although it may use argumentation, most often, it avoids it.Political discourse is one of the best examples of this extreme tension which is necessary to the manipulation. The 2007 presidential campaign in France is the most recent and perhaps most suitable model for the study of the manipulation by the discourse.This research aims to report on linguistic means of achieving manipulation strategies in a global approach of discourse analysis. It proceeds by a detailed examination of its various formal supports: semantic variations, syntactic and discourse organization, interactions between the constituents, the role of the repetition, the implication etc. Given the importance of the context in its realization, the pragmatic approach, with the theory of the speech acts, turned out to be the most appropriate choice. Through many examples based on a corpus of 195 political speeches, it helps explain how the macro-speech act of manipulation functions, and it helps develop a global theory of manipulation by the discourse.

Inscrite dans le champ de l’analyse du discours en interaction, notre thèse propose une étude des formes et des fonctions des discours rapportés (DR) dans le cadre des six débats télévisés de l’entre-deux-tours des présidentielles ayant eu lieu en France entre 1974 et 2012. Il y est question de déterminer avec précision à quoi sert le DR — dont on pourrait penser qu’il n’est pas véritablement constitutif du genre — dans ces interactions où chacun des candidats poursuit les objectifs particuliers de s’autopromouvoir et de délégitimer son adversaire.L’analyse détaillée des quelques quatre cents extraits recensés dans le corpus montre que les DR répondent, selon leur lieu d’apparition dans l’échange en cours, la nature de leur source (l’adversaire, un tiers extérieur au débat ou le locuteur lui-même) et leur teneur propositionnelle, à trois différentes visées qualifiables d’autopromotionnelle, de défensive et de polémique — visées auxquelles contribuent en outre parfois leur mode de mise en scène para- et non verbale (mouvements de la voix, mais aussi mimiques, postures, regards et gestuelles déployés par le locuteur conjointement au DR).Répondant ainsi à une intuition de départ, ce travail met à jour le fait que non seulement les discours rapportés sont mis au service des objectifs spécifiques des candidats lors des débats, mais encore qu’ils occupent, selon la nature de leur source, des fonctions différentes mais complémentaires (fonctions relatives à la dynamique des échanges et à l’élaboration d’un discours en confrontation, fonctions strictement argumentatives ou encore fonctions relatives à la finalité des débats en eux-mêmes). / Grounded in the framework of the discourse-in-interaction analysis, this work analyses the forms and functions of reported speech within the six second-round debates of the French presidential election taking place in France between 1974 and 2012. Its object is to precisely determine the purpose of reported speech (which one might think that it is not truly constitutive of the genre) within these interactions in which candidates’main aims are self-promotion and the opponent depreciation.By analysing in details the almost four hundreds extracts recorded in the corpus, our work shows that reported speeches aim, depending on their place within the exchanges, their source (the opponent, a third party or the speaker) and their propositional content, three different purposes we can consider as self-promotion, defence and argument — these purposes can be furthermore supported by some para- and non-verbal elements (voice movements, facial expression, posture, eye expression and gesture deployed at the same time).Following an initial intuition, this study reveals that not only reported speeches serve the candidates’ main goals during debates, but also, depending on their source, they assure different and complementary functions (functions serving the dynamic within the exchanges and the construction of a speech in confrontation, functions exclusively argumentative, or also functions relating to the debates global purpose).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Martins Mafra.pdf: 715169 bytes, checksum: ee51d335b2444bd4c2e7a672f628ec01 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-15 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / The objective, in this research, based on the discourse analysis (DA) of French line and the directions of the semiolinguistic with observation of the research of Maingueneau (2008) and Charaudeau (2008), is to analyze the constitution of the discursive ethos of presidential pronouncements of lusophone countries Angola and Brazil, in the 1990s. Specifically, the corpuses of the research are constituted by Mr. José Eduardo dos Santos pronouncement, President of the Republic of Angola, the signing of Lusaka s agreement, in 1994 and the pronouncement of Mr. Fernando Collor de Mello, President of the Federative Republic of Brazil, the swearing in ceremony of National Congress, in 1990. Therefore, this analysis aims to identify similarities and differences of the constitution of the ethos of already mentioned discourse, from the historical and situational context, the linguistic processes and social representations concerning legitimacy, through democratic elections, the credibility and identification of the political subject. The results show that there are similarities and differences in the construction of discursive ethos of the corpuses in question, and they point out different effects of meaning in the co-enunciators / Busca-se, nesta pesquisa, com base na teoria da Análise do Discurso (AD) de linha francesa e o direcionamento da semiolinguística, com observação da pesquisa de Maingueneau (2008) e Charaudeau (2008), analisar a constituição do ethos discursivo dos pronunciamentos presidenciais dos países lusófonos Angola e Brasil, da década de 1990. Especificamente, os corpora da pesquisa são constituídos pelo pronunciamento do Senhor José Eduardo dos Santos, Presidente da República de Angola, na assinatura do Acordo de Lusaka, em 1994 e pelo pronunciamento do Senhor Fernando Collor de Mello, Presidente da República Federativa do Brasil, na cerimônia de posse no Congresso Nacional, em 1990. Para tanto, essa análise visa à identificação de semelhanças e de diferenças da constituição do ethos dos referidos discursos, a partir do contexto histórico e situacional, dos procedimentos linguísticos e das representações sociais acerca da legitimidade, por meio de eleições democráticas, da credibilidade e da identificação do sujeito político. Os resultados apontam que há semelhanças e diferenças na construção do ethos discursivo dos corpora em questão, e que as mesmas assinalam diferentes efeitos de sentido nos coenunciadores

Le sujet de cette recherche est l´analyse sémantico-pragmatico-discursive de l´ironie dans le débat parlementaire portugais. Nous étudions plus particulièrement les degrés d´implicitation de la critique ironique, les indices, les fonctions et les stratégies discursives de l´ironie. Notre approche théorique interdisciplinaire permet de couvrir la pluralité des formes d´expression de l´ironie dans notre corpus, et elle comprend des concepts opératoires émanant notamment: de la théorie des actes de langage (Austin 1962 et Searle 1969 et 1979); des maximes conversationnelles de Grice 1975; de la perspective antiphrastique de l´ironie (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980); des théories de la polyphonie linguistique (Ducrot 1984) et de la politesse verbale (Brown & Levinson 1987 et Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 et 2010), ainsi que des études sur l´argumentation (Amossy 2000). La première partie de ce travail est consacrée à la caractérisation du discours parlementaire portugais et à l´analyse critique de certaines études sur l´ironie. Dans la deuxième partie, nous étudions les diverses formes de manifestation de l´ironie dans notre corpus, établissant trois grandes classes d´ironie à partir des différents degrés d´implicitation du jugement ironique; nous y dégageons également les indices d´ironie les plus fréquents. Dans la troisième partie, nous nous penchons sur les principales fonctions et stratégies discursives qui sous-tendent l´utilisation de l´ironie dans le genre discursif en question. Cette démarche nous a permis d´envisager l´ironie comme un mécanisme linguistico-discursif de nature axiologique, visant la disqualification d´autrui, au service de l´argumentation et de la persuasion. / The subject of this study is a semantic, pragmatic and discursive analysis of irony in Portuguese parliamentary debate. We study in particular the implicitation degrees of ironic criticism, the signals, the functions and the discursive strategies of irony. Our interdisciplinary theoretical approach covers the multiple forms that irony takes in our corpus, and includes operating concepts deriving from : the speech act theory (Austin 1962 and Searle 1969 and 1979) ; Grice´s conversational maxims (1975) ; the antiphrastic irony´s point of view (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980) ; the linguistic theory of polyphony (Ducrot 1984) ; the verbal politeness theory (Brown & Levinson 1987 and Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 and 2010) and studies on argumentation (Amossy 2000). The first part of this work focuses on the characteristics of the Portuguese parliamentary discourse and on the critical analysis of different studies on irony. In the second part, we study the different forms of irony in our corpus and identify the most common signals of irony. In the third part, we focus on the main discursive functions and strategies that underlie the use of irony in the discursive genre being analysed. This approach has allowed us to conceive irony as an axiological linguistic-discursive mechanism that aims to depreciate someone, while supporting argumentation and persuasion. / O objeto de estudo deste trabalho é a análise semântico-pragmático-discursiva da ironia no debate parlamentar português. São estudados em particular os graus de implicitação da crítica irónica, os índices, as funções e as estratégias discursivas da ironia. A abordagem teórica interdisciplinar permite contemplar a multiplicidade de formas de expressão da ironia no nosso corpus e inclui conceitos operatórios oriundos nomeadamente: da teoria dos atos de fala (Austin 1962 e Searle 1969 e 1979); das máximas conversacionais de Grice (1975); da perspetiva antifrástica da ironia (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980); das teorias da polifonia linguística (Ducrot 1984) e da cortesia verbal (Brown & Levinson 1987 e Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 e 2010), assim como dos estudos sobre a argumentação (Amossy 2000). A primeira parte do trabalho é dedicada à caracterização do discurso parlamentar português e à análise crítica de determinados estudos sobre a ironia. Na segunda parte, estudamos as várias formas de manifestação da ironia no corpus em análise, estabelecendo três grandes classes de ironia a partir dos diferentes graus de implicitação da apreciação irónica; identificamos igualmente os índices de ironia mais frequentes. Na terceira parte, debruçamo-nos sobre as principais funções e estratégias discursivas da ironia que subjazem à utilização da ironia no género discursivo em questão. Este procedimento permitiu-nos considerar a ironia como um mecanismo linguístico-discursivo de natureza axiológica, que visa a desqualificação de outrem, estando ao serviço da argumentação e da persuasão.