Работа посвящена изучению метафорического образа Джорджии Мелони, лидера ультраправой партии «Братья Италии», в предвыборном медиаполитическом дискурсе Италии 2022 г. Материал исследования составили 288 метафорических контекстов, извлеченных методом сплошной выборки из 47 статей 7 национальных СМИ Италии, выпускаемых массовым тиражом (от 100 тыс. экземпляров) и имеющих не менее 1 млн. подписчиков на онлайн-версию издания. В первой части работы рассматриваются понятие политического и медиаполитического дискурса, а также особенности когнитивно-дискурсивного подхода к анализу метафоры. Классификация и анализ отобранных текстовых фрагментов осуществлялся с помощью информационной систeмы экспeртного анализа «Лингвистика». Во второй части работы раскрываются особенности метафорического моделирования образа Джорджии Мелони в период предвыборной кампании в Италии с 21.07.2022 г. по 25.09.2022 г. Деление метафор на группы производилось на основе количественного показателя. Таким образом, к высокочастотным метафорам были отнесены милитарная и спортивная метафоры; к среднечастотным – зооморфная, физиологическая и театральная; к низкочастотным – религиозная, литературная, кинематографическая, экономическая, метафора взаимоотношений и др. По каждому параметру представлены количественные наблюдения в виде диаграмм. Доминантными метафорическими моделями стали «ДЖОРДЖИЯ МЕЛОНИ – ЭТО ВОИН», «ДЖОРДЖИЯ МЕЛОНИ – ЭТО ИГРОК», «ДЖОРДЖИЯ МЕЛОНИ – ЭТО МОНСТР», «ПОЛИТИКА ДЖОРДЖИИ МЕЛОНИ – ЭТО ПРИУКРАШИВАНИЕ», «ДЖОРДЖИЯ МЕЛОНИ – ЭТО АКТЁР». К числу наиболее подверженных метафоризации локусов внимания относятся отношения Мелони с политическими оппонентами и её личностные качества. / The study investigates the specificity of Giorgia Meloni’s metaphorical image in the Italian pre-election political media discourse in 2022. The research material consists of 288 metaphorical units from 47 articles in the most popular national Italian periodicals for July-September 2022. The first part of the paper deals with the concept of political and media-political discourse, as well as the peculiarities of the cognitive-discursive approach to the metaphor analysis. The selected text fragments were classified and analysed using the information system of expert analysis ‘Linguistics’. The analysis has revealed the highest frequency of the metaphors belonging to the source domains «War», «Sport», «Animals», «Anatomy and physiology of the human body», and «Theatre». For each parameter, quantitative observations are presented in the form of charts. The dominant metaphorical models are ‘GIORGIA MELONY IS A WARRIOR’, ‘GIORGIA MELONY IS A PLAYER’, ‘GIORGIA MELONY IS A MONSTER’, ‘GIORGIA MELONY'S POLITICS IS AN EMBELLISHMENT, ‘GIORGIA MELONY IS AN ACTOR’. Meloni’s relations with political opponents and her traits of characters have the greatest degree of metaphorization.

Cette recherche interroge la perception du phénomène des déplacés environnementaux dans les pays industrialisés à partir de l'observation de deux catastrophes en Italie. L'analyse de la gestion environnementale et de la vulnérabilité dans le contexte italien, ainsi qu'une étude qualitative sur la couverture médiatique, les discours politiques et le vécu des déplacements environnementaux causés par deux coulées de boue à Sarno (en 1998) et à Cerzeto (en 2005), ont révélé les limites de l'usage de ce concept. De plus, cette recherche a montré que ces déplacements se produisent également dans des pays industrialisés, contrairement aux débats théoriques, aux discours politiques et aux représentations médiatiques actuels, qui se focalisent sur les contextes géographiques spécifiques des pays en développement. Les raisons expliquant les différences dans les discours sur ce même phénomène sont ici enquêtées, avec des instruments propres à la géographie et à la science politique. Les resultats de l'analyse révèlent un dessein politique qui vise à instrumentaliser le débat dans le but de renforcer le déséquilibre des pouvoirs politiques dans les pays industrialisés et entre ces derniers et les pays en développement. / This research investigates how the environmentally induced displacement phenomenon is perceived in the Global North on the basis of the evidence gathered in in two Italian catatsrophes. An analysis on the environmental resources management and the vulnerability in Italy has been associated with a study over media coverage, political discourses and personal experiences about environmentally induced displacements following the two landslides in Sarno (1998) and Cerzeto (2005), highlighting the limits of the use of this concept. Moreover, this research illustrated how, contrarily to the current debate, the phenomenon is likely to occur both in the Global North and Global South contexts. The theoretical, political and media discourses and representations seem to be, in fact, mostly focused on specific geographical areas of the Global South. The motivations behind these different descriptions and narratives on the same concept are investigated, through geographical and political science tools. The findings of this research reveal a political agenda exploiting the debate to reinforce the power unbalance within the Global North and between the Global North and the Global South. / La presente ricerca analizza la percezione del fenomeno dei profughi ambientali nel Paesi del Nord a partire dall'osservazione di due casi italiani. L'analisi della gestione ambientale e della vulnerabilità in Italia, associata ad uno studio qualitativo sul trattamento mediatico, i discorsi politici e l'esperienza personale inerente al fenomeno dei profughi ambientali causati dalle frane di Sarno (1998) e Cerzeto (2005), ha messo in evidenza i limiti della definizione di questo concetto. Inoltre, lo studio dimostra in che modo il fenomeno si produca anche nel Nord del Mondo, contrariamente al dibattito teorico, ai discorsi politici e alle rappresentazioni mediatiche correnti che tendono a focalizzarsi su specifiche aree geografiche del Sud, utilizzando una narrativa mono-causale e deterministica. Le motivazioni che spiegano le diverse concettualizzazioni di uno stesso fenomeno sono qui analizzate, attraverso degli strumenti propri alla geografia e alla scienza politica. I risultati di questo studio rivelano un disegno politico che mira a strumentalizzare il dibattito in modo da rinforzare l'asimmetria di potere nei Paesi del Nord e tra questi e i Paesi del Sud.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5288.pdf: 5245279 bytes, checksum: cd4e6554887f5aea197bb69243a6250a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-03 / This research aims to analyze the Brazilian Senate s Foreign Affairs Committee (CRE) according to the Discursive Institutionalism and the Political Discourse theories. This discursive study have sought to verify whether the CRE actually has an important institutional and discursive role in foreign policy making, which is typically deemed to be a preponderant power of the Executive branch, letting little room for the Legislative branch. This thesis argues that Brazilian foreign policy is public policy such as any else, even though foreign policy has the unique feature of usually being negotiated overseas by the Executive branch before the domestic political negotiation due to constitutional and organizational reasons. The methods of institutional analysis are deployed under a discursive perspective in order to demonstrate that the Brazilian Congress and its standing committees were endowed with legislative means of discursive participation in the foreign policy making, and, also, are analyzed the speeches of the senators to show that even those discursive means are subject to political discourse favoring the expansion and the improvement of their own efficacy, which presents the senators as interested participants in the foreign policy discussion. The CRE s political discourse also shows that political parties are important in that discussion, and they are analyzed in an ideological dimension in a left-right continuum in foreign policy done in this work and in their position inside congressional coalition groups, government or opposition. The speeches in the committee are researched through Discursive Textual Analysis on ideological (right-left) cleavage and on congressional coalition (government-opposition) cleavage, on the programmatic ideas of the political parties and on the specific political ideas in the metatexts made from the speeches about foreign affairs. The main results are: the CRE s political discourse has an intrinsically party matter, in which the ideas of the senators reverberate their party programmatic ideas during their coordinative discourse (inside the political instance), the importance of the discursive function of the Senate and of the CRE is crucial for foreign policy making, and the Brazilian foreign policy towards leftist regimes in Latin America was the main issue causing dissent in the committee between 2003 and 2012. / Este estudo teve por objetivo analisar a Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado (CRE) com base na teoria do institucionalismo discursivo e do discurso político. Neste estudo discursivo, buscou-se verificar se a CRE tem um papel institucional e discursivo importante para a elaboração da política externa, tipicamente considerada como uma atribuição preponderante do Poder Executivo em que caberia muito pouco ao Poder Legislativo. Esta tese argumenta que a política externa é uma política pública como as demais, apesar da peculiaridade de se haver uma negociação internacional pelo Poder Executivo que, por questões constitucionais e organizacionais, antecede a fase de negociação política doméstica. São utilizados métodos de análise institucional sob um prisma discursivo para demonstrar que o Congresso Nacional e suas comissões foram dotados de meios legislativos de participação discursiva em da política externa brasileira, e é feita uma análise dos pronunciamentos dos senadores para mostrar que esses próprios meios institucionais discursivos são objetos de um discurso político em favor da ampliação e do melhoramento de sua eficácia, o que faz dos senadores participantes interessados da discussão da política externa. Também é verificada uma importância dos partidos políticos no discurso político da CRE, analisados em sua dimensão ideológica em um continuum esquerda-direita em política externa elaborado neste trabalho e pelo pertencimento a blocos parlamentares governistas e oposicionistas. Os pronunciamentos dos senadores na comissão são investigados por meio da Análise Textual Discursiva sobre a clivagem ideológica direita-esquerda e a clivagem da coalizão parlamentar governo-oposição, sobre as ideias programáticas dos partidos políticos e sobre as ideias políticas específicas presentes nos metatextos construídos a partir dos pronunciamentos dos senadores quanto à política externa. Os resultados atestam que o discurso político na CRE tem um teor eminentemente partidário, onde as ideias dos senadores repercutem as ideias programáticas dos partidos políticos em seu discurso coordenativo (na instância política), que há uma crucial importância da função discursiva do Senado e da CRE na elaboração da política externa e que a política externa do Brasil para os países latinos com governos de esquerda foi a principal questão de dissenso na comissão entre 2003 e 2012.

La existencia o no de ancestros en la Amazonía indígena ha sidoobjeto de importantes debates. Sin embargo, los líderes de la región no dudan en llamar ‘ancestrales’ sus saberes, normas o territorios,en un sentido que, desde un punto de vista académico, puede parecer enigmático. «Ancestrales, pero… ¿con o sin ancestros?», preguntaría entonces, confuso, el antropólogo. En este artículo propongo aportar elementos de respuesta a estapregunta a través del caso peruano. Primero analizo cómo los líderes indígenas amazónicos, conectándose al circuito del derecho internacional, adoptan la noción jurídica de ‘posesión ancestral’ del territorio para adaptarla al ámbito político. Este planteamiento rinde cuenta de la generalización y uniformización reciente del vocablo ‘ancestral’ pero deja pendiente el problema de su eventual articulación con las cosmologías indígenas que pretende reflejar. Por eso, en la segunda parte, intento sondear sobre la pertinenciade la categoría de ‘ancestro’ en la Amazonía indígena, recordando brevemente el debate académico para ir definiendo en qué medida esta categoría puede cobrar sentido. A partir del testimonio de un experimentado líder awajún, la tercera parte permite, entonces, volver más explícitos los diferentes sentidos y planos referenciales que despliega la referencia a lo ancestral, mostrando cómo los indígenas amazónicos no solo adoptan elementos conceptuales y discursivos externos, sino que al mismo tiempo los transforman a partir de sus propias singularidades cosmológicas y perspectivas políticas. / The existence —or not— of the concept of ancestors in the indigenous Amazon has been the subject of much debate. However, regional leaders do not hesitate to call upon ‘ancestral’ knowledge, customs, or territories in the sense that, from an academic point of view, could appear enigmatic. «Ancestral, but… with or without ancestors?» is the question a confused anthropologist might ask. In this article, I propose to offer elements of a response to this question,based on a case study in Peru. First I analyze how Amazonian indigenous leaders, following international law, have adopted the legal notion of ‘ancestral possession’ of their territory to adapt it to the political sphere. This approach accounts for the recent generalization and uniformization of the term ‘ancestral’, but poses the problem of how it articulates with the indigenous cosmologies that it supposes to reflect. For this reason, I explore in the second section the pertinence of the category of ‘ancestor’ in the indigenous Amazon, briefly drawing upon the academic debate in order to define inwhat way this category takes on meaning. Based on testimony from an experienced Awajún leader, we thus return in the third section more explicitly to the different meanings and planes of reference that unfold when one uses the term ‘ancestral’, showing how Amazonian indigenous people not only adopt external conceptual elements and arguments, but also transform them based on their own cosmological singularities and political perspectives.

La recherche menée dans cette thèse traite du discours de l’Union européenne sur l’espace judiciaire européen entre 1996 et 1999. En convoquant l’analyse du discours et la lexicométrie dans un cadre théorique de la sémantique argumentative, elle analyse le sens des mots autour de l’expression « espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice ». L’objectif est de définir comment s’élabore la réappropriation de valeurs universelles au profit du discours et de l’identité européenne véhiculée par les procédés argumentatifs utilisés pour représenter l’espace judiciaire européen. Le contexte politique et les théories linguistiques de la méthode d’analyse exposés, cette thèse porte sur les conditions de communication du discours et de sa particularité sémantique, en montrant qu’il construit une identité en triade renvoyant aux trois valeurs de son emblème triptyque (« liberté, sécurité et justice ») :les institutions, la criminalité organisée et les citoyens. Elle révèle les indices linguistiques de cette construction identitaire avec ses enjeux politiques et de légitimation en introduisant la notion de « normalisation discursive ». Celle-ci adopte un schéma linguistique très marqué conduisant à la mise en œuvre d’un processus de « manipulation argumentative » défini et démontré dans ce travail. Les résultats illustrent que la normalisation et la manipulation engendrent une circularité du discours reposant sur le conflit de deux orientations discursives :celle d’un discours sécuritaire et celle d’un discours sur l’État de droit et la démocratie.<p><p>This thesis studies the discourse of the European Union about the European Judicial Network between 1996 and 1999. Using discourse analysis and lexicometrics within the theoretical framework of argumentative semantics, it explores the meaning of words associated with the expression of « area of freedom, security and justice ». The research mainly aims at understanding how the discourse reappropriate universal values in order to construct, through argumentative processes, a European identity that embodies the European Judicial Network. After presenting the political context and the linguistic theories used in the analysis methods, the thesis examines the conditions of discourse production and its semantic particularities. It argues that the discourse constructs an identity based on the values (liberty, security and justice) conveyed by the three pillars of the European Judicial Network :institutions, organised crime and citizens. The thesis then puts forward the idea of a “discursive normalisation” that helps, through its linguistic forms, to legitimate the identity construction and its political issues. It also defines a process of “argumentative manipulation” resulting from this “discursive normalisation” implementing a very distinctive linguistic frame. According to those results, the research concludes that normalisation and manipulation generate circularity of the discourse, which is based on the conflict between two discursive orientations, on the one hand security and on the other hand democracy and the Rule of law. / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation langue et littérature / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The Reflection of the Exclusion Crisis (1678-1683) in Contemporary Literature Kristýna Hoblová abstract This work of literary history analyses the reflection of the Exclusion Crisis (1678-1683) in contemporary literature across genres. It is based on the theory of the rise of the public sphere by Jürgen Habermas and on the theory of Michael McKeon, understanding the ideology of the late Stuarts as a last remnant of aristocratic ideology. The Exclusion Crisis is presented here as a period of unsettling negotiations between the declining Stuart ethos and the Whig ideology of the rising mercantile classes. The interpretation of chosen texts serves to discover creative transformations of the political discourse of the newly emerging political parties of Whigs and Tories, stressing the negotiations between genres, individual authors and political ideologies. The first chapter offers a brief overview of the socio-historical context, Habermas's theory of the rise of the public sphere and Michael McKeon's conception of aristocratic ideology. It also introduces the Tory political theory defending the Stuart divine right of kings on the basis of Robert Filmer's patriarchal household-state analogy and the Whig defence against absolutist tendencies of the Stuarts through asserting the priority of Law over the Royal...

This master’s thesis in ethnology aim to enlighten the driving forces behind why a local football club, in a segregated residential area, outside of Stockholm in Sweden, chooses to develop its association in a more social direction. This is a cultural study of why football, as a cultural phenomenon, is expected to be able to solve social problems, and more generally how is sport considered a tool and a solution to social problems? Why is football expected to be able to solve segregation in a socio-economically vulnerable areas, of those who lead the sports activities? The empirical material of this essay has been collected through oral interviews from leaders of the association and government officials. Material from the association's development documents, state active board members from the association, government documents, and news articles have also been analyzed. By using the Political Discourse Theory by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe (2008 [1985]), the situations for how the sports activities have been designed can be seen as made in relation to the general hegemonic discourse on the social benefits of sport. It is also possible to discover how government grants work as guidelines and point out what the sports movement should perform under state supervision. Logics of Critical Explanation in Social and Political Theory (2007), by Jason Glynos and David Howarth, are used in the analysis and especially their fantasmatic logic has given this study an insight into the idea or perception that football leaders have of the outside world, in this case the idea of the social benefit of sport. Which in turn can explain why they in turn invest their commitment in and attract their drive from these ideas because the conviction is about being able to change the socio-economic situation in their local area. In the end, however, it turns out that neither sport nor football alone cannot serve as the solution in the fight against child poverty, criminal activity, and segregation. Sport’s simply does not have all the characteristics required to reform, challenge, or question a social order created or even built on inequality and segregation. But this in no way takes sport into account in contexts where it can socially contribute to a community that can play a significant role for its participants in their everyday lives.

[ES] Esta investigación formó parte del proyecto concedido por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad, del Gobierno de España, con referencia FFI2016-77941-P, liderado por la Dra. María Luisa Carrió-Pastor, investigadora, catedrática y directora del Departamento de Lingüística Aplicada, de la Universitat Politècnica de València, España. Se investigó, analizó, reconoció y comparó las estrategias metadiscursivas presentes en los discursos políticos de Lenín Moreno, de Ecuador y de Pedro Sánchez, de España. El estudio identificó patrones metadiscursivos contenidos en el lenguaje político y examinó los mecanismos discursivos de persuasión que apelaban al ethos, pathos y logos, con los que se quería incidir de modo directo o indirecto en las audiencias. El objeto del estudio era determinar la función que cumplían los marcadores del metadiscurso, a nivel retórico-argumentativo, en los discursos utilizados por los políticos referidos para argumentar sus puntos de vista. Se recopiló manualmente discursos presidenciales que abarcaron los años 2017, 2018, 2019 y 2020. Se generó el CORPUS ECU-ES que agrupó 967.382 palabras. El 51% correspondió a Ecuador y el 49% a España. En el primer caso, se observó un período de 34 meses; y, en el segundo, 21 meses. El CORPUS ECU-ES se dividió en dos sub-corpus: el CORPUS ECU con 495.617 palabras (discursos de Lenín Moreno, de Ecuador); y, el CORPUS ES con 471.765 palabras (discursos de Pedro Sánchez, de España). Se utilizó el programa informático "METOOL", diseñado por el Research Institute for Information and Language Processing, of the University of Wolverhampton, del Reino Unido, y se etiquetó e identificó los patrones metadiscursivos. Se asumió como referencia la taxonomía propuesta por Hyland (2005) quien agrupa a los marcadores del metadiscurso en dos grandes categorías: textuales e interpersonales. Para el análisis de los datos, se adoptó la metodología de investigación cuantitativa-cualitativa. Se parametrizó, reconoció, delimitó, diferenció, comparó y correlacionó los patrones metadiscursivos y las diferentes variables obtenidas en el proceso investigador. El estudio determinó que los marcadores metadiscursivos reforzaron los mecanismos persuasivos a nivel retórico-argumentativo en los discursos políticos. Se estableció la concurrencia de variaciones en los patrones metadiscursivos utilizados por los políticos de Ecuador y España. La investigación reveló el uso de patrones metadiscursivos similares y diferentes, según la taxonomía de (Hyland 2005). El estudio estimó relevante contribuir y ampliar los marcos comprensivos de los estudios del metadiscurso, a partir de aportes investigativos, que consideran otros contextos comunicativos, en los estudios intralingüísticos de estilos diferentes del discurso político dentro de una misma lengua: el español. / [CA] Aquesta investigació va formar part del projecte concedit pel Ministeri d'Economia i Competitivitat, del Govern d'Espanya, amb referència FFI2016-77941-P, liderat per la Dra. María Luisa Carrió Pastor, investigadora, catedràtica i, directora de Departament de Lingüística Aplicada, de la Universitat Politècnica de València, Espanya. Es va investigar, analitzar, reconèixer i comparar les estratègies metadiscursivas presents en discursos polítics de l'Equador i Espanya. L'estudi va identificar patrons metadiscursius continguts en el llenguatge polític; i, va examinar els mecanismes discursius de persuasió que apel·laven a l'ethos, pathos i logos, amb els quals es volia incidir de manera directa o indirecte en les audiències. L'objecte de l'estudi era determinar la funció que complien els marcadors del metadiscurs, a nivell retòric-argumentatiu, en els discursos utilitzats pels polítics en Espanya i Equador per argumentar els seus punts de vista. Es va recopilar manualment discursos presidencials que van abastar els anys 2017, 2018, 2019 i 2020. Es va generar el CORPUS ECU-ES que va agrupar 967.382 paraules. El 51% va correspondre a l'Equador i el 49% a Espanya. En el primer cas, es va observar un període de 34 mesos; i, en el segon, 21 mesos. L'CORPUS ECU-ES es va dividir en dos sub-corpus: el CORPUS ECU amb 495.617 paraules (discursos de Lenín Moreno, de l'Equador); i, el CORPUS ÉS amb 471.765 paraules (discursos de Pedro Sánchez, d'Espanya). Es va utilitzar el programa informàtic "METOOL", dissenyat pel 'Research Institute for Information and Language Processing, of the University of Wolverhampton, del Regne Unit, i es va etiquetar i va identificar els patrons metadiscursius. Es va assumir com a referència la taxonomia proposada per Hyland (2005) qui agrupa els marcadors del metadiscurs en dos grans categories: textuals i interpersonals. Per a l'anàlisi de les dades es va adoptar la metodologia d'investigació quantitativa-qualitativa. Es va parametritzar, reconèixer, delimitar, diferenciar, comparar i correlacionar els patrons metadiscursius i les diferents variables obtingudes en el procés investigador. L'estudi va determinar que els marcadors metadiscursius van reforçar els mecanismes persuasius a nivell retòric-argumentatiu en els discursos polítics. Es va establir la concurrència de variacions en els patrons metadiscursius utilitzats pels polítics de l'Equador i Espanya. La investigació va revelar l'ús de patrons metadiscursius similars i diferents, segons la taxonomia de (Hyland 2005). L'estudi va estimar rellevant contribuir i ampliar els marcs comprensius dels estudis del metadiscurs, a partir d'aportacions investigadores, que consideren altres contextos comunicatius, en els estudis intralingüístics d'estils diferents del discurs polític dins d'una mateixa llengua: el castellà. / [EN] This research was part of the project granted by the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, of the Government of Spain, with reference FFI2016-77941-P, led by Dr. María Luisa Carrió Pastor, researcher, professor, and director of the Department of Applied Linguistics, of the Polytechnic University of Valencia, Spain. The metadiscursive strategies present in political discourses by Lenín Moreno from Ecuador and Pedro Sánchez from Spain were investigated, analyzed, recognized, and compared. The study identified metadiscursive patterns contained in political language and it has examined the discursive mechanisms of persuasion that appealed to ethos, pathos, and logos, with which was intended to influence the audiences directly or indirectly. The object of the study was to determine the function of metadiscourse markers, at the rhetorical-argumentative level, in the speeches used by the politicians referred to argue their points of view. Presidential speeches covering the years 2017, 2018, 2019 and 2020 were collected manually. The CORPUS ECU-ES was generated, grouping 967,382 words. 51% corresponded to Ecuador and 49% to Spain. In the first case, a period of 34 months was observed and, in the second, 21 months. The CORPUS ECU-ES was divided into two sub-corpuses: the CORPUS ECU with 495,617 words (speeches by Lenín Moreno, from Ecuador) and, the CORPUS ES with 471,765 words (speeches by Pedro Sánchez, from Spain). The "METOOL" software, designed by the Research Institute for Information and Language Processing, of the University of Wolverhampton, UK, was used and the metadiscursive patterns were tagged and identified. The taxonomy proposed by Hyland (2005) was assumed as a reference, who groups the metadiscourse markers into two large categories: textual and interpersonal. For data analysis, the quantitative-qualitative research methodology was adopted. The metadiscursive patterns and the different variables obtained in the research process were parameterized, recognized, delimited, differentiated, compared, and correlated. The study has determined that the metadiscursive markers reinforced persuasive mechanisms at the rhetorical-argumentative level in political speeches. The concurrence of variations in the metadiscursive patterns used by the politicians of Ecuador and Spain was established. The research revealed the use of similar and different metadiscursive patterns, according to the taxonomy of (Hyland 2005). The study deemed it relevant to contribute and expand the comprehensive frameworks of metadiscourse studies, based on research contributions that consider other communicative contexts, in intralinguistic studies of different styles of political discourse within the same language: Spanish. / Aguinaga Aillón, DJ. (2022). Análisis comparativo de las estrategias metadiscursivas utilizadas en los discursos políticos en Ecuador y España [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/182401

Abstract (version française suit)<p>Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.<p>In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.<p>From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.<p>The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.<p>DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.<p><p><p><p><p><p><p>Résumé<p>Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.<p>La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.<p>En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.<p>Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.<p>Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.<p>DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne. <p> / Doctorat en Langues et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished