L'objet de cette recherche vise à interroger les répercussions psychologiques d’une confrontation à un risque de mort pour des sujets engagés dans un corps d’Armée. Il s’agit d’interroger la souffrance psychique de jeunes militaires qui côtoient la mort lorsque survient un événement à valeur traumatique lors d’une mission à l’étranger (Afghanistan). Cette réflexion métapsychologique, qui prend appui sur de nombreux travaux consacrés au traumatisme et à l’adolescence, se centre sur les réaménagements narcissiques et identitaires à l’issue du double processus d’adolescence : s’identifier, se différencier. Un traumatisme de guerre (blessure physique et/ou psychique) pourrait réactualiser d'anciens événements traumatiques du processus d'adolescence, de ce qui n'est pas advenu dans le processus d'adolescence. À partir de sept situations cliniques, nous avons suivi les mouvements, les balancements, les fléchissements, les tourbillons d’une réalité psychique qui s’exprime dans ses profondeurs atemporelles, anhistoriques, morceaux qu’il faut rassembler, étayer, pour saisir une globalité de l’être en souffrance. C’est tolérer la répétition d’un texte qui « s’écrie » d’abord à l’oral dans ses silences, là où se joue la rencontre avec la mort. Ce dernier, en attente d’une inscription, d’un « faire-trace » qui ne se confond pas avec la remémoration, mélange d'affects exprimés au présent d'un « instemps T » des événements traumatiques passés, des réminiscences, doit être entendu dans sa mouvance aussi infime soit-elle jusqu'au déploiement du symbolique en attente d'une mise au travail, d’un travail de deuil, d’un travail de renoncement et d’un travail de troc ou de penser pourquoi cela échoue. Ainsi, comment le sujet blessé peut-il survivre à une effraction traumatique ? Quels mécanismes peuvent se mettre en place pour parer à un effondrement psychique ? Quelles motivations conscientes et inconscientes peuvent pousser un sujet, à l'issue de l'adolescence, à s'engager dans un « corps » d’Armée ? Un engagement dans un « corps » d’Armée constitue-t-il une « voix » de réélaboration d'un vécu traumatique ancien ? Peut-il permettre un travail de deuil ainsi qu’un travail de troc des anciennes représentations vécues comme mortifères et persécutoires contre de nouvelles représentations sources de vie et une relance des processus psychiques lorsqu'ils ont été enrayés ? / The purpose of this research is to analyse the psychological impacts of a confrontation with a risk of fatalities to subjects engaged in an Army corps. This study wants to question the psychological suffering of young adults soldiers who encounter death when an event value traumatic mission abroad in Afghanistan. This metapsychological thinking focuses on the proposed redevelopment narcissistic and identity at the end of the process of adolescens bearing on the current work, contemporary and older on the twin processes of adolescence : to identify and differentiate. A war trauma (physical and/or psychical wound) can also refresh old traumatic events linked that wich doesn’t happen in adolescence. From seven clinical situations, we have followed the movements, balancing, slowdowns, whirlpool of a psychical reality expressed in timeless depths, a-historical, pieces of history we need to unite, to support, to comprehend the overall suffering subject. As well as, how the subject can survive a traumatic break ? What psychological mechanisms can be put in place to deal with a mental collapse ? What are the motivations for a conscious or unconscious commitment to the Army at the end of the adolescens ? Does commitment to the military give a « voice » to the re-development of a former traumatic experience ? How can one come to terms with the horrors experienced in a traumatic military career and exchange the mortiferous experiences for new sprigs to begin growth of new and positive experiences ?

No description available.

This research is a case study focused on the resocialization of prison gang members through the lens of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice’s (TDCJ) Gang Renouncement and Disassociation (GRAD) process, a nine-month, three-phase voluntary process whereby confirmed prison gang, or Security Threat Group (STG), members renounce their gang membership and disassociate from the gang while still incarcerated. The TDCJ implemented its gang renunciation process to relinquish its dependence on segregating confirmed prison gang members and to provide them a way to transition out of segregation. The GRAD process has been in place since 2000 with more than 2,600 offenders completing it, but little information, other than anecdotal evidence, is available to support or disprove its success or effectiveness at de-ganging and resocializing prison gang members for the long haul. Interviews were conducted with 16 individuals, including GRAD correctional officers and instructors, and law enforcement officers with known expertise and knowledge of prison gang investigations. A limited amount of extant aggregate-level data was provided by TDCJ to supplement the narratives in the qualitative analysis. Findings suggest that the identified goals of the process differ among GRAD staff and non-GRAD staff: GRAD staff focused on offender rehabilitation, and non-GRAD staff focused on gang renunciation. It was also found that resocialization and normative change can and do occur in the closed GRAD environment; however, no tracking mechanism exists to systematically and pro-actively monitor their behavior once they are released from GRAD to determine if they have internalized these new norms and values. Based on the interviews, it also appears that the length of time spent in segregation prior to renunciation renders the offender more grateful and appreciative, and, therefore, more likely to successfully complete the process. Finally, interviews with law enforcement reveal that, upon release to the broader community, these offenders may have renounced the gang – but not the crime. The dissertation ends with limitations to the study, recommendations for future research, and implications for social work. / text

[pt] A aparência física masculina socialmente legitimada no mundo ocidental tornou- se no final do século XVIII, segundo Flugel (1930) em A psicologia das roupas, austera e hermética em relação a qualquer tipo de ornamento artístico, posto que o homem renuncia ao direito de ser considerado belo. Acreditamos, entretanto, tratarse de um fenômeno que só atinge certos segmentos do sexo masculino pertencentes ao universo dos white collars. Portanto, não se estende a todos os homens. Observemos, por exemplo, a vaidade presente na estética regional dos latifundiários do Agreste Nordestino e dos grupos socialmente marginalizados como os cangaceiros, malandros da Lapa, sambistas, bicheiros ad infinutum. Neste trabalho, elegemos alguns elementos da cultura de massa para saber como os discursos sobre os cuidados com a aparência estética no sexo masculino passam a ser enaltecidos pela cultura dominante através de enunciados que apontam para o surgimento de um novo homem. Além disso, examinamos como estas mensagens vêm sendo recebidas pelos sujeitos, tendo em vista o modo através do qual elas entram em conformidade com antigos valores da nossa sociedade. Para tanto, foram analisados diversos estilos de moda masculina, tais como são caracterizados no discurso dos entrevistados, já que acreditamos ser esta uma das maneiras através das quais os indivíduos se posicionam na sociedade, expressando opiniões e emitindo mensagens ao seu respeito. Concluímos, portanto, que estes sujeitos utilizam-se de uma boa parte dos modelos projetados pela indústria para criar a sua própria identidade visual. Além disso, percebemos que eles se colocam contrários à tão alardeada androgenia que vem sendo propagada pela mídia, posto que estão sempre buscando preservar as diferenças entre os sexos através de um mapeamento imaginário do corpo masculino (Portinari, 2003, s.p.). Ainda é importante explicitar que o material colhido é extremamente amplo e abrangente, cujo teor não foi trabalhado e esmiuçado em toda a sua potencialidade, ficando portanto para ser retomado no doutorado. / [en] Because the Western man abandoned his claim to beauty, his socially legitimated physical appearance had turned at the end XVIII century, like Flugel (1930) states in The Psychology of Clothes, into an austere and ascetic form of art. We believe, though, this is a limited phenomenon restricted to a certain segment of the masculine universe: i. e., the white collars1 group. It is, therefore, inexistent in other areas, as demonstrated , for example, the vanity present in the aesthetics of such social outcast groups as the cangaceiros (outlaws from the North East of Brazil), thugs from Lapa, samba dancers, bicheiros ( the Brazilian Mafia), ad infinutum. In this work, we choose different elements of the mass media and analyze their discourse to discover how the importance of the aesthetic pleasure in the physical appearance of the male started to be reintroduced in the main stream culture. We used as material a large number of statements announcing the birth of the new man. Furthermore, we also wanted to find out how these messages are received by men and how the conflict with older values are resolved. Thus, we analyzed different styles of masculine fashion because we believe clotthing is one of paths through which individuals find their place in society, express their opinions and emit messages about their inner selves.

No description available.

Legal status of managers when terminating employment This thesis deals with the topic of the legal status of a manager when terminating employment. The first chapter outlines the gradual evolution of a job position of an employee- manager in between the years 1918 to 2006 and shows conditions under which it was possible to terminate employment with an employee in a managerial position. The next chapter introduces the individual participants to the employment relationships that is an employee, manager and employer. The third chapter describes the two possible ways how to commence employment in case of a manager which is the appointment or the employment contract and defines all the requirements necessary to comply with so the employment is valid. The following chapter concentrates on the rights and obligations of ordinary employees and managers and the obligations of employers. Managers have the same rights and obligations as ordinary employees, but as they also have to fulfil the role of an intermediator between employer and ordinary employees, they enjoy additional rights and obligations. The fifth chapter focuses on the termination of employment of both managers and ordinary employees. The chapter illustrates in detail three ways how to terminate employment. Employment may be terminated by legal...

Pour une doctrine actuellement majoritaire, le contrat désigne l’acte juridique donnant exclusivement naissance à des obligations, soit une contrainte pesant sur la seule personne des parties. Cette approche subjectiviste du contrat fait obstacle à ce qu’il puisse être justifié que certains actes relatifs à une chose se doublent d’un effet réel, c'est-à-dire, d’une limite assignée au libre exercice des prérogatives juridiques relatives à la chose objet du contrat. En consentant à l’acte, le débiteur ne s’oblige pas seulement ; il s’engage à permettre la réalisation du contrat. Le sujet renonce à une part d’autonomie juridique, laquelle se traduit notamment par l’affectation du bien et donc par une perte du libre exercice de sa prérogative sur la chose. À l’effet personnel du contrat s’ajoute un effet réel. La prise en compte de l’effet réel du contrat permet de résoudre, par exemple, les difficultés liées à la détermination de la portée de l’engagement consenti par le propriétaire engagé à une promesse unilatérale, d’expliquer la situation du bailleur ou encore celle de l’apporteur d’un bien en propriété à une société. Inconnu du Code civil et des divers projets de réforme du droit des obligations, mais encore de la doctrine, l’effet réel du contrat ne peut être traduit à l’aide d’une notion existante. L’étude menée suppose donc de procéder à l’élaboration tant de la notion d’effet réel du contrat que d’un régime spécifique. Au terme de cette étude, il est conclu que la consécration de la notion d’effet réel du contrat permet d’appréhender l’ensemble des manifestations de l’engagement contractuel. / For the dominant legal doctrine, a contract is an act creating obligations between parties. This subjective approach, centered on the parties’ personal liability tends to preclude any justification of a potential effect in rem – i.e. a limit to the free exercise of legal powers on the subject matter of the contract. By agreeing to the contract, the contractor not only takes on an obligation, but also pledges to allow the completion of the contract, which implies his submission to a limitation of his rights, especially those relevant to the subject matter of the contract. In addition, as it may carry an assignment of property, a contract cannot be reduced to a simple creation of obligations. The admission of effets in rem makes it possible to establish the duties of an owner bound by a unilateral promise to sell and to explain the commitment of a lessor or of a shareholder bringing assets into the business. Ignored by law and by doctrine, the in rem effect of a contract cannot be fully understood through pre-existing notions. The subject of the study therefore consists in developing an entire theory of effect in rem of contract. In conclusion, it will appear that its recognition is a necessity to fully measure the scope of contractual liability.

La distinction doctrinale des nullités relative et absolue apparaît dans notre droit au XVIe siècle. Depuis, la doctrine enseigne que de sa mise en oeuvre, découle l’entier régime d’une cause de nullité. Le caractère opératoire de cette distinction est régulièrement interrogé, voire contesté. Cette circonstance, ajoutée à celle de sa probable consécration lors de la prochaine réforme du droit des obligations, incite à éprouver la pertinence de cette distinction. Pour assurer sa fonction d’instrument de connaissance du droit, la distinction des nullités relative et absolue doit, comme toute distinction binaire, posséder trois caractéristiques : premièrement un critère de distinction solide assurant son caractère opératoire, deuxièmement une différence de régime significative entre les deux éléments composant la distinction et conférant tout son intérêt à celle-ci, troisièmement une différence de nature entre les deux composantes, établie par le critère choisi, et justifiant la disparité de régime. Or, à l’analyse, la distinction des nullités relative et absolue ne possède ni critère de distinction sûr, ni différence de régime incontestée, ni dualité de nature. L’étude de la nature de la nullité nous conduira à retenir une nature unique : la nullité sera analysée comme une sanction de la légalité, qui doit être prononcée. Le plus souvent, elle le sera par le juge et revêtira alors un caractère judiciaire. Dès lors, à l’unique nature de sanction judiciaire de la légalité il est proposé d’attacher un seul régime, autrement dit, des règles communes à toutes les causes de nullité. La nature commandant le régime, ce dernier doit être élaboré en considération de la nature de la nullité proposée. Il conviendra néanmoins de prendre également en considération les dispositions légales spécifiques à certaines causes de nullité. / The scholarly distinction of relative and absolute nullities appeared in our law during the sixteenth century. Ever since, scholarly opinion has been that the entire regime of a cause of nullity depends on the implementation of this distinction. The operational nature of this distinction is regularly questioned, and even discussed. Yet, its probable establishment by the upcoming reform of the law of obligations urges a scrutiny of this distinction’s relevance. In order to fulfil its task of knowledge of the law, the distinction of relative and absolute nullities must, like every binary distinction, possess three characteristics: firstly, a solid criterion of distinction must enable it to be operational; secondly, the two parts of the distinction must correspond to two sets of significantly different rules, this difference being the heart of the distinction; and thirdly, a difference in the nature of the two parts of the distinction, established by the chosen criterion, and justifying the difference of regimes. However, after close analysis, the distinction of relative and absolute nullities possesses neither a reliable criterion of distinction, nor an uncontested difference in the regimes, nor a duality of nature. The study of the nullity’s nature will enable us to state that nullity has a uniform nature: nullity will be analysed as a sanction of the act’s legality that must be imposed. More often than not, it will be imposed by the judge and will have a judicial nature. Thus, the uniform nature of judicial sanction of the act’s legality must correspond to a single regime, in other words it must correspond to rules that are common to all causes of nullity. Since the nature conditions the regime, the latter must be established by taking into consideration the nature of the proposed nullity. Nevertheless, it is necessary to also take into consideration the legal provisions specific to certain causes of nullity.

Le droit traite principalement l’abstention sous l’angle de la faute d’abstention, mais éprouve des difficultés à appréhender l’abstention du titulaire d’une prérogative qui nécessite une nouvelle approche. Refus temporaire, et non exprimé, de jouir immédiatement des effets de sa prérogative pour les retenir jusqu’au moment le plus opportun, l’abstention crée une situation équivoque. N’ayant ni la clarté d’un exercice actif, ni celle d’une renonciation, elle génère en effet imprévisibilité et insécurité juridique. Cette dernière est d’ailleurs exacerbée par les interprétations erronées dont l’abstention fait l’objet et par l’aggravation dans le temps des conséquences qui touchent celui qui la subit. Ainsi, à défaut de statut légalement défini de l’abstention, il est impératif de se saisir de la problématique d’imprévisibilité de l’abstention du titulaire d’une prérogative pour tenter de l’atténuer, tout en mettant en relief sa légitimité. L’encadrement du comportement de celui qui s’abstient dans le temps est la solution qui s’impose. Ainsi, à compter de la fin d’un délai raisonnable, laps de temps préservant sa liberté au sein du délai imparti, il doit respecter le standard de l’agent raisonnable. À défaut, sa responsabilité pourrait être engagée sans que cela n’exclue la responsabilisation de celui qui subit l’abstention. / French law is usually understanding the abstention as the abstention fault. However, the abstention of the holder of a prerogative can not be analyzed this way and requires a new juridical approach. Abstention creates an equivocal situation by being a refusal, silent and temporary, to immediately enjoy the effects of a prerogative in order to retain them until the most appropriate moment. By being unclear unlike an active exercise or a real renunciation, it generates indeed unpredictability and a lack of legal safety. This insecurity is, moreover, exacerbated by erroneous interpretations of abstention and by the aggravation of the consequences affecting the one who suffers from it with the passing time. As a result, due to the absence of a legal status of abstention, it is imperative to take up the unpredictability problem of the abstention of the holder of a prerogative in order to attempt to mitigate it, while highlighting its legitimacy. The appearing necessary solution finds its way in the regulation of the behavior of the one abstaining in time. Consequently, from the end of a reasonable period, preserving his liberty within the time limit, he has to respect the standard of a reasonable agent. Failing that, his liability could be incurred. This would not exclude the accountability of the person who suffers from abstention.

[pt] Como me tornei Clarice divide-se em três partes. A primeira parte se intitulada Cansaço e se constitui de contos que reconstituem o final da vida de seis autores de literatura brasileira. A saber: Clarice Lispector, Ana Cristina Cesar, Paulo Leminski, Torquato Neto, Caio Fernando Abreu e Hilda Hilst. Misturando elementos ficcionais com biográficos, os contos almejam elaborar um jogo narrativo em que os fatos possam ser tomados pela ficção. A segunda parte se constitui do par de contos Latejos e Enxame. Neles, a voz que narra revela um escritor que passava seus dias se sentindo só em meio ao caos urbano (Latejos) que decide, então, promover fisicamente a imagem do isolamento ao se mudar para um sítio rural a fim de cultivar abelhas (Enxame). A terceira e última parte, que dá título à dissertação, é o ensaio autobiográfico Como me tornei Clarice, que dá sequência às partes ficcionais I e II explicita o processo de composição dos contos de Cansaço bem como busca demonstrar o estado de perturbação necessário para a escrita do homem de trinta anos resistindo à ânsia de seu próprio fim elaborado em Latejos e aprofundado em Enxame. / [en] How I Became Clarice is divided in three sections. The first, Tiredness, is made up of six short stories that re-create the last moments of the lives of six Brazilian authors: Clarice Lispector, Ana Cristina Cesar, Paulo Leminski, Torquato Neto, Caio Fernando Abreu, and Hilda Hilst. These stories combine biographical information and fictional elements in a narrative game where the reader cannot tell fact from fiction. The second section includes two stories, Throb and Swarm, narrated by a writer who spends his lonely days immersed in urban chaos (Throb) and decides to physically promote the image of isolation by leaving the city to live in the country, working as a beekeeper (Swarm). The third and last section, which has the same title as the thesis, How I Became Clarice, is an autobiographical essay; sections I and II deal with the process of creating the short stories of Tiredness and also show the state of mental disorder that allows the thirty-year-old author depicted in Throb and Swarm to write even as he resists his own death drive.