The aim of this essay is to analyse the progression between textbooks written for lower secondary school and upper secondary school that help students to evolve their history consciousness. The study examined how two textbooks each from three different history courses presented the Industrial Revolution and if there is a progression in content between the textbooks. To examine this, texts, study questions and illustrations were examined with a comparative analysis. The results showed that progression occurs between textbooks written for lower secondary school and upper secondary school. This is foremost seen quantitatively, in an increasing amount of facts. However, this increase is not great and can mainly be seen as an increase of facts in combination of the portraiture of new perspectives e.g. the industrialisations impact on society and democracy.

Denna uppsats undersöker hur samma historiska händelse kan ha olika betydelser i film. Idag är människor mer benägna att se en film om en historisk händelse än att läsa en historiebok, och detta innebär att vi måste lära oss att förstå de konventioner som används för att placera historia på film. Historiefilmen kan sägas besitta en palimpsestisk historiskt medvetenhet där lager av fakta och myt smälter samman, hellre än att skiljas åt. Men för att en historisk händelse ska passa in i filmens tidsram måste den bearbetas och detta resulterar i att vissa människor, händelser och rörelser prioriteras, medan andra utesluts. Därför undersöker denna uppsats vad som lagts till / uteslutits och effekterna på sammanhanget och trovärdighet, hur filmen hävdar sin autenticitet, och hur upphovsmannen påverkar trovärdigheten. Analysresultaten av två filmer om den kubanska revolutionen, visar att beroende på vilken del av den historisk händelsen som skildras, skapar filmerna helt olika berättelser med olika budskap. Medan filmen Che-Argentinaren (2008) fungerar som en hyllning av gerillanledaren Che Guevara som Kubas frälsare, visar en vänsterideologi och uttrycker USA förakt, skildrar däremot den andra filmen The Lost City (2005) revolutionens baksida. Den visar en högerideologi, familjevärderingar och USA som frihetens och drömmarnas land. Båda filmerna använder sig av liknande stilistiska strategier för att uppnå illusionen av autenticitet, och filmernas upphovsmän påverkar filmernas trovärdighet i olika grad. Vad jag i uppsatsen till sist menar är att historiefilmen inte bör tas som sanning, utan har en viktig roll som intresseväckare, som förhoppningsvis leder till att åskådaren blir intresserad av att söka sig mer kunskap. / This paper examines how the same historical event can have different meanings in films. Today people are more likely to watch a film about a historical event than to read a history book, and this means that we must learn and understand the conventions used to place history on film. The history film can be said to possess a palimpsetic historical consciousness in which layers of fact and myth come together rather than be separated. But for a historical event to fit within the film's time frame, it must be processed and this results in that certain people, events and movements are given priority, while others are excluded. Therefore, this paper studies what has been added/excluded and the effects on the context and credibility,how the film claims its authenticity, and how the author/filmmakers affects the credibility. The results of the analysis of two films about the Cuban revolution, shows that depending on which part of the historical event depicted, the films create entirely different stories with very different message. While the film Che-Part One (2008) serves as a celebration of the guerrilla fighter Che Guevara as Cuba's savior, according to a leftist ideology and the film is expressing U.S. disdain, the other film The Lost City (2005) however, portrays the revolutions backside, it shows a right-wing ideology, family values and the U.S. as the land of freedom and dreams. Both films use similar stylistic strategies to achieve illusion of authenticity, and the films' creators affect the films credibility in different amounts. What I finally conclude, is that the history film should not be considered as truth, but serve to arouse interest, which will hopefully lead the spectator to seek more knowledge about the historical event.

This thesis studies the uses of the concept of revolution in Swedish socialist press from 1917 to 1924. Political revolution and civil wars shook several countries. The Russian February and October Revolutions were soon followed by uprisings in countries such as Germany and Finland. While the social and political history of this period, with its mass demonstrations for bread and voting rights, often called the Swedish revolution, has been covered extensively in existing research, we know much less about the theoretical understanding of revolution among Swedish socialists. This thesis examines the concept of revolution from a perspective inspired by the Begriffsgeschichte of German historian Reinhart Koselleck. This foundation in the history of concepts aims at understanding how Swedish socialists, in a wide sense, understood their own time, how they related to the past and what they expected from the future, during the years of the First World War and the immediately following years. By focusing on what might be the most central, but also the most contested and most difficult to define, concept I hope to complement earlier research focusing on the social and political history of the period and its socialist movements. The main purpose of the thesis is to analyse how the labour movement understood revolution with particular weight placed upon the theoretical and ideological tensions between revolution and reform, determinism and voluntarism and localized and universal revolution. The starting point is the political and social changes in Sweden and abroad at that time and the place of the political press as opinion leaders capable of negotiating the space of political action. A secondary aim is to discuss how focusing on temporality can inspire new perspectives on the use of conceptual history. My research shows that how the concept of revolution was used was shaped both by already established notions regarding the socialist revolution as well as by the political situation at hand. The October Revolution forced a sharpening of its meaning, wherein different factions elaborated their understanding of it in relation to each other, which in turn determined how the concept was used fom that point on.

Syftet med denna studie är att fastställa vad som motiverade de adliga officerarna i den svenska militären att delta i Gustav III:s revolution 1772. Denna undersökning kommer att använda material skrivet av deltagande adliga officerare mellan 1771 - 1773, med ursprung från Gustavianska eller Sprengtportenska samlingen, samt från biografierna av Johan Christopher Toll och Jakob Magnus Sprengtporten. För att uppfylla det etablerade syftet formuleras tre forskningsfrågor, en primär och två sekundära, som besvaras i separata kapitel. Dessutom kommer undersökningen att tillämpa en kvalitativ textanalytisk metod tillsammans med en deduktiv teoretisk ansats. Denna metod, tack vare dess hermeneutiska användbarhet, möjliggör en omfattande analys av de motiv som anges i materialet, och hur resultaten återspeglar militärens sociala och politiska kultur. Det valda teoretiska ramverket, som tillämpas deduktivt i analysen, är Samuel Finers teori om militär intervention. Mer specifikt används koncept från avsnitt i boken som täcker militära officerares motiv för att ingripa i politik. De slutliga slutsatserna i denna undersökning är att officerarna främst motiverades att gå med i kuppen för att driva det "nationella intresset". De adliga officerarna hade ett långvarigt hat mot landets politiska system, baserat på uppfattningen att det var oförmöget att på ett adekvat sätt skydda vad de såg som nationens intressen. Officerarna, som såg sig själva som fosterlandets beskyddare, anslöt sig till revolten för att installera ett politiskt system som de ansåg kunde skydda nationens fortsatta existens. Officerarna motiverades också på grundval av "ideologi", eftersom konspirationen gav en möjlighet att implementera rojalistiska dygder. Slutligen var ytterligare ett motiv strävan efter "sektionsintressen". Beskyddandet av "gruppintressen", i form av att skydda adelns politiska och ekonomiska privilegier, samt "individuella intressen", där ekonomiska belöningar och befordringar begärdes i utbyte mot lojalitet, fanns också med i bilden. / The purpose of this study is to determine what motivated the noble officers of the Swedish military to participate in Gustav III:s 1772 Revolution. This investigation will be utilizing material written by participating noble officers between 1771 - 1773, originating from Gustavianska or Sprengtportenska samlingen, or from the biographies of Johan Christopher Toll and Jakob Magnus Sprengtporten. In order to fulfill the stated purpose of this investigation, three questions, one primary and two secondary, are formulated and answered in separate chapters. In addition, the investigation will be applying a qualitative text analytical method along with an deductive theoretical approach. This method, thanks to its hermeneutic utility, allows a comprehensive analysis of the motives stated in the material, and how the findings reflect on the military’s societal and political culture. The chosen theoretical framework which is applied deductively in the analysis, is Samuel Finers ‘military intervention’ theory. More specifically concepts from the section that covers military officers' motivations for intervening in politics. The final conclusions made in this investigation is that the officers were primarily motivated to join the coup to pursue the ‘national interest’. The noble officers had a longstanding hatred for the country’s political system, based on the conception that it was unable to adequately protect what they viewed as the nation's interests. The officers, who viewed themselves as the fatherlands protectors, joined the revolt in order to install a political system that they felt could protect the nation's continued existence. The officers were also motivated on the basis of ‘ideology’, as the conspiracy provided a opportunity to enforce Royalist political doctrine. Lastly, a further motive was the pursuit of ‘sectional interests’. The protection of ‘group interests’, in the form of protecting the nobility's political and financial privileges, as well as ‘individual interests’, where financial rewards and promotions were requested in exchange for allegiance, were also present.