This thesis focuses on the manner how a phenomenon often called "media construction of reality" occurs in the Reality TV. This popular television genre is known for mixing reality captured on an omnipresent camera together with fiction elements in order to amuse the audience. In the theoretical part, I will focus on the concepts that are crucial for this phenomenon such as Berger's and Luckmann's social construction of reality, gatekeeping or agenda setting. Also, I will describe the history of Reality TV as a genre and also will focus on main subgenres that can be seen on television these days. In the practical part, I will use narrative analysis to identify how the media are constructing reality in television programmes. The sample for the analysis will consist of 80 episodes from 11 different TV shows of American and British production. These have already spread out of their country of origin and are familiar to Czech audience from local TV channels. My main thesis is that media construction of reality can happen from the very beginning - i.e. from rules establishing to shooting and postproduction. All these phases will be analyzed in this paper.

Master of Arts / Department of Modern Languages / Emma Betz / This conversation analytic study aims to describe how advice is re-issued in German in an institutional setting. Schank (1979) has shown that conversation during German advice programs consists of five different phases, one of which is the advice-giving phase. For the current study, four conversations from a radio advice program were analyzed. The data show that the advice-giving phase identified by Schank is further characterized by three sub-phases: 1) issuing of initial advice, 2) negotiation of rejected advice through reformulations of the initial advice, and 3) offer to move to the closing phase, done via generalization of the previously-given advice. I focus on the delivery of the second phase, in which the advice, previously rejected by the recipient, is re-issued using a number of discourse strategies on the part of the advice giver. These strategies include a change in recipient, a shift in source of the advice, the selection or change in reference (i.e. du ‘you’ vs. ich ‘I’), a change in advised action, and a change in strength. In selecting one of these identified discourse strategies, the advice giver addresses the reason for the rejection of the advice on which the reformulation is based. Finally, in looking at the third phase, I explain the function of generalizations and their role in situating the interlocutors interactionally within the larger advice-giving phase, thus sequencing the complex action (Schank, 1981).

In this paper, I consider the success of Jonathan Swift’s The Drapier’s Letters and Jon Stewart’s The Daily Show in changing the political climate of the world around them. By analyzing the political background of America in the 2000s and the Irish reaction to William Woods’ patent in the 1720s, I prove the influence of Stewart and Swift’s satire. I then analyze the specific tactics each employs in order to achieve an audience and influence change, concluding by comparing the similar tactics that each use, including persona, irony, and humor as a veil of serious intent.

Thesis (M.Tech. - Tourism and PR Management, Dept. of Hospitality)--Vaal University of Technology. / The purpose of this study was to segment the various markets attending the Transvalia Open Air Show (Vaal Region) and the Cherry Festival (Free State). A comparison of the various segments enabled the researcher to identify key success factors with regard to market segmentation for tourism events to be implemented in the Vaal Region. It will also enable organisers to target the correct tourist market segments for both events and provide guidelines for improving the planning and marketing of events in both regions. This study therefore aimed to compare the market segments of two tourism events, the Cherry Festival. held in Ficksburg which is located in the Free State and the Transvalia Open Air Show, held in the Vaal Region. Questionnaires were distributed amongst visitors on the festival grounds as well as in areas surrounding the festival grounds. The study was based on availability sampling since only visitors who were willing to parttcipate in the survey completed the questionnaires. A total of 550 questionnaires was distributed, of which 472 were suitable for use. At the Transvalia Open Air Show 273 questionnaires were completed, of which 260 were usable. Students were trained by the researcher to assist in the survey. The questtonnaires were distributed on the show grounds. The data were used to compile graphs and tables so that a profile of each festival could be designed The variables that were the focal point of this study were gender, occupation, language, visitors' province of ongin, group size, number of days spent at these events and average spend. These results can contribute to better marketing and more targeted markets to create a larger number of attendants. The organisers can determine what type of entertainment, music and activities the attendants favour, so that all the elements of the event can then be marketed as a whole. Feedback also allows the organisers to improve the facilities and services available at the events.

O Setor Feirístico tem grande relevância no cenário econômico nacional e internacional e está em constante expansão. Desse modo, a participação em feiras internacionais tornou-se o portão de entrada de produtos brasileiros no mercado externo por meio das exportações. Durante pesquisa realizada em nível de mestrado (GODOY, 2014), elaboramos um glossário bilíngue português-inglês/inglês-português dos termos fundamentais do setor feirístico. Dando continuidade a esse trabalho, o objetivo geral da pesquisa de doutorado é analisar a terminologia multilíngue português-inglês-francês-italiano desse setor, mais especificamente dos termos utilizados durante o processo de preparação, participação e pós-feira, tendo como objetivo específico a elaboração de um dicionário terminológico multilíngue para uso de profissionais, pesquisadores, estudantes das áreas de comércio exterior e relações internacionais e, especialmente, tradutores e intérpretes. A pesquisa está fundamentada nos conceitos e princípios da Terminologia, mais especificamente da Terminologia Multilíngue e Equivalência Terminológica (DUBUC, 1985, 1992), da Teoria Comunicativa da Terminologia (CABRÉ, 1993, 1999), da Socioterminologia (GAUDIN, 1993), com especial atenção para a Variação Terminológica (FAULSTICH, 1998, 2001), e da Linguística de Corpus (SINCLAIR, 1966) com apoio em BERBER SARDINHA (2004). Para desenvolver este trabalho, reunimos corpora em português, inglês, francês e italiano (livros, artigos e revistas especializados, estudo de mercado das feiras, guias e manuais do expositor, trabalhos acadêmicos, manuais de participação em feiras produzidos por órgãos públicos e privados e leis sobre feiras). Para a coleta dos termos utilizamos o software para tratamento de corpora WordSmith tools (versão 6.0), desenvolvido por Mike Scott (2012), e os armazenamos em fichas terminológicas criadas com o apoio das ferramentas computacionais Access (2010) e SDL MultiTerm (2017). Os 311 termos estudados em cada língua foram analisados em seus contextos de uso e os ganchos terminológicos levantados para a busca e o estabelecimento das equivalências nas quatro línguas. Considerando a relevância da participação em feiras nacionais e internacionais para o crescimento da economia interna e para a expansão das exportações, nosso trabalho será útil tanto para os profissionais do setor quanto para pesquisadores, estudantes, tradutores e intérpretes que produzam textos nas línguas alvo de nosso estudo. / The trade show sector is of considerable importance in the Brazilian and international economic environment and it is constantly expanding. Therefore, participation in international trade shows has become the gateway for Brazilian products to reach foreign markets through exports. In an MA study (GODOY, 2014) we developed a bilingual glossary (portuguese-english/english-portuguese) of key terms of the trade show sector. Following on from this study, the overall aim of this PhD is to analyze the multilingual terminology (portuguese-english-french-italian) of this sector, more specifically the terms used during the process of preparation, participation and post-show, with the specific goal of compiling a terminological dictionary to be used by professionals, researchers, students of foreign trade and international relations areas as well as translators and interpreters. The study is based on Terminology concepts and principles, specifically the Multilingual Terminology and Terminological Equivalence (DUBUC 1985, 1992), the Communicative Theory of Terminology (CABRÉ, 1993, 1999), Socioterminology (GAUDIN, 1993), with special attention to Terminological Variation (FAUSTICH, 1998, 2001), and Corpus Linguistics (SINCLAIR, 1966; BERBER SARDINHA, 2004). To develop this work, we gathered corpora in portuguese, english, french and italian (books, specialized articles and magazines, market studies of trade shows, guides and manuals for exhibitors, academic papers, trade show manuals produced by public and private agencies and legislation on trade). To collect the terms WordSmith software (version 6.0) developed by Mike Scott (2012) was used and the key terms were stored in terminological records created from Microsoft Access (2010) and SDL MultiTerm (2017). The 311 terms studied in each language were analyzed in their contexts of use and terminological links used in the pursuit and establishment of equivalences in the four languages. This study emphasises the importance of participating in national and international trade shows for the growth of the domestic economy and the expansion of exports and helps professionals who work in this field, researchers, students, translators and interpreters who produce texts and translate from or into the languages of this study.

Thesis advisor: William Stanwood / The Daily Show with Jon Stewart's ascendance into the mainstream consciousness has reached a point where many not only consider it to be a source of news, but also Stewart to be one of the most respected and important journalists in the country. This study investigated The Daily Show’s impact on the general public using the theoretical framework of agenda-setting. After grounding the study in existing scholarly research, data, content and textual analyses were performed on 12 Daily Show episodes, as well as data analysis on the corresponding network news broadcasts. It was then concluded that The Daily Show has no significant impact on what people think about no matter what variables were analyzed. Thus, Stewart likely has been right all along in his claim that he and his team are not journalists – rather, they are merely producing a comedy show that happens to involve news and parodies news broadcasts. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: Communication Honors Program. / Discipline: Communication.

L’illusionnisme, ou prestidigitation, est magie simulée, mise en scène du surnaturel. Cette thèse dresse un panorama de cette discipline à la Renaissance selon deux généalogies. La première est technique et pratique. Elle se fonde sur la littérature antique des secrets et la magie naturelle, transmises jusqu’aux savants, ingénieurs, artisans, saltimbanques et philosophes naturels renaissants. Elle implique une esthétique spécifique du choc, de la merveille ou de l’attraction. Sa subtilité technique fascine. Basée sur l’ingenium, elle suppose un « double public » de profanes et d’initiés. Elle ouvre à une science spectaculaire, une technique ludique, se révèle un puissant outil pédagogique et un excellent remède à la mélancolie. La seconde généalogie concerne sa réception sociale. La théologie, la démonologie, la littérature et les beaux-arts se sont confrontés au bateleur et en ont fait un marqueur d’illusion. Figure symbolique utilisée par les prédicateurs ou les polémistes, il prend place au cœur des débats sur la nature des actions diaboliques, la puissance du signe ou la transsubstantiation. Faisant du diable le suprême bateleur, la démonologie condamne généralement en retour le « prestigiateur » et ses illusions. A la croisée de ces deux généalogies, Reginald Scot, protestant, démonologue et premier pédagogue de la prestidigitation, en fait l’instrument de la critique sceptique la plus radicale, dédiabolisant les phénomènes surnaturels. Finalement, l’illusionnisme, véritable objet de savoir transverse à tous les champs, permet de jeter un autre regard sur la technique à la Renaissance. / Illusionism, conjuring art or legerdemain, is simulated magic, staging the supernatural. This thesis provides a global picture of this discipline during the Renaissance period, following two genealogies. The first is technical and practical. It is based on the ancient books of secrets and natural magic, transmitted to scholars, engineers, craftsmen, mountebanks and natural philosophers of the Renaissance periode. It involves a specific aesthetic of shock, wonder or attraction. Its technical subtlety fascinates. Based on ingenium, it assumes a "dual public" of laymen and initiates. It opens to spectacular science and playful technique. It is a powerful teaching tool and an excellent remedy for melancholy. The second genealogy deals with its social reception. Theology, demonology, literature, and the fine arts faced the juggler and made it an illusion sign. This symbol is used by preachers or polemists and takes place at the heart of debates on the nature of devil actions, the power of the sign, or transubstantiation reality. Making the devil the supreme juggler, demonology generally condemns in return the praestigiator and his illusions. Merging these two genealogies, Reginald Scot, Protestant, demonologist and first pedagogue of legerdemain, makes it the instrument of the most radical skeptical criticism, de-demonizing supernatural phenomena. Finally, illusionism is a true object of knowledge, transverse to all the fields, giving a new insight on the Renaissance period technique.

No dia 25/07/2010 o programa Pânico na TV levou ao ar uma brincadeira realizada ao vivo com seus próprios humoristas. Logo que chegaram ao aeroporto de Guarulhos vindos da África do Sul, onde cobriram a Copa da FIFA, foram recebidos pela produção que lhes ofereceu uma carona merecida, já que a equipe estava exausta da viagem e, segundo o próprio programa, havia trabalhado sem descanso e em péssimas condições. Ao invés de irem para casa, conforme o prometido, passaram horas rodando por São Paulo sem destino, até que foram deixados no aeroporto de Congonhas. Lá chegando, um colega humorista os recebeu afirmando que se tratava de uma brincadeira, mas o cansaço do passeio seria apenas a primeira, pois eles deveriam se encaminhar ao estúdio para enfrentarem uma lutadora profissional de vale-tudo. Já muito irritado, um técnico da equipe disse: Eu sou câmera, eu não tenho que tá participando desse negócio aí (...) tô cansado, porra, são quarenta dias, doze horas, comendo mal.... Todos os outros protestaram e, transtornados, se recusaram a participar: É uma falta de respeito isso com o cara que tá trabalhando, quero ir embora, quero ir para minha casa. O produtor do programa interveio e, com um celular em riste, ameaçou: tem uma ordem que é do Emílio e do Alan [diretores] pra todo mundo entrar no carro agora e ir todo mundo pra lá. Não obstante o ódio generalizado, eles retornaram ao carro. O humorista encarregado da piada tentou inúmeras vezes fazer os outros rirem até que, já constrangido, falou em tom de brincadeira: não fica bravo comigo, tô aqui trabalhando, cumprindo ordens, o outro respondeu: Brincar... a gente até compartilha com vocês, só que a gente tá sem comer, sem dormir, entendeu? É desumano isso, prá caramba. O câmera, irado, completou: Eu tenho uma puta consideração com você, mas como você consegue ver graça nisso, ver seus amigos de trabalho se fodendo (...) uma situação que não tem graça (...) O cara lá em casa vai olhar para mim e achar engraçado há há, o câmera man tá fodido. Quando chegaram ao estúdio, aquele que ainda tentava piadas, mas cujo olhar traduzia tristeza, disse com seriedade: Vem, por favor, eu também tô cansado, desculpa aí. Capítulo 1: Como essa coisa pôde ser televisionada sem a menor vergonha? Capítulo 2: O que sustenta a ameaça dos diretores? Capítulo 3: Por que a equipe voltou ao carro? Capítulo 4: Como o humorista suportou ver seus amigos de trabalho se fodendo? Capítulo 5: Por que a piada continuou?No dia 25/07/2010 o programa Pânico na TV levou ao ar uma brincadeira realizada ao vivo com seus próprios humoristas. Logo que chegaram ao aeroporto de Guarulhos vindos da África do Sul, onde cobriram a Copa da FIFA, foram recebidos pela produção que lhes ofereceu uma carona merecida, já que a equipe estava exausta da viagem e, segundo o próprio programa, havia trabalhado sem descanso e em péssimas condições. Ao invés de irem para casa, conforme o prometido, passaram horas rodando por São Paulo sem destino, até que foram deixados no aeroporto de Congonhas. Lá chegando, um colega humorista os recebeu afirmando que se tratava de uma brincadeira, mas o cansaço do passeio seria apenas a primeira, pois eles deveriam se encaminhar ao estúdio para enfrentarem uma lutadora profissional de vale-tudo. Já muito irritado, um técnico da equipe disse: Eu sou câmera, eu não tenho que tá participando desse negócio aí (...) tô cansado, porra, são quarenta dias, doze horas, comendo mal.... Todos os outros protestaram e, transtornados, se recusaram a participar: É uma falta de respeito isso com o cara que tá trabalhando, quero ir embora, quero ir para minha casa. O produtor do programa interveio e, com um celular em riste, ameaçou: tem uma ordem que é do Emílio e do Alan [diretores] pra todo mundo entrar no carro agora e ir todo mundo pra lá. Não obstante o ódio generalizado, eles retornaram ao carro. O humorista encarregado da piada tentou inúmeras vezes fazer os outros rirem até que, já constrangido, falou em tom de brincadeira: não fica bravo comigo, tô aqui trabalhando, cumprindo ordens, o outro respondeu: Brincar... a gente até compartilha com vocês, só que a gente tá sem comer, sem dormir, entendeu? É desumano isso, prá caramba. O câmera, irado, completou: Eu tenho uma puta consideração com você, mas como você consegue ver graça nisso, ver seus amigos de trabalho se fodendo (...) uma situação que não tem graça (...) O cara lá em casa vai olhar para mim e achar engraçado há há, o câmera man tá fodido. Quando chegaram ao estúdio, aquele que ainda tentava piadas, mas cujo olhar traduzia tristeza, disse com seriedade: Vem, por favor, eu também tô cansado, desculpa aí. Capítulo 1: Como essa coisa pôde ser televisionada sem a menor vergonha? Capítulo 2: O que sustenta a ameaça dos diretores? Capítulo 3: Por que a equipe voltou ao carro? Capítulo 4: Como o humorista suportou ver seus amigos de trabalho se fodendo? Capítulo 5: Por que a piada continuou? / On July 25, 2010, the TV show Pânico na TV (Panic on TV) aired a live joke involving its own comediants. As soon as they arrived at Guarulhos airport coming from South Africa, where they had covered the FIFA World Cup, they were welcomed by the production, which offered them a ride they deserved, since the team was exhausted, and, according to the show itself, had worked non-stop in terrible conditions. But instead of going home as promised, they spent hours driving around the city of São Paulo, until they were left at Congonhas airport. There, another comediant told them it was a joke, and the weariness of the ride would be only the beginning, once they should now go to the studio to fight a professional MMA fighter. Already very angry, a technician said: \"I\'m a cameraman, I don\'t have to take part into this (...) I\'m fucking tired, it was forty days, twelve hours, bad food...\" Everybody else protested, and, upset, refused to participate: \"This is a lack of respect with a working guy, I want to go away, I want to go home\". The show producer came, and, with his mobile in his hand, threatened: \"I\'ve got an order from Emílio and Alan (the directors) for everybody to step into that car now and go there\". So despite the general hatred, they went back to the car. The comediant in charge of the joke tried several times to make the others laugh, until, already embarrassed, said playfuly: \"don\'t get mad at me, I\'m working here, under orders\", to which another answered: \"Joking... we even share that with you, but we haven\'t eaten or slept, got it? This is fucking not human\". The cameraman, furious, added: \"I respect you a lot, but how can you see anything funny here, watching your co-workers getting screwed (...) not a funny situation really (...) the guy back at home will look at me and think this is funny, \'haha, the cameraman is fucked\'\". When they got to the studio, the one who was still trying to make jokes, but whose look expressed sadness, said seriously: \"Come on, please, I\'m also tired, I\'m sorry\". Chapter 1: How could this thing be shamelessly aired? Chapter 2: What sustains the directors\' threat? Chapter 3: Why did the crew go back to the car? Chapter 4: How did the comediant stood \"watching his co-workers getting screwed?\" Chapter 5: Why did the joke go on?

University of Macau / Faculty of Arts and Humanities. / Department of English

The aim of this study was to examine how women and men are presented in the public service entertainment journalism, and more exact how they are presented in the Swedish-Norwegian television talk show Skavlan and what roles they are assigned to in Skavlan. The main question for this study was “What roles are assigned to women and men in Skavlan?” With roles, I mean roles that are connected to the aspect of power between women and men that can be found in gender-theory. To answer the main question and the purpose of the study I analyzed four interviews from the latest season of Skavlan where both men and women are being interviewed, using critical discourse analysis according to Fairclough.  The result of the study shows that women and men are assigned to different kind of roles in Skavlan and the roles are gender stereotyped. Men are assigned to roles such as authoritarian and knowing and women are assigned to roles such as responsible and high-performance. Men are also presented as superior to the woman and in the majority of the interviews men are using verbal suppression techniques against each other and against women. Sometimes it can also be perceived as if women are using verbal suppression techniques, even if it’s more obvious that men are using it.