No dia 25/07/2010 o programa Pânico na TV levou ao ar uma brincadeira realizada ao vivo com seus próprios humoristas. Logo que chegaram ao aeroporto de Guarulhos vindos da África do Sul, onde cobriram a Copa da FIFA, foram recebidos pela produção que lhes ofereceu uma carona merecida, já que a equipe estava exausta da viagem e, segundo o próprio programa, havia trabalhado sem descanso e em péssimas condições. Ao invés de irem para casa, conforme o prometido, passaram horas rodando por São Paulo sem destino, até que foram deixados no aeroporto de Congonhas. Lá chegando, um colega humorista os recebeu afirmando que se tratava de uma brincadeira, mas o cansaço do passeio seria apenas a primeira, pois eles deveriam se encaminhar ao estúdio para enfrentarem uma lutadora profissional de vale-tudo. Já muito irritado, um técnico da equipe disse: Eu sou câmera, eu não tenho que tá participando desse negócio aí (...) tô cansado, porra, são quarenta dias, doze horas, comendo mal.... Todos os outros protestaram e, transtornados, se recusaram a participar: É uma falta de respeito isso com o cara que tá trabalhando, quero ir embora, quero ir para minha casa. O produtor do programa interveio e, com um celular em riste, ameaçou: tem uma ordem que é do Emílio e do Alan [diretores] pra todo mundo entrar no carro agora e ir todo mundo pra lá. Não obstante o ódio generalizado, eles retornaram ao carro. O humorista encarregado da piada tentou inúmeras vezes fazer os outros rirem até que, já constrangido, falou em tom de brincadeira: não fica bravo comigo, tô aqui trabalhando, cumprindo ordens, o outro respondeu: Brincar... a gente até compartilha com vocês, só que a gente tá sem comer, sem dormir, entendeu? É desumano isso, prá caramba. O câmera, irado, completou: Eu tenho uma puta consideração com você, mas como você consegue ver graça nisso, ver seus amigos de trabalho se fodendo (...) uma situação que não tem graça (...) O cara lá em casa vai olhar para mim e achar engraçado há há, o câmera man tá fodido. Quando chegaram ao estúdio, aquele que ainda tentava piadas, mas cujo olhar traduzia tristeza, disse com seriedade: Vem, por favor, eu também tô cansado, desculpa aí. Capítulo 1: Como essa coisa pôde ser televisionada sem a menor vergonha? Capítulo 2: O que sustenta a ameaça dos diretores? Capítulo 3: Por que a equipe voltou ao carro? Capítulo 4: Como o humorista suportou ver seus amigos de trabalho se fodendo? Capítulo 5: Por que a piada continuou?No dia 25/07/2010 o programa Pânico na TV levou ao ar uma brincadeira realizada ao vivo com seus próprios humoristas. Logo que chegaram ao aeroporto de Guarulhos vindos da África do Sul, onde cobriram a Copa da FIFA, foram recebidos pela produção que lhes ofereceu uma carona merecida, já que a equipe estava exausta da viagem e, segundo o próprio programa, havia trabalhado sem descanso e em péssimas condições. Ao invés de irem para casa, conforme o prometido, passaram horas rodando por São Paulo sem destino, até que foram deixados no aeroporto de Congonhas. Lá chegando, um colega humorista os recebeu afirmando que se tratava de uma brincadeira, mas o cansaço do passeio seria apenas a primeira, pois eles deveriam se encaminhar ao estúdio para enfrentarem uma lutadora profissional de vale-tudo. Já muito irritado, um técnico da equipe disse: Eu sou câmera, eu não tenho que tá participando desse negócio aí (...) tô cansado, porra, são quarenta dias, doze horas, comendo mal.... Todos os outros protestaram e, transtornados, se recusaram a participar: É uma falta de respeito isso com o cara que tá trabalhando, quero ir embora, quero ir para minha casa. O produtor do programa interveio e, com um celular em riste, ameaçou: tem uma ordem que é do Emílio e do Alan [diretores] pra todo mundo entrar no carro agora e ir todo mundo pra lá. Não obstante o ódio generalizado, eles retornaram ao carro. O humorista encarregado da piada tentou inúmeras vezes fazer os outros rirem até que, já constrangido, falou em tom de brincadeira: não fica bravo comigo, tô aqui trabalhando, cumprindo ordens, o outro respondeu: Brincar... a gente até compartilha com vocês, só que a gente tá sem comer, sem dormir, entendeu? É desumano isso, prá caramba. O câmera, irado, completou: Eu tenho uma puta consideração com você, mas como você consegue ver graça nisso, ver seus amigos de trabalho se fodendo (...) uma situação que não tem graça (...) O cara lá em casa vai olhar para mim e achar engraçado há há, o câmera man tá fodido. Quando chegaram ao estúdio, aquele que ainda tentava piadas, mas cujo olhar traduzia tristeza, disse com seriedade: Vem, por favor, eu também tô cansado, desculpa aí. Capítulo 1: Como essa coisa pôde ser televisionada sem a menor vergonha? Capítulo 2: O que sustenta a ameaça dos diretores? Capítulo 3: Por que a equipe voltou ao carro? Capítulo 4: Como o humorista suportou ver seus amigos de trabalho se fodendo? Capítulo 5: Por que a piada continuou? / On July 25, 2010, the TV show Pânico na TV (Panic on TV) aired a live joke involving its own comediants. As soon as they arrived at Guarulhos airport coming from South Africa, where they had covered the FIFA World Cup, they were welcomed by the production, which offered them a ride they deserved, since the team was exhausted, and, according to the show itself, had worked non-stop in terrible conditions. But instead of going home as promised, they spent hours driving around the city of São Paulo, until they were left at Congonhas airport. There, another comediant told them it was a joke, and the weariness of the ride would be only the beginning, once they should now go to the studio to fight a professional MMA fighter. Already very angry, a technician said: \"I\'m a cameraman, I don\'t have to take part into this (...) I\'m fucking tired, it was forty days, twelve hours, bad food...\" Everybody else protested, and, upset, refused to participate: \"This is a lack of respect with a working guy, I want to go away, I want to go home\". The show producer came, and, with his mobile in his hand, threatened: \"I\'ve got an order from Emílio and Alan (the directors) for everybody to step into that car now and go there\". So despite the general hatred, they went back to the car. The comediant in charge of the joke tried several times to make the others laugh, until, already embarrassed, said playfuly: \"don\'t get mad at me, I\'m working here, under orders\", to which another answered: \"Joking... we even share that with you, but we haven\'t eaten or slept, got it? This is fucking not human\". The cameraman, furious, added: \"I respect you a lot, but how can you see anything funny here, watching your co-workers getting screwed (...) not a funny situation really (...) the guy back at home will look at me and think this is funny, \'haha, the cameraman is fucked\'\". When they got to the studio, the one who was still trying to make jokes, but whose look expressed sadness, said seriously: \"Come on, please, I\'m also tired, I\'m sorry\". Chapter 1: How could this thing be shamelessly aired? Chapter 2: What sustains the directors\' threat? Chapter 3: Why did the crew go back to the car? Chapter 4: How did the comediant stood \"watching his co-workers getting screwed?\" Chapter 5: Why did the joke go on?

Phénomène apparu à la fin des années quatre-vingt avec l’animateur Rush Limbaugh, le talk-show radiophonique conservateur américain a joué un rôle important dans la vie politique du pays. Cette recherche en retrace les différentes phases de 1988 à 2010 pour lui rendre sa place dans l’histoire politique américaine des dernières. Elle défend la thèse que le talk-show radiophonique conservateur a constitué un puissant instrument de contestation et a joué un rôle historique dans la reconquête du pouvoir par les Républicains.Dans un premier temps, le contexte politique et médiatique de la résurgence du conservatisme dans les années soixante est revisité pour situer le talk-show radiophonique dans la tradition communicationnelle du mouvement conservateur et défendre l’idée que l’émergence du phénomène en tant que force politique au début des années 1990 constitue « le deuxième rendez-vous des conservateurs avec les médias alternatifs »Dans un deuxième temps, la recherche se propose d’analyser les phases et cycles du talk-show conservateur dans son âge d’or ainsi que les figures de ses éditocrates dominants. Il s’agit d’établir que le contournement des médias de référence par le talk-show s’est opéré en tandem avec l’élite républicaine au moyen d’une « relation spéciale » qui s’est nouée au cours de la campagne présidentielle de 1992 et renforcée très nettement au cours du premier mi-mandat de Bill Clinton. Afin de définir ces phases, la recherche s’appuie sur Rush Limbaugh comme figure fondatrice du genre, puis se concentre sur Hannity, Ingraham et Savage, nouveaux animateurs d’envergure nationale qui émergent au tournant du siècle. Dans un dernier temps, la forme et le contenu du talk-show radiophonique sont explorés afin de mettre en évidence les modalités de la contestation. La thèse se concentre sur l’analyse du dispositif et la rhétorique des talk-shows à proprement parler, en se focalisant sur ceux qui ont façonné le genre et sa notoriété. Elle analyse le discours des quatre animateurs de manière comparative afin de montrer que les talk-shows radiophoniques conservateurs déploient une stratégie de « contenu sur mesure ». / A new media genre that appeared in the late eighties, conservative talk radio in the US has played a significant role in the country’s politics. This research explores the history of the medium from 1988 to 2010. It argues that, throughout the period, conservative talk radio has been a powerful instrument of dissent and has played a very significant role in the Republican ascendancy of the mid-1990s. First, this research revisits the political and media context of the resurgence of conservatism in the 1960s in order to situate the genre in the communication tradition of the conservative movement and entertain the argument that the emergence of conservative talk radio as a political force in the early nineties represents “conservatives’ second rendezvous with alternative media.”Second, this dissertation analyses the phases of conservative talk radio during its golden age as well as its dominant pundits. It argues that conservative talk radio shows circumvented traditional media by establishing a “special relationship” with the Republican establishment as early as Bill Clinton’s first presidential campaign in 1992. In order to define such phases, this research focuses on Rush Limbaugh as the founding figure of the genre and then concentrates on Sean Hannity, Laura Ingraham and Michael Savage, the new hosts who emerged at the turn of the century. Last, the form and content of conservative talk radio programs are explored in order to show how dissent is engineered. This research then analyzes the apparatus and rhetoric of the programs, focusing on those that shaped the genre and made it famous. It explores the content of the four shows comparatively in order to demonstrate that the hosts unfurl a strategy of “tailored content.”

The paper explores the complicated intersection between Black womanhood and performance by considering Josephine Baker as a site to engage the concept of “performing identity.” It discuss both the development of burlesque and the history of Josephine Baker to provide a foundation for the investigation of her early-career movement and visual practices. Then, the paper explore these hallmarks through Sherril Dodds’ “critical components of neo-burlesque striptease” writ into her book, Dancing on the Canon: Embodiments of Value in Popular Dance. The second half of this document includes a script of CATHARSIS, a self-devised solo show created to process one’s personal journey towards self-recognition amidst the (de)stabilizing effects of adoption. The show broadly explores the dynamic relationship between visibility, movement, and healing as Megh negotiates what it means to take space and be vulnerable in an environment that seeks to minimize black femme expression. The script is followed by a reflection on the initial two performances.

The contents of this thesis will detail the entire process I took in making the first episode of Unintentional Community. I have broken up my process into six parts. Part One will discuss the inspirations for the show as well as how it came about. Part Two will cover all of the pre-production work that my team and I went through. Part Three discusses the entire process of my shooting experience as a director and actor. Part Four details the long post-production process. Part Five talks about the show’s bible. Finally, Part Six lays out our entire plan for how we intend to shop Unintentional Community.

Members of the legal system (e.g., experts, jurors, investigators) are often skeptical of the information provided by intoxicated witnesses given the negative stigma surrounding alcohol and memory. However, studies examining the relationship between alcohol and witness memory often find that alcohol has no effect on peoples’ recall or their ability to identify a previously seen face. While insightful, the validity of these findings has been questioned given the low-moderate blood alcohol concentration (BAC) levels tested in these predominantly laboratory-based studies, which may not be high enough to consistently expose the cognitive deficits alcohol is expected to create. The present study examined how elevated BAC levels affect witnesses’ recall. In addition, it examined how identification format (i.e., showup versus lineup) impacts witnesses’ identification decisions at elevated BAC levels. Bar patrons (N = 132) were asked to participate in a study examining the effects of alcohol on cognitive and motor functioning. Consenting patrons’ BAC levels were recorded and they were given instructions for their first motor task. Midway through this task a confederate intruder entered the room and caused a disturbance. Participants were then asked to recall the intrusion via a mock interview and identify the intruder from a lineup or showup in which she was pictured (target-present) or was not pictured (target-absent). This procedure yielded participants with BAC levels as high as .24%. Linear regressions showed that elevated BAC levels reduced both the quantity and quality of information provided by participants. Logistic regressions showed that alcohol had no effect on identification decisions, regardless of identification format or target presence. These data highlight the importance of testing witnesses’ memory across a broad BAC spectrum and suggest that the legal system may benefit from expert information on alcohol’s lack of effect on memory for faces, despite what jurors may believe.

Since the invention of the World Wide Web in 1990 and the commercialization of the internet, numerous scholars and cultural critics have interrogated the cultural and economic role of attention, as both a psychobiological ability and a psychosocial good. In particular, commentators from many disciplines posit contested theories of an attention economy, a socioeconomic regime in which, since information and communications technologies make information abundant, the attention needed to acquire information becomes the world's most scarce economic resource. This dissertation argues that a parallel body of postmodernist narratives has emerged from the same conditions, in which technologies of attention enmesh individuals in illegible systems of production, consumption, surveillance, and thought management. Intensified strategies for focusing individual and collective attention are essential components of these narratives, and thus attention, as a means and an end, plays a central role in dramatic tensions between power and resistance. At a time of increased concern for what happens to the long narrative in the age of the text and tweet, my analyses of the film The Truman Show (Peter Weir, 1998), novels Glamorama (Bret Easton Ellis, 1998) and Dead Stars (Bruce Wagner, 2012), and graphic novel series Transmetropolitan (Warren Ellis and Darick Robertson, 1998-2003), explore both continuities and disjunctions in how different media represent this narrative, since diverse institutional codes dictate conditions of production and reception. Despite the different physiological, technological, temporal, and spatial demands these texts place upon their readers' attention, in the main they share an emblematic suspicion of attention's relationship to the governing institutions of American life, which ask subjects to attend to their bodies, minds, schedules and life objectives according to a digitized ideology of perpetual labor, consumerism, and efficiency. This dissertation also intervenes in debates about the value of close textual analysis, arguing that paying attention to narrative forms and themes forces readers to pay attention to the act of paying attention, increasingly important at a time when large institutions find new ways to monetize attention as a form of unpaid labor.

Agricultural shows are community-based festivals that represent a majority of festivals staged in rural destinations within Australia. Recent anecdotal evidence indicates their survival is being threatened. Declines in the overall number of shows and visitor attendance have been widely reported, yet an analysis of the reason for these declines has not been investigated. Agricultural shows are managed by volunteers within not-for-profit show societies who are finding it difficult to survive in an increasingly competitive and challenging external environment. Little is understood about these show societies, their volunteer managers and the management effectiveness. This study has addressed these gaps by investigating show society management effectiveness by means of a marketing concept paradigm. A case study method employing qualitative in-depth interviews with key show society members and other stakeholders was conducted on one agricultural show. Findings reveal that this show society is managed by volunteers whose primary involvement motivation is based upon self-interest in one or more components of the show. The majority of these individuals do not have management skills and expertise required to manage a festival and whilst it is important to note their volunteering contribution, it is this lack of skills and knowledge that has prevented a systematic approach to management. There is no attempt at consumer research, strategic planning, organisational planning or volunteer recruitment. The show programs do not change to reflect the current needs of the community, rather what is affordable, who can organise it and what has always been done. As a result, the case study show society is not employing a marketing concept orientation but a product concept orientation. This study concludes that without this focus, the show society will be ill equipped to meet changing customer demands and stay abreast of competitors. To assist agricultural shows to manage future challenges and adopt a marketing concept, a theoretical model has been proposed that incorporates existing frameworks and this study’s findings. / M. Commerce (Hons.)

“Learning on the Run” refers to the educational experiences of the primary school children travelling along the agricultural show ‘circuits’ in coastal and western Queensland. This thesis examines those educational experiences by drawing on the voices of the show children, their parents, their home tutors and their teachers from the Brisbane School of Distance Education, which from 1989 to 1999 implemented a specialised program of Traveller education for these children (in 2000 a separate school was established for them). The thesis focusses on the interplay among marginalisation, resistance and transformation in the spaces of the show people’s itinerancy. It deploys Michel de Certeau’s (1984, 1986) concept of ‘tactics of consumption’ and Mikhail Bakhtin’s (1986a) notions of ‘outsiddness’ and ‘creative understanding’ to interrogate the show people’s engagement with their absence of place, the construction of their otherness and forms of seemingly unproblematic knowledge about their schooling. Data gathering techniques included semi-structured interviews with forty-two people between 1992 and 2000 in seven sites in Queensland - Mackay, Bundaberg (over two years), Emerald, Brisbane, Rockhampton and Yeppoon - and document collection. The thesis’s major finding is that the show people’s resistance and transformation of their marginalising experiences have enabled them to initiate and implement a significant counternarrative to the traditional narrative (and associated stereotypes) attending their itinerancy. This counternarrative has underpinned a fundamental change in their schooling provision, from a structure that worked to marginalise and disempower them to a specialised form of Traveller education. This change contributes crucially to understanding and theorising the spaces of itinerancy, and highlights the broader significance of the Queensland show people’s “learning on the run”.

AbstractTitle: Political Bias in Entertainment (Politisk partiskhet i underhållning)Number of pages: 38Author: Andreas GawellTutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: Fall 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/Aim: The purpose of this research paper was to investigate political bias in TheDaily Show before the presidential election 2008.Material/Method: With a quantitative content analyze based on variables connected withtheory from investigating bias in news, I am looking at 19 episodes of The Daily Showstarting one month before the presidential election 2008.Main results: The results of this research indicated a liberal bias in The Daily Show favoringthe Democratic Party. Both parties was made fun of and joked about, but the Republican Partyand its candidates was a lot more frequently laughed at then its Democratic equivalent. Alsolooking at the issues that came up in the show you can see Republicans getting to talk aboutissues not on their own agenda more frequently than Democrats.Keywords: The Daily Show, political bias, presidential election 2008, Republican Party,Democratic Party

Le présent mémoire se penche sur les liens entre l'information et le divertissement à la télévision, en ciblant plus particulièrement les États-Unis. Il explore l'univers de l'infotainment par le biais de deux émissions humoristiques américaines qui traitent d'actualité. Nous dressons dans un premier temps un bref portrait des tendances qui affectent l'information télévisée aux États-Unis, ce qui nous donne l'occasion de remarquer que les bulletins de nouvelles de toutes les chaînes subissent une perte d'auditoire. Cette dernière s'explique par divers facteurs dont la concurrence d'Internet, la perte de confiance des Américains envers leurs médias en général ainsi qu'une migration du public vers les émissions humoristiques et les talk shows de fin de soirée pour entendre parler d'actualité et de politique. C'est sur ce dernier aspect que nous nous attardons en poursuivant sur la part grandissante du mélange des genres (information et divertissement) et le débat qui gravite autour de l'infotainment. La mission démocratique des médias selon Blumler et Gurevitch est la théorie que nous utilisons pour sonder ce phénomène. Le cas que nous choisissons d'étudier dans cette perspective correspond aux émissions The Daily Show et The Colbert Report de la chaîne câblée Comedy Central. Nous posons comme hypothèse que celles-ci peuvent partiellement répondre à cette mission démocratique des médias en abordant des enjeux sérieux à travers un regard critique et réflexif. Pour vérifier la validité de cette hypothèse, nous effectuerons une analyse de contenu, surtout qualitative, d'épisodes diffusés pendant la période 2006-2007. Chacun des épisodes sélectionnés sera donc examiné par le biais d'une grille d'observation dont les indicateurs sont issus des critères de Blumler et Gurevitch. Nous arrivons par cette démarche à la conclusion que les deux émissions à l'étude présentent un contenu informationnel substantiel et occupent un rôle de chien de garde par rapport aux personnalités et institutions politiques. Fait intéressant, The Daily Show et The Colbert Report exercent également une surveillance des médias télévisuels qui couvrent ces derniers et mettent ainsi de l'avant une réflexion à deux niveaux. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Télévision américaine, Information, Divertissement, Journalisme télévisé, Mission démocratique et métissage des genres.