<p>Fängelse- och straffsystemet är som uppfinning unik, ingen annan institution i samhället har samma syfte eller funktion. Fängelset är en del av samhället och har som uppgift att straffa de individer som samhället bestämt brutit mot våra gemensamt överenskomna lagar. Många aktörer befinner sig på kriminalvårdens arena. Det är beslutsfattare som tar beslut om lagar och ekonomiska resurser, det är vårdare som både ska kontrollera och hjälpa de intagna till ett liv fritt från kriminalitet och det är givetvis de intagna själva. Dessa aktörer är både en del av kriminalvården samtidigt som de bidrar till att forma och utveckla den. Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fem texter från olika aktörer för att ta reda på hur de talar om den intagne och vilka diskurser som styr densamme. I slutänden ämnar jag även diskutera vad dessa diskurser betyder och får för konsekvenser. Texterna är författade av tre aktörer; beslutsfattare som producerat lagtexten,8 förordningen9 och regleringsbrevet,10 Kriminalvården som utarbetat visionen för sitt arbete,11 samt det brottspreventiva programmet Brotts-Brytet som författat sin teorimanual.. Dessa texter och aktörer kommer diskuteras utförligare längre fram i uppsatsen.</p>

<p>Den 14 januari 2004 inleddes rättegången i Stockholms tingsrätt mot Mijailo Mijailovic vilket var en början på en lång rättslig process som avslutades den 2 december 2004 i Högsta domstolen. Rättegången stod under en stor mediabevakning och följdes därigenom av det svenska folket. Uppsatsen behandlar hur en av Sveriges största dagstidningar, Svenska Dagbladet, har framställt den rättsliga processen och vilken eller vilka diskurser som konstrueras och presenteras i deras artiklar. Fokus ligger främst på vilka aktörer Svenska Dagbladet väljer att presentera och hur deras åsikter och resonemang framförs samt hurSvenska Dagbladet framställer Mijailovic som subjekt. Teoretisk utgångspunkt i uppsatsen är socialkonstruktionism samt diskursanalys där diskursteori främst används som metod.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to scrutinise the statements from the social authorities to the criminal courts in the juvenile justice process, and to analyse in what extent these statements influenced the criminal courts in their penalty sentencing for boys aged 15-17 years, suspected and convicted for assault and battery and grand assault and battery, in Stockholm County the years of 1998 and 2000. In 1998 a child’s perspective and the concept of the best interest of the child was introduced in the Social services act. A legal reform in 1999 in the criminal code introduced the concept of just desert for juvenile offenders, to make the juvenile justice system more predictable and fair and to make the statements more clarifying to the courts. Laws, preparatory documents and legal doctrine are studied. Theoretically, discourse analysis and neoinstitutional organisational theories are points of departure. The empirical material consists of criminal statistics, 103 statement from the welfare agencies and 103 criminal court records. The social authorities statements are scrutinised to discern specific patterns of intervention and then analysed together with criminal court records. The result indicates that the juvenile justice system seems to be unpredictable and unfair due to several factors linked to each other. There is a striking uncertainty in the statements because of great variations. The concept of the best interest of the child is hardly expressed as an interest in the statements. Social interventions are proposed both on the behalf of the child’s needs and to punish the child in a criminal justice mode. The statements seem to influence the courts sentencing in a great extent but there are difficulties to discern the grounds for differences in criminal sentencing. The juvenile justice system and the social services laws seem to be incompatible by contradictions in terms.

The purpose with this essay has been to describe and understand why youth community service became a penalty in Sweden. The political discourse in which youth community service was established has been analyzed with Laclau &amp; Mouffe´s discourse theory. A social constructivist onset and a discourse analysis were the methodological tools of the essay. The result is two folded. Youth community service was created to strengthen the constitutional state, combined with high beliefs of the social services competence. Furthermore the images of the youth offenders had an impact on the argumentation, as well as an ambition to keep the youths outside of the correctional treatment system. The evaluation ten years later showed good results from the new penalty, and wanted to increase the legal security for the youth offenders by making youth community service prescribed by law. The content as well as the intended group the penalty was designed for, has been changed a lot since 1997 when the idea was born.

The aim of this study is to increase knowledge and understanding regarding which institutional demands can be identified by social welfare secretary’s in their work with juvenile offenders. The study uses organizational theory to try and find different institutional strategies that social workers use to handle such demands. The study takes a qualitative approach and consists of six semi-structural interviews with social welfare secretary’s who work with juvenile offenders.The results of the study show how institutional influence comes from various organizations and institutions such as media, legislation as well as the police and justice system. Results also show that a wide range of strategies are used in coping with these demands. The strategies are identified from organizational theory as buffering and bridging strategies.The study’s conclusions show a conflict between what should be the social workers main focus in their work, welfare or justice. It identifies two separate paths social welfare secretary’s take in coping with institutional demands. One leans more towards welfare while the other is more justice oriented. It also shows that cooperation with other organizations in the same field seems to be a possible solution to the conflict.

In my essay, I write about the work at a pre-school in a segregated suburb. I begin my essay with examples from my workday. In one case, it is about Sara, playing games where other children are excluded and she also exhibits a power game towards me. In the second example, it is about how a group of children conspire and expose both themselves and others for destructive conspiracy patterns. When I write down what happens in the group of children at my pre-school, I see patterns reminiscent of destructive gangs. I reflect about whether I am witnessing that my preschooler is in the preliminary stage of youth gangs with destructive patterns. The purpose of my essay is that for my own sake, and from a social perspective to provides deeper understanding of the causes that can generate power game and conspiracy patterns in children in segregated neighborhoods. I also describe how it can be to work in a kindergarten in a segregated suburb. M y questions are what happen to children when norms in the home are in conflict with the norms of the preschool. The norms in the homes may also be an illegal act in Sweden, when punishment and spanking occurs. Children may be in a conflict of loyalties when they know that parents may not spank their children in Sweden, but still do it. I examine whether there may be negative factors in the family's integration that allows contexts do not meet in a positive direction, and therefore can cause cultural clashes. I start from my own experiences as child-minder in the suburbs during twenty five years. I do this by writing the essay, I reflect on my own thoughts, but also through reflective conversations with others. To obtain scientific perspective on my research, I have chosen as the starting point to the support of other studies in ethnological and sociological aspects. I have come to the conclusion that there may be several reasons for pre-school children of my workplace to act as they do. One reason that I think is important is that families in my pre-school are segregated in the segregation, their meetings consisting mostly of their own countrymen and relatives. The majority of parents have no work and their contact with the Swedish society is done by the authorities and at the pre-school. I have met families where parents have lived in Sweden for twenty years, but still have limited language in Swedish. I have also seen that there is an aversion to the "Swedish" and that there is a conscious choice to refrain from it.

Fängelse- och straffsystemet är som uppfinning unik, ingen annan institution i samhället har samma syfte eller funktion. Fängelset är en del av samhället och har som uppgift att straffa de individer som samhället bestämt brutit mot våra gemensamt överenskomna lagar. Många aktörer befinner sig på kriminalvårdens arena. Det är beslutsfattare som tar beslut om lagar och ekonomiska resurser, det är vårdare som både ska kontrollera och hjälpa de intagna till ett liv fritt från kriminalitet och det är givetvis de intagna själva. Dessa aktörer är både en del av kriminalvården samtidigt som de bidrar till att forma och utveckla den. Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fem texter från olika aktörer för att ta reda på hur de talar om den intagne och vilka diskurser som styr densamme. I slutänden ämnar jag även diskutera vad dessa diskurser betyder och får för konsekvenser. Texterna är författade av tre aktörer; beslutsfattare som producerat lagtexten,8 förordningen9 och regleringsbrevet,10 Kriminalvården som utarbetat visionen för sitt arbete,11 samt det brottspreventiva programmet Brotts-Brytet som författat sin teorimanual.. Dessa texter och aktörer kommer diskuteras utförligare längre fram i uppsatsen.

Den 14 januari 2004 inleddes rättegången i Stockholms tingsrätt mot Mijailo Mijailovic vilket var en början på en lång rättslig process som avslutades den 2 december 2004 i Högsta domstolen. Rättegången stod under en stor mediabevakning och följdes därigenom av det svenska folket. Uppsatsen behandlar hur en av Sveriges största dagstidningar, Svenska Dagbladet, har framställt den rättsliga processen och vilken eller vilka diskurser som konstrueras och presenteras i deras artiklar. Fokus ligger främst på vilka aktörer Svenska Dagbladet väljer att presentera och hur deras åsikter och resonemang framförs samt hurSvenska Dagbladet framställer Mijailovic som subjekt. Teoretisk utgångspunkt i uppsatsen är socialkonstruktionism samt diskursanalys där diskursteori främst används som metod.

Leder hårdare straff till färre brott? Det sambandet ämnar vi undersöka i denna uppsats. För att att göra det analyserar vi 2010 års straffmätningsreform som förlängde straffen för allvarliga våldsbrott. Reformen påverkade vissa brott men inte alla, vilket vi utnyttjar som ett naturligt experiment i en difference-indifferencesansats. De brottstyper som påverkades används som behandlingsgrupp, medan de som inte påverkades används som jämförelsegrupp. Därefter tolkas skillnaden i förändring hos de båda gruppernas brottsfrekvenser ut. När hela efterperioden analyseras finner vi ingen statistiskt signifikant effekt. Analyseras varje år i efterperioden för sig finner vi en negativ och statistiskt signifikant effekt på 14,9 % av reformen året efter den trädde i kraft (2011). / Do longer prison sentences lead to fewer committed crimes? This paper pursues to evaluate this causation through a difference-in-differences analysis. In 2010, there was a reform in Sweden that meant to make prison sentences longer for some crimes. The fact that the reform affected some crimes but not others is exploited as a natural experiment. We use the types of crime that were affected by the reform as a treatment group and the types of crime that were not affected as a control group. Then we assess the difference in frequency change of the two groups of crimes after the reform took effect. When the whole post reform period is analyzed, we find no statistically significant effects. When the effect is isolated one year after the reform was implemented (2011) we find a statistically significant effect of 14.9 %. There is no statistically significant result when the reform is isolated for 2012 and 2013.

A common method employed within various national jurisdictions, utilized to counter organized crime, extremism and similarly felonious activities has been to legislate criminal prohibitions against actively participating in the very organizations within which these activities occur. Such legislation, however, has turned out to be a frequent subject of discussion for criminal law theorists. The legitimacy of criminalizing participation in and other types of involvement with criminal (and similar) organizations may be doubted, in light of various, often recited principles in criminal law theory and legal philosophy. This thesis examines these doubts and evaluates whether this type of criminalization fully meets the standards set by the aforementioned principles.