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The Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) has in recent years distinguished themselves in the arena of library policy and have initiated several controversial proposals in this field that goes against what can be considered the traditional public library mission in Sweden. These proposals, although much written about in media has been the focus of few studies and not one single study has focused exclusively on the Sweden Democratic library policy field as a whole. Therefore it has been my intention to do a textual analysis on thirteen political documents concerning library policy from the Sweden Democrats during the years 2018 to 2021 on all the political levels of decision making in Sweden: national, regional and municipal. With the help of researcher Dorte Skot-Hansens model of rationalities in nordic cultural policymaking I have tried to identify the predominant lines of policy in the material and the conclusion is essentially two main rationalities. The first one is the social conservative rationality in which the main goal is to preserve traditional Swedish values, which can be found on all political levels. The other one is the radical right rationality which is mostly distinct in the municipal and regional level and in which the main goal is to assimilate citizens into the Swedish culture. Both these rationalities make up the main political currents in the library policy of the Sweden Democrats which I have christened the the rationalitities of national identity.

The aim of this study was to describe, analyze, and compare the Social Democratic Party’s, the Moderate Party’s and the Sweden Democratic Party’s integration policy’s and their change in the 21st century. The study was conducted with a qualitative text analysis focusing on content analysis of the parties’ policy documents. In order to investigate changes in the parties’ integrations policy, Marie Demker’s ideological analysis methodology was used. Through the ideology analysis, the parties reality image, strategy and utopia, regarding the integration policy appeared. The theorethical basis of the essay is based on the concepts of assimilation, integration and diversity. The final result shows that the parties integration policies has changed, but surpricingly little. All parties have a similar process of change, where the reality image and the utopia were almost the same, while the strategy has gone from general measures to concrete measures. The result also shows that the Social Democrats and the Moderates integration policies have many similarities, while the Sweden Democrats integration policy is different.

Sedan valnatten den 9 september 2018 har ingen regeringskonstellation kunnat tillträda i Sverige. En jämn mandatfördelning mellan de traditionella blocken har resulterat i ett komplext parlamentariskt läge som utlöst en regeringskris. Ett riksdagsparti som tillhör ingetdera av de traditionella blocken är Sverigedemokraterna. Partiet är Sveriges yngsta riksdagsparti och utmanar de etablerade partierna (övriga riksdagspartier) med sin politiska sakfråga. För att få utökad politiskt inflytande ställer Sverigedemokraterna krav på att deras politiska sakfråga ska vinna gehör i den politiska arenan. Studien visar att de etablerade riksdagspartierna och Sverigedemokraterna möts i en strategisk maktkamp i regeringskrisen 2018. De etablerade partierna bemöter Sverigedemokraterna antingen genom att anta utmaningen i deras sakfråga och närma sig en snarlik politik, eller genom att inta en motsatt position till Sverigedemokraternas politiska sakfråga. Studien utgick ifrån ett fall med två kontexter. Kontexterna utgår ifrån en statsministeromröstning samt Sverigedemokraternas besked inför en budgetreservation.

En kraftig våg av ökad gängkriminalitet och dödligt skjutvapenvåld har de senaste åren lett till omfattande debatter gällande kriminalpolitiska åtgärder för att minska brottsligheten i Sverige. Efter valet 2022 gjorde Kristdemokraterna, Liberalerna, Moderaterna, och Sverigedemokraterna en överenskommelse kallat Tidöavtalet, där partierna tillsammans har lagt fram sju samarbetsområden för mandatperioden 2022–2026, varav ett av områdena handlar om kriminalitet. Syftet är att undersöka hur den nuvarande regeringen motiverar de straffskärpande lagförslagen “Dubbla straff för gängkriminella”, “Skärpta straff för gängrelaterad brottslighet” och “Återfall ska straffas hårdare”, som anses kunna få bukt med problemet kring gängkriminalitet. Med hjälp av reflexiv tematisk innehållsanalys samt straffpopulism och symbolpolitik som teoretiska perspektiv, har vi analyserat en SOU och elva motioner. Vår analys visar att det finns symbolpolitiska och straffpopulistiska uttalanden i Kristdemokraternas, Liberalernas, Moderaternas, och Sverigedemokraternas motioner för de straffskärpande åtgärderna. Detta visas bland annat i hur de polariserat samhället mellan de kriminella nätverken och den hederliga medborgaren, hur trygghet blivit en symbol för välfärdsstaten, och genom den alarmistiska motiveringen som ligger bakom de straffskärpande åtgärderna. Vidare legitimeras åtgärderna med hjälp av valslogans om nolltolerans, att brottsoffren och de laglydiga i samhället ska prioriteras samt att åtgärden har en avskräckande effekt och har fungerat för Danmark. Forskningen visar generellt på att fängelsestraff inte har en effekt vad gäller avskräckning eller återfall, men indikerar på att det kan finnas en kriminogen effekt. Detta förstärker tanken om att regeringen tillsammans med Sverigedemokraterna använder sig av symbolpolitik.

The purpose of this study is to examine the use of the concept utanförskap in the parliamentary debate focusing on the three largest parties socialdemokraterna, moderaterna and sverigedemokraterna. This study finds itself in the context after the refugee crisis of 2015 and in times where the values we thought where everlasting are being questioned. Where political tension in the fields of immigration and integration reach their highest level of political conflict and where immigration policy reaches its highest-level om importance during the 2018 election campaign. Immigration and integration are attached to the concept of utanförskap as the concept is used as an implication of earlier failed integration. This study uses a combination of methods where Kosselecks conceptual history and Faircloughs critical discourse analysis are applied to the empirical material of proposals in the parliament. Both rest on the theoretical foundation of constructivism. The main finding in the study is that the three parties use the concept differently. Moderaterna use the concept of economic utanförskap while socialdemokraterna use the concept of social utanförskap and lastly sverigedemokraterna use a combination of booth other uses of the concept. The analysis shows no signs of conceptual change based on the empirical material and the previous research from Davidsson (2010) between the time periods of 2003-2006 and 2016-2018. The discourses discovered in the use of the concept are the sub-class discourse and the inside/outside discourse.

Why are social democratic parties losing voters to right-wing populist parties? For decades, social democratic parties across Europe have been in decline. Much of this decline can be attributed to voters leaving in favor of right-wing populist parties. Despite extensive research on the growing support for these parties, researchers are yet to agree on even the most fundamental causes. In Sweden this phenomenon is seen in the voter flow from the Social Democrats to the Sweden Democrats. In this study, Sheri Berman's theory of social democratic success factors is used to explain the decline of the Social Democrats in favor of the Sweden Democrats, by conducting interviews with Sweden Democrat politicians who used to be Social Democrats. Results suggest that respondents' decisions to leave the Social Democrats were preceded by prolonged disappointment with the Social Democrats' political direction. According to respondents, the Social Democrats have lost focus on social unity within the Swedish population, down-prioritized social democratic politics and ideology in favor of political power and become an elite party lacking representatives that workers can identify with. Interestingly, respondents' decisions to leave the Social Democrats are not attributed to any essential shift in their personal values, but to the social democratic party abandoning social democracy. Migration, while mentioned by some respondents, is tied to welfare and economic politics as well as a lost sense of community. While social democracy used to be the only ideology combining communitarianism, the primacy of politics and democratic ideals, results indicate that these earlier social democratic traits now constitute success factors for today's right-wing populist parties.

The European Union has since its founding experienced criticism from both the political left and right and one of the main of the critics of the EU has been the Populist Radical Right. One among many Populist Radical Right parties that has advocated a formal withdrawal from the EU is the Swedish party the Sweden Democrats. However, in early 2019 the party announced that they, after almost 30 years, no longer want Sweden to leave the EU. Both ideological and external events have been proposed as explanations for this radical change in position. The purpose of this study though, is to try to seek strategic explanations as to why the Sweden Democrats no longer want Sweden to leave the EU. Articles, videos and speeches will be studied in order to chart which justifications the Sweden Democrats themselves give for their change of position. Interpretations of my own and from others will also be used to seek an answer as to why the Sweden Democrats has changed their policy, beyond the Sweden Democrats' own words. The findings suggest that the strategic motives behind the Sweden Democrats' decision to leave the Swedish EU-exit, is mainly to maximize the control over the government and to maximize in voter support. However, in order to find stronger evidence behind the strategic motives of the Sweden Democrats, further research on the subject is necessary.

This essay was intended to analyse and categorize the feminist approach of four Swedishparliamentary parties consisting of the Moderates, Sweden Democrats, Social DemocraticParty, and the Left Party. The subjects of this scientific analysis have therefore consisted ofthe election manifestos, party programs and statements on individual political subjects fromthe respective parties. The methodological approach of the aforementioned analysis consistedof a qualitative idea analysis that was formulated towards the goal of identifying theirrespective reality description, problem formulation and advocated solutions/actions. Theresearch delimitation was in turn restricted to three pre-selected issues/political subjectsrelated to the topic of equality. These consisted of men´s violence towards women, economicinequality, and working environment/work safety. The result of this study varied between theparties that were subjected to the analysis and provided an initial insight into the feministstandpoint of said actors. This included the conclusion that there are varied perspectivesregarding how equality is defined, the problems related to the topic, and which measures thatare considered to be the most suitable to mitigate and manage these existing issues.

Considering the recent political development in Europe, in which the popularity of right-wing populist parties increases rapidly, studies on right-wing populist parties are of high importance. This paper investigates the language use of two right-wing populist parties; Sverigedemokraterna (SD) in Sweden and die Schweizerische Volkspartei (SVP) in Switzerland. The aim of this research is to detect and analyse salient linguistic features in their election campaigns in order to understand how both parties use language in external communication, and, furthermore, to analyse which world view is thereby displayed. This comparative discourse study uses relevant concepts from linguistic discourse analysis (Spitzmüller & Warnke 2008, 2011) and visual text analysis (Kress & van Leeuwen 2006). The theoretical concepts of politolinguistics, and discourse linguistics in the tradition of Foucault form the theoretical base of this study. The compiled data consists of election material from the national election campaigns of SD in 2014 and of SVP in 2015. The analysis shows that, regardless of differences on the surface structures of their respective languages, the parties produce the same three worldviews on a deeper structure level: the concept of the own identity as an authority in the politic discourse, the concept of one national unity and the concept of a threat to the national unity. Furthermore, the analysis shows that the parties’ language use presents many features which are typical for right wing populist parties in general. In light of recent European political developments, this research is a linguistic contribution to the understanding of right wing populist rhetoric.