Vårt syfte med denna uppsats är att undersöka vad som kan tänkas påverka rektorers beslut att tillåta eller neka Sverigedemoraterna tillträde till gymnasieskolan. Vi vill undersöka vilka förutsättningar, argument och överväganden som rektorer påverkas av och baserar sina beslut på. Vi har som utgångspunkt att ett deliberativt demokratiideal förordas i den svenska skolan. Därför blir det intressant att dessutom undersöka hur rektorerna förhåller sig till deliberativ demokrati i deras beslut. Vi har använt oss av diskursanalys som teori och metod i vårt arbete, tillsammans med deliberativ demokratiteori. Intervjuer har använts som metod för att samla in empiri. Det vi har kommit fram till genom studien är att tre av de fyra rektorer vi har intervjuat har tillåtit Sverigedemokraterna att närvara på skolan, medan en inte tillåter dem representation. De tre rektorer som har tillåtit Sverigedemokraterna lyfter fram demokratiska värden som yttrandefrihet och fri debatt som grund för sina beslut. Den rektor som har nekat Sverigedemokraterna lyfter fram skolans värdegrund som underlag för sitt beslut, med motiveringen att partiets politik strider mot denna. Värdegrunden framhålls även av de rektorer som tillåtit Sverigedemokraterna, och utifrån den påvisar de en ambivalens vad gäller förhållandet mellan den och de värden de anser partiet står för. Ett deliberativt demokratiideal har visat sig hos rektorerna i deras överväganden inför besluten.

This essay, ”The word is Mightier than the Sword” compares and contrasts one speech from two different political parties, held on International Worker’s day in Sweden. The aim is to discover differences and similarities in the use of topoi, attitudes and rhetorical identification. The material is gathered from 2022, which includes one speech from Vänsterpartiet (the Left Party) and one from Sverigedemokraterna (the Sweden democrats). The 1:st of May is a democratic day which is the labor movement's international celebration and demonstration day. Today politicians, even though they don't identify with the purpose of this day, sees this as a possibility to win more voters and support. The result shows that the Left Party is using more of the topos ”blaming” on the government as whole and the Swedish Democrats use a negative attitude throughout the speech with personal attacks and attacks against culture. The left party focuses more on rhetorical identification between them and the audience, and the Swedish Democrats are trying to create a new identification between the nation, Sweden, and the audience.

Den här studien undersöker en jämställdhetspolitisk text från Sverigedemokraterna för att synliggöra partiets jämställdhetsarbete. Syftet är att språkligt och innehållsligt kartlägga vilka kvinnor som inbegrips i texten samt hur deras trygghet framställs i materialet. Frågeställningarna för studien är: Vilka föreställningar om kvinnor dominerar i texten, och hur uttrycks de språkligt? Vilka kvinnor vänder sig SD till i texten? Hur gestaltas trygghet generellt och hur porträtteras kvinnors trygghet i texten? Materialet som undersöks är Sverigedemokraternas åtgärdsprogram för kvinnors trygghet i vardagen från 2014. Det övergripande teoretiska och metodologiska ramverket för studien är kritisk text- och diskursanalys. Det teoretiska ramverket kompletteras med Theo van Leeuwens legitimieringsteori. Analysen visar att kvinnor i allmänhet framställs som sårbara och i behov av skydd från auktoriteter. Resultatet visar också att det konstrueras dikotomier mellan kvinnor som framställs som normen och andra kvinnor som avviker från denna norm. Trygghet i allmänhet gestaltas som ett resultat av lag och ordning. Det främsta hotet mot kvinnors trygghet framställs vara icke-västerländska män, i synnerhet muslimer. Sammantaget visar resultatet att texten är konstruerad efter SD:s förankring i nationalism och konservatism. Den slutsats som kan dras är att materialet som initialt syftar till ökad jämställdhet för kvinnor snarare bidrar till ett förstärkande av rådande maktstrukturer.

This study examines how “The Other” is portrayed in the Sweden Democrats’ (SD) latest electoral manifesto from 2022. Drawing on Ruth Wodak’s perspective on radical right-wing populist rhetoric, along with qualitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis, the essay explores how various discursive constructions emerge to justify excluding “The Other”. The results indicate that immigrants, especially those of non-European and Muslim background, are consistently depicted as threats, criminals, oppressive towards women and undesirable. These findings align with previous research on the discriminatory language used by radical right-wing populist parties towards “The Other” represented by immigrants and Muslims. Moreover, this discriminatory discourse is legitimized through references to violence and gang crime but also broader societal issues such as unemployment, housing shortage and violence against women.

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The Sweden Democrats describe themselves as a social conservative party with a nationalistic view, others consider the Swedish democrats as a populistic party. Research on the Sweden Democrats describes the party as a nationalistic, populistic, and conservative party, but very little research has been conducted on the party’s ideological connection to the social democratic ideology or the social conservative ideology. The aim of this essay is therefor to examine if the Sweden Democrats’ politics is rooted in the social democratic ideology or in the social conservative ideology and if so to which extent. This is done through a qualitative idea analysis. The analysis is based on the Sweden democrats’ 2022 election manifesto on the basis of the ideologies social conservatism and social democracy. The analysis is based on the analysis of the Sweden Democrats’ standpoints on freedom, equality, and community in both the state and the civil society. Subsequently the analysis is made based on the analysis schemas for both social conservatism and social democracy to see if the Sweden Democrats’ politics can be connected to any of these ideologies. The result of the analysis shows that the Sweden Democrats 2022 election manifesto is largely rooted in the social conservative ideology, but there are parts of the election manifesto that fall into the social democratic ideology. The conclusions that can be made based on the result shows that more social conservative incentives can be found in the party’s election manifesto rather than social democratic incentives, even though some social democratic elements occur they are a lot less prevalent than the social conservative ideology.

Sweden has seen a change in its political landscape over the last couple of decades, with an increase in popularity of a right wing populist party. Over time its ideas have been normalized within the established parties. Leading us to today’s situation. As such the purpose of this thesis is to find out how much of the Tidö agreement between the current government led by prime minister Ulf Kristersson and the right wing populist party the Sweden Democrats have been influenced by the latters political ideas and policies. The thesis does this in two ways, by looking into how much of the Tidö agreement includes right wing populism, and on how much of the Sweden Democrats election platform influenced the agreement. The result shows that the Tidö agreement has to a large degree been affected and influenced by right wing populism and the election platform of the Sweden Democrats. With various examples shown.

This thesis examines the unique set of circumstances which led to the rapid rise of a supposed right-wing populist party in Sweden. The Sverigedemokraterna (Sweden Democrats) are not the first nationalist party to enter the Swedish parliament, but are the first to survive multiple parliamentary elections and are currently the third largest party in parliament. This thesis argues the Sverigedemokraterna do not constitute a political party, but remain a populist movement within Swedish politics, are not right-wing but rather a lagom-inspired hybrid, and the stabilizing effects of the culture of lagom prevents the permanence of extremism in Swedish politics. The increase in immigrants from predominantly Muslim states due to the Arab Spring and the Syrian civil war stoke the anti-Islamic rhetoric of this nationalist group, but did not cause their rapid ascent and neither did the entry of Sweden into the European Economic Community. The Sverigedemokraterna are a single-point culmination of a century of nationalist and fascist groups splitting and merging within Sweden, but as other groups continue to appear the SD cannot be the only culmination. / Master of Arts / This thesis looks at how an extreme right-wing political party seemingly appeared from nowhere and became the third largest party in just two election cycles. The party, called the Sweden Democrats, is called nationalist by opposing parties and the press, but does not act like a typical far-right party. It is my belief that a cultural phenomenon in Sweden called <i>lagom</i> is partially responsible for this. While the Sweden Democrats are anti-immigrant and anti-Islamic, on all other issues they vote along with the more liberal elements, the Social Democrats. This paper looks at the history of nationalism in Sweden, examines the various fascist groups which existed and exist today, details the history of immigration to Sweden, and shows the government responses to immigration. The conclusion of this thesis is that the Sweden Democrats are not a far-right party, they are not a typical political party and act like a political movement instead, but they have the potential to survive in parliament because they compromise with the majority on all other issues.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Can Danish experience explain why Sverigedemokraterna had a higher support among voters in Skåne, than among other Swedish voters?</p><p>Essay in Political Science, C-level</p><p>Author: Jenny Wood</p><p>Tutor: Gregg Bucken-Knapp</p><p>Autumn 2006/ Spring 2007</p><p>The key question of this essay concerns the outcome of Sweden’s latest election. When all the votes where counted, the county of Skåne showed an exceptionally high support for the right wing nationalist party Sverigedemokraterna. Why then, did Sverigedemokraterna have a higher support among voters in Skåne (as part of the larger and transnational Öresund region), than among other Swedish voters? My hypothesis is the following: the regional interaction within Öresund has not only had positive effects concerning the values that the people of Skåne hold. In other words, Danish experience has changed the way in which the people of Skåne view immigrants and radical right wing parties.</p><p>Before I go on any further I will explain what is meant by the Öresund region. This region encompasses both parts of Sweden and Denmark (most notably Skåne and Själland), and the interaction between the two countries have increased considerably since a physical bridge between the two border regions was opened in July 2000.</p><p>Now, let us go on to the purpose of this essay, which is to answer the key question, and also to determine if the regional cooperation in the Öresund region has led to changes in the way the people of Skåne view right wing nationalist parties. Therefore, I explored the effects of the interaction between the Swedish region Skåne and the Danish region Själland, in order to discern if the Danes negative views towards immigrants and their strong feelings of nationalism, have effected Swedes and their values. In other words, was it possible that the Danish hostility towards immigrants and their unproblematic view of right wing nationalist parties, had been transmitted to the people of Skåne? Last but not least, it has also been the purpose of this essay to prove that traditional variables, concerning the question of why people vote for right wing nationalist parties, do no longer explain this phenomenon. By traditional variables I mean unemployment and a high density of immigrants of the population in a specific area.</p><p>In order to research the above mentioned issues, I have gone through letters to the editor, sent to the newspaper Sydsvenskan, and analysed the material using qualitative text analysis. I have also studied literature within the field of cross-border studies.</p><p>After ten weeks of research, I came to the conclusion that the traditional variables do not explain why Sverigedemokraterna received such a high proportion of the votes in Skåne. However, this essay also sheds light on the possibility of Danish experience as a plausible variable when it comes to explaining the outcome of the last election, but based on my limited study I can neither confirm nor dismiss the hypothesis. However, my study does provide some evidence that supports the hypothesis. In order to draw any conclusions however, it would have to be broadened in itself and replicated in other sections of Sweden or nationally.</p><p>The results of my study might leave the key question unanswered, but in itself can be viewed as an important step towards obtaining a clearer overview of what has driven the increased vote share for Sverigedemokraterna.</p>

The Pariah Party Influence on Local Government Formation in Swedish Municipalities 2002-2018 This paper studies the correlation between the rise of the radical right party The Sweden Democrats and the rise of minority governments and bloc transcending/cross-partisan coalitions in Swedish local governments; the role of the Sweden Democrats in this development is studied and further its impact in the relation between right/left-wing governments. Taking off in classical coalition- and government formation theory together with the concept of pariah parties, I also continue to discuss the setting of local government in Sweden and its implication on local government studies in general. Regression analysis of formed government in the 290 Swedish municipalities over the last five local elections, 2002-2018, is used to answer the question of how the pariah party that is the Sweden Democrats, have affected the types of local government in Sweden. The study finds that the rise of the Sweden Democrats in Swedish municipal parliaments to a large extent can explain both an increase of cross-partisan coalitions and of minority governments. This can however only be said when the party holds the balance of power; just the size or sheer presence of the party in local parliaments does not seem to have a significant impact on government type. When the party does hold the power of balance, one can observe a significant shift in favour of right-wing governments over left-wing governments. Albeit not participating in government and being considered a pariah party, or perhaps because of this fact, the rise of the Sweden Democrats has significantly affected the character of Swedish local governments.