The study of early Greek sacrificial rituals is an under-researched field, as previous scholarship has focused in Late Archaic and Classical Greece to understand and reconstruct Greek sacrifice. This thesis is an attempt to complement our knowledge of early Greek sacrificial practices, which are defined here as thysia, holocaust and moirocaust, focusing in the 8th and 7th century Peloponnese. To achieve this goal, all available archaeological and zooarchaeological evidence from the sanctuaries at Olympia, Isthmia, Nikoleika, Mt. Lykaion and Asea, is incorporated. It is argued that the reconstructed sacrificial norm of thysia is not reflected in the early Peloponnesian evidence and a re-evaluation of Greek sacrifice, at least for the Late Geometric–Early Archaic period, is suggested. The second aspect this thesis is to explore social competition in the given chronological and geographical framework through Greek sacrificial rituals. A new theory based on the notion of visibility is applied, according to which the sacrificer aims to promote themself and earn social capital through direct and indirect visibility achieved from the regular performance of sacrificial rites. It is suggested that the level of visibility in sacrifice is dependent on four parameters: sacrificial ritual and meals, sacrificial investment, sacrificial installation and the status of the sanctuary. / Tidig grekisk offerritual är ett understuderat område, då forskare framför allt fokuserat på det senarkaiska och klassiska Grekland för att förstå och rekonstruera grekisk offerpraktik. Denna uppsats är ett försök att utöka vår kunskap om tidiga grekiska offer, som här definieras som thysia, holokauster och moirokauster, med fokus på 700- och 600-talen på Peloponnesos. För att uppfylla detta syfte studeras all tillgängligt arkeologiskt och animalosteologiskt material från helgedomarna i Olympia, Isthmia, Nikoleika, Lykaionberget och Asea. Uppsatsen hävdar att den antagna normen för djuroffer i form av thysia inte återspeglas i det tidiga materialet från Peloponnesos och att det därför bör det ske en omvärdering av grekiskt offerbruk, åtminstone vad gäller den sengeometriska och tidigarkaiska perioden. Vidare utforskar uppsatsen hur social konkurrens uttrycktes genom offerritual inom samma period och geografiska område. Här appliceras en ny teori baserad på visibilitet. Enligt denna strävar den som offrar att framhäva sig själv och förvärva socialt kapital genom den direkta eller indirekta visibilitet som erhålls från att regelbundet genomföra offerritualer. Fyra parametrar avgör visibilitetens genomslagskraft: ritualen och de efterföljande måltiderna, investeringen i själva offret, installationer för offrets praktiska genomförande och helgedomens status.

This thesis discusses the funerary expression of social status in Macedonia during the 4th century BCE. Specifically, this thesis aims to examine the royal and the noble status and the way this is expressed in death, by making a distinction between royals and nobles. The major questions of this research concern their differences and their similarities, as well as any potential indicators of each one. As part of the material, the thesis has employed four tombs to study that come from three cemeterial areas. The two first tombs are examined as royal tombs and are located in the ancient area of Aegae, located in the modern area of Vergina, while the other two tombs which are examined as noble tombs are located in the modern area of Hagios Athanasios and Derveni. By focusing on the wider cemeterial area, as well as on their architec-ture, their decoration, the grave goods and the human remains, the thesis is treating the archaeological assemblage as a holistic reflection of the social status of the de-ceased, assuming that wealthy tombs should be in accordance with the social ranking of the deceased. However, this thesis also takes into consideration other factors that might affect that funeral assemblage, such as the deceased’s or the family choices. But even despite this choice for planning to have a death as somebody wanted to, the thesis considers that having a wealthy tomb and burial mean that it was affordable and again in this case the funerary assemblage is an aspect by which the social status of the deceased can be illustrated. Finally, the thesis concludes by discussing that straight interpretations of what is considered to be of royal nature appear to be com-plicated and factors such as whoever wanted could have a prominent burial, blur the line between royals and nobles at death. / Denna uppsats diskuterar uttryck av social status i Makedonska begravningar under 300-talet f.v.t. Uppsatsen syftar specifikt till att undersöka kungafamiljens och elitens status och hur detta uttrycks i döden, genom att göra en uppdelning mellan kunglig och elit. De viktigaste frågorna i denna studie rör deras skillnader och likheter, liksom potentiella indikatorer för vardera grupp. Materialet som har studerats är fyra gravar som kommer från tre separata begravningsområden. De två första gravarna undersöks som kungliga gravar och ligger i det antika området Aegae, beläget nära det moderna området Vergina, medan de övriga två gravarna som undersöks som elitgravar ligger i det moderna områdena Hagios Athanasios och Derveni. Genom att fokusera på begravningsområdenas kontext, de enskilda gravarnas arkitektur, deras utsmyckning, gravgåvor och de mänskliga kvarlevorna, behandlar uppsatsen den arkeologiska samlingen som en holistisk återspegling av den avlidnes sociala status, med antagandet att rika gravar bör reflektera den avlidnes sociala status. Men den här avhandlingen tar också hänsyn till andra faktorer som kan påverka begravningssammansättningen, såsom den avlidnes eller familjens personliga val. De begravda kunde ha planerat begravningens utformning, uppsatsen utgår ifrån att en rik grav och begravning betyder att personen hade tillräckliga resurser för begravningen men man behöver se på hela begravningskontexten för att undersöka den begravdas sociala status. Uppsatsen drar slutsatsen att tolkningen av vad som kan vara kungliga och elitgravar är komplicerad och faktorer som att den som hade råd kunde få en påkostad begravning suddar ut gränsen mellan kungliga och elit vid döden.

This study details Roman women’s use of makeup, and the relevance of studying makeup whenexploring the history of Roman women. The study explores the relation between the use ofmakeup and female identity through texts and archaeological material. By first presenting thetypes of makeup used and the paraphernalia associated with the application of makeup, thiscontextualizes how women interacted with makeup on a day-today basis. This leads to adiscussion on who used makeup and what the use of makeup says about female identity. When analyzing women’s use of makeup, this study compares ancient texts, archaeologicalfinds, and modern chemical analysis of ancient makeup. This study argues that women ofdifferent social standings could use makeup, and that women were able to use makeup as a toolto establish some control over how they were perceived by the public. This in turn makesmakeup a way to study female agenda in antiquity. / Denna studie fokuserar på romerska kvinnors användning av smink och relevansen av attstudera smink i anknytning till romerska kvinnors historia. Studien utforskar relationen mellananvändningen av smink och kvinnlig identitet genom texter och arkeologiskt material. De olikatyperna av smink och föremålen associerade med appliceringen av smink presenteras, med syfteatt kontextualisera hur kvinnor interagerade med smink i sin vardag. Detta lägger grunden fördiskussionen om vem som använde smink och vad användningen av smink säger om kvinnorsidentitet. För att analysera kvinnors användning av smink jämför denna studie antika texter,arkeologiska fynd och modern kemisk analys av antikt smink. Denna studie argumenterar attkvinnor från olika samhällsklasser kunde använda smink, och att smink gav kvinnormöjligheten att påverka hur allmänheten såg dem. Detta gör i sin tur att smink kan ses som ettsätt att studera kvinnlig agenda under antiken.

The aim of this study is to analyse and interpret the distribution of white-ground lekythoi with a known context from the 5th century BCE. Exploring white-ground lekythoi in context is a complex matter, as many lekythoi lack archaeological documentation. The purpose of this study is to locate and map white-ground lekythoi with available archaeological documentation in order to lay the groundwork of their geographical distribution and interpret how they were used and could have been viewed from a socio-economic perspective in different regions. The study has shown that white-ground lekythoi were distributed throughout the Mediterranean, the Black Sea and the Levant, and have been found in various contexts such as funerary, domestic and religious space depending on the region. The chronological distribution indicates that white-ground lekythoi were popular in locations such as Eretria, Gela and Macedonia, before becoming adopted in Attic funerary activities during the second half of the century. This suggests a more multifunctional use of the vessel than only being a funerary libation vessel which is the traditional scholarly approach to the vessel’s function. Lastly, this thesis addresses the value of white-ground lekythoi. The hypothesis is put forward that the vessels increased in value when being found in limited numbers and with what could be considered luxurious artefacts made for both a local and foreign market. / Målet med denna studie är att analysera och tolka fördelningen av vit-grundiga lekyter med en känd kontext från 500-talet f.v.t. Undersökningar av vit-grundiga lekyter med en känd kontext är en komplex fråga då många av kärlen saknar arkeologisk dokumentation. Syftet med studien är att lokalisera och kartlägga vit-grundiga lekyter med tillgänglig arkeologisk dokumentation för att lägga grunden för deras geografiska utspridning och tolka hur de användes och kunde ha blivit sedda från ett socio-ekonomiskt perspektiv i olika regioner. Studien har visat att vit-grundiga lekyter distribuerades över Medelhavet, Svarta havet och Levanten och har hittats i olika kontexter som gravar, bosättningar, och helgedomar beroende på region. Den kronologiska fördelningen indikerar att vit-grundiga lekyter var populära i områden som Eretria, Gela och Makedonien, innan de antogs i Attiska begravningsaktiviteter under andra hälften av seklet. Detta tyder på en mer multifunktionell användning av kärlen än enbart ämnat för begravningsaktiviteter som är den traditionella vetenskapliga tolkningen av kärlets funktion. Hypotesen framförs att vit-grundiga lekyter ökade i värde när de hittades i begränsat antal och tillsammans med vad man som kan betraktas som lyxiga artefakter gjorda för både en lokal och utländsk marknad.

År 1929 grävde den Svenska Cypernexpeditionen ut en helgedom daterad till den tidiga delen av Sencypriotisk II (1400-1340/1315), namngiven Ayios Iakovos: Dhima. Kring ett terrakotta-kar återfann arkeologerna flera värdefulla och exotiska föremål.  Sedan dess har platsen och dess fynd tolkats på många olika sätt, utan någon egentlig klarhet. Genom att göra en systematisk studie över det hittills opublicerade skärvmaterialet har nya slutsatser om platsen kunnat läggas fram. Tidigare tolkningar om ett kronologiskt gap under Sencypriotisk I kan nu ifrågasättas. Det finns belägg för ett kontinuerligt bruk från Mellancypriotisk III fram tills platsen övergavs under Sencypriotisk II. Den stora mängden slutna kärl, förknippade med transport av väldoftande oljor och salvor, vittnar om de aktiviteter som en gång företogs på platsen. Dessutom visar närvaron av typiska rituella dryckeskärl ett av de tidigaste exemplen på utvecklingen av Cypriotisk rituell tradition, nu separerad från de tidigare starka banden till gravriter.

The area which today covers the Doric House, the Roman East Bath and the Byzantine East Church at the Karian sanctuary of Zeus at Labraunda in south-western Turkey, was by Swedish archaeologists called the P-building and the R-bath during the early 1950s. The excavations of this area in 1951 and 1953 were documented in three excavation diaries by archaeologist Inge Dahlén, written in Swedish. These diaries have, however, never been published. This thesis therefore focused to analyse Dahlén’s three excavation diaries in terms of three aspects. The first aspect was to understand the archaeological work and documentation methods at Labraunda during the 1951 and 1953 excavations and consequently, determine how the archaeology functioned in practice at the site in the early 1950s. The second aspect was to present in what ways Dahlén’s diaries could contribute to the current and future excavations at the East Bath at Labraunda. The last aspect was to study Dahlén’s own archaeological interpretations which occured in the diaries. In order to present all the three aspects, the analysis and discussion on the diaries were organised into four headings: archaeological work, archaeological finds, stratigraphy and documentation methods. Studying the diaries based on these headings showed that certain improvements occurred in the diaries from 1951 to 1953. Dahlén’s excavation diaries reveal a large amount of archaeological data regarding the progress of the excavations and the numerous discoveries from the excavated areas. They need, therefore, to be taken into consideration for a better understanding of both the early and the new excavations that are being conducted at the same area.

Arbetet handlar om en studie i alternativa fyllnadsmaterial för mindre fanerskador. Syftet är att tydliggöra och vidga konservatorns palett av alternativa fyllnadsmaterial och skapa riktlinjer för lagning av mindre fanerskador med hjälp av dessa material. Parallellt med min undersökande del diskuteras även andra frågor såsom vilka värden möbler bär på samt vikten av att skapa ett nätverk med informationsutbyte för vidareutveckling av metoder och material inom möbelkonservering. I arbetet redogör jag för generella skillnader mellan möbelkonservering och möbelrestaurering. Undersökningen baserar sig på en analys av svar från mitt frågeformulär där svarspersonernas erfarenheter och praktiska undersökningar delvis har legat till grund för urvalet av material jag valt att gå vidare med i mina undersökningar. I dessa undersökningar testade jag olika fyllnadsmaterial på provplattor fanerade med björk och valnöt. I arbetet redogör jag för traditionella fyllnadsmaterial och i slutsatsen redogör jag för de material som jag anser kan utvecklas till att bli lämpliga komplement till de traditionella fyllnadsmaterialen, till exempel Aquazol 500 och Arbocel. / This is a study of alternative filling materials for smaller damages in veneer. The aim is to document and expand the palette of filling materials for furniture conservators and to create guidelines for the conservation and restoration of smaller damages in veneer. Parallel to this study I discuss other issues, such as the different values that can be found in an object. The importance of networking and the giving and sharing of information which is essential for the development of new techniques and materials. The difference between furniture conservation and furniture restoration is presented briefly. My tests are based on an analysis of the answers from my questionnaire where the respondents experience and practical skills serve as a partial base for the choice of materials that I have chosen to examine. My tests were executed on both birch and walnut veneer. I describe the pros and cons of traditional filling materials and in the conclusion, I present the filling materials that I believe can be a good complement to the traditional filling materials, such as Aquazol 500 and Arbocel.

This thesis treats the identification between the Teucrians and the Ṯ-k-(k)-r, one of the so-called Sea Peoples. The hypothesis that the Teucrians and the Ṯ-k-(k)-r would be one and the same was proposed by the Egyptologist Lauth in 1867 and has since become the standard identification for this Sea People. The hypothesis is to-day up-hold by almost all scholars, regarding of discipline, devoted to the research of the Sea Peoples. The author has limited himself to the geographical links between these two peoples. Regarding the Teucrians, the ancient authors suggested three different areas of origin, Crete, Attica, and the Troad. Besides this, the Cypriot Salamis as well as the Cilician Olba have also been linked to this people. By studying the ancient texts relating to these five geographical areas and their respective connections to the Teucrians, the author has set out to test the historicity of the geographical connections. He has gone through the ancient texts and tried to find out the sources for their statements, the background and origin of these connections and their historical value. This has then been compared to the primary sources regarding the Ṯ-k-(k)-r, all of which originate from Egypt and the 20th Dynasty. The results of this survey is that none of the ancient accounts can be verified, with certainty, with information received from sources contemporary with the Sea Peoples. Furthermore, it is also impossible to prove that the Teucrians were an historical people and thusly their identification with the Ṯ-k-(k)-r is very problematic. Of the geographical areas, it is only Cyprus that with certainty can be linked to the Sea Peoples, but probably not with the Ṯ-k-(k)-r but with the D-n-n.

Denna text undersöker, via närläsning, Tabellae Sulis–förbannelsetavlor riktade mot tjuvar hittade i den heliga källan i Sulis Minervas helgedom i Bath–med mål att utröna dessas känslomässiga innehåll och samhälleliga kontext. De 32 studerade tavlorna utgör försök att hämna stölder av klädesplagg och smärre summor pengar, antagligen stulna medan deras författare njöt av den heliga källans vatten. De utgör i det yttersta en sorts överenskommelse mellan författaren och gudinnan. Den senare ges en del av det stulna föremålet, eller i vissa fall tjuven, och förväntas bestraffa denne tills denne återlämnar föremålet i fråga till templet där det stals. Vad gäller straff söker tavlorna attackera alltifrån tjuvens hälsa och sinnen till dennes fortplantningsförmåga och själva dennes liv. Vanligast är önskan att tjuven skall betala för sitt illdåd i dennes eget blod. På känslomässig nivå ger tavlorna kuttryck för den bestulnes ilska och hämndlystnad. I detta kan de ha fungerat som en känslomässig kontrollmekanism, ett säkert och samhälleligt accepterat sätt att uttrycka och agera på känslor, som annars kunnat bli socialt problematiska. / This paper seeks, by means of close reading, to examine the Tabellae Sulis–a series of curse tablets against thieves, found in the sacred spring of the temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath–to explore their emotional content and societal context. The 32 studied tablets are concerned with the theft of minor sums of silver and various items of clothing, crimes most likely committed while the victim was soaking in the sacred spring. The tablets can be considered a sort of quasi-legal agreement between the victim and the goddess in question. The latter is granted partial ownership of the stolen object–or, in some cases, the thief themselves–and expected to punish said thief until they return the object in question to the temple where it was stolen. In terms of punishment, the tablets attack everything from the thief’s mind, motor functions and senses to their ability to reproduce and even their very lives. Most commonly they request that the thief pay the value of the stolen object in their own blood. On an emotional level, the tablets give expression to the anger of the victims and their hunger for vengeance. In this way, they can be considered to have served as an emotional control mechanism, a safe and generally accepted way to express and act on feelings that might otherwise have proven socially problematic.

In Homer’s work Iliad, Achilles is harassed in the sleep by the ghost of his friend Patroclus who demands a burial by him to be able to find peace. From this we get an understanding of how important it was for the ancient Greeks that their dead were given a proper burial for the soul to enter Hades and be able to find peace. If the deceased body was not buried, the soul became restless that harassed and had the power to harm the living. Infants belong to the group of individuals that do not appear to have had any consistent way of how to deal with them after they died. Some of them did not receive anything even close to a burial that a deceased adult would have received. Why infants were handled differently in certain contexts and locations is a mystery and begs the question of whether they were not considered to be people when they died and what was required to be considered worthy of a funeral when being dead. The purpose of this study was to investigate whether infants ended up in Hades or not, with the ancient Greeks' view of death and dead bodies as a theoretical starting point. To fulfill the purpose, the following questions were asked; how were dead infants handled? Were they considered to be 'real' individuals? How do the dead infants relate to the notions of becoming restless dead? To be able to answer these questions, I researched material from three different categories of evidence. The discussion has been divided into archaeological, iconographical, and literary sources. There are many different answers to the questions of this thesis as the different sorts of source material indicate diverse answers and attitudes to infants. It all probably depends on the different geographical places, economy, and status in society. These different answers also generate different attitudes to infants and whether they in fact were a real person. But through this thesis I have displayed factors that can support my theory about infants in Hades and that they – in worst case scenario – could end up like restless dead.