In order to make development aid more efficient, a large number of donors, including Sweden, signed the so called Paris Declaration in 2005. The Declaration gives the partner countries more responsibility for their own development and aims to make he development aid provided by donor countries more measurable. It has been referred to as a paradigm shift within this policy area due to its far‐reaching goals. The Declaration has consequences for all actors in the development aid community, and this thesis aims at outlining and analyzing the effects of the Declaration on the Swedish non‐governmental organisations which hold a frame agreement with the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA). As an increasing part of evelopment aid is being channelled through NGOs and they hold an important role in the area, they are interesting subjects of study. The analysis is conducted from a society‐centred governance perspective, which focuses on how different actors in society shape public policy. The perspective hallenges the view on the state as dominating unilaterally and takes into account the diversity of actors involved in policy‐making, such as NGOs. The result of the study is, among other things, that the character of the relationships and interactions between Swedish NGOs and SIDA varies, and can be described as either a more traditional hierarchical model or co‐governing. Furthermore, the Paris Declaration is perceived by the NGOs as being a step in the right direction rather than a paradigm shift at all level. / För att göra utvecklingsbistånd effektivare, undertecknade ett stort antal givare, däribland Sverige, den så kallade Parisdeklarationen 2005. Deklarationen ger samarbetsländerna ett större ansvar för sin egen utveckling och syftar till att göra biståndet från givarländerna mer mätbart. Man har kallat detta ett paradigmskifte inom området på grund av sina långtgående mål. Deklarationen har konsekvenser för alla aktörer inom området utvecklingsbistånd, och denna uppsats syftar till att beskriva och analysera de effekter som deklarationen har på de svenska icke‐statliga organisationer som har ett ramavtal med SIDA. Eftersom en allt större del av utvecklingsbiståndet kanaliseras genom enskilda organisationer och de innehar en viktig roll i området, är de intressanta att studera. Analysen görs utifrån ett samhällsorienterat governance perspektiv som fokuserar på hur olika aktörer i samhället utformar den offentliga politiken. Perspektivet utmaningar uppfattningen om att staten ensidigt dominerar och tar hänsyn till mångfalden av aktörer i det politiska beslutsfattandet, till exempel icke‐statliga organisationer. Resultaten av undersökningen är bland annat att karaktären av de relationer och interaktioner mellan svenska icke‐statliga organisationer och SIDA varierar, och kan beskrivas som traditionellt hierarkisk, eller samarbetsbaserad (co‐governing). Vidare uppfattas Parisdeklarationen av icke‐statliga organisationer som ett steg i rätt riktning, snarare än ett paradigmskifte på alla nivåer.

This study aims to investigate the democracy development i Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since 1995, when the Dayton Peace Agreement was signed, Bosnia has been undergoing an democratization, but despite that the country is still year 2017 classified as ”partly free”. In this study the democracy-enhancing factors: civil society and the political system are being related to the Dayton Peace Agreement and are tested against liberal democratic values and Consociational Democracy theory. This study is a qualitative case study and following questions are being looked into:   -       Which factors within the civil society and political system limit the democracy development in Bosnia and Herzegovina? -       To what extent does the Dayton Peace Agreement limit Bosnia and Herzegovina’s democracy development? -       To what extent is Bosnia and Herzegovina an Consociational Democracy?   The fact that Bosnia has a divided and multiethnic society puts a foundational ground for a possible consolidated consociational democracy. Furthermore, the functions of the civil society, political system and the Dayton Peace Agreement are being discussed and the shortcomings of each are being highlighted. The results of this study indicate that Bosnia’s long democratization development is primarly based on the unwillingness to cooperation between the three constitutional groups, the exclusion of minority groups and the Dayton Peace Agreement’s regulations on a political system that is not sustainable for a stable democratic state.

The voluntary based sports movement has for over a hundred years been supported by state funds and seen as an important part of the Swedish society. In the city of Linköping the ethnical and economical segregation has been increasing in recent years and the consequences are reflected in the local sports associations. In Skäggetorp, statistically the most underprivileged district in city, there is no longer any football association offering activities to children under fourteen years old, either boys or girls. Furthermore, girls with immigrant background are generally less involved in the sports movements and efforts are made from both public authorities and other actors to incite activity.This essay analyses the political rationality lying behind the planned and realized interventions and how the actors have been experiencing the processes of cooperation. The empirical material has been collected by interviews with the involved actors. The theoretical framework has been constituted by a theory of construction of problem representation along with theoretical concepts as capital and governance.Main findings consist of a difference of rationality depending on whether the activity is aimed at boys or girls or if it is conducted within the structure of sports associations. Also, associations in underprivileged urban districts are both seen as possible promotors for social change and as subjects in need of help. The system of public allowances for sports associations can only be distributed to projects even though all actors are addressing a long-term approach. This study also shows the challenges that exists within the decentralisation of public administration, governance and cooperation by different actors.

The intention of this essay was to conduct two comparative analytical units called, “Most Similar System Design" (MSSD). The first unit is Somalia and the other is Iraq. The main purpose of the essay is to study deeper in Somalia and Iraq’s democratization process and also to analyse the deference’s between these two countries based on democratization-process. The essay's key questions are: How did Iraq get further into the democratization-process compared to Somalia? Why couldn't Somalia make a successful democratization process like Iraq? The essay is implemented by Dankwart A. Rustows democratization factors. The results indicated that: (i) Somalia failed in its democratization-process, due to the absence of national unity and a rapid transition. One of the main obstacles was Puntland and Somaliland which hindered the national unity of Somalia. (ii) On the other hand, Iraq was different in its democratization- process. With the support of the United States, Iraq achieved great success in the unification of Iraqi civil society the embodiment of smooth transition. (iii) Finally, the conclusion indicates that: national unity, societal norms and a rapid transition were the decisive variables.

Denna uppsats skildrar ett axplock av de upplevelser av samverkan som rådde bland ett antal organisationer i civilsamhällelig och offentlig sektor som under Coronavirus-pandemin 2020 ingick i formaliserade samverkansavtal med varandra i avsikt att stärka Sveriges krisberedskap och minimera de samhälleliga och mänskliga kostnaderna av Covid-19. Dessa civilsamhälleliga aktörer är olika organisationer som skiljer sig åt struktur- och arbetsmetodmässigt – en olikhet som tidigare forskning inom krisberedskap och samverkan med civilsamhället sällan fångar. Upplevelser av samverkan mellan offentlig och privat sektor har undersökts tidigare, men tenderar att belysas från offentliga organisationers perspektiv – något som beskrivs som en besvärande forskningslucka. Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa krisstödjande organisationers erfarenheter och uppfattningar om kvaliteten på ett samarbete och skillnaderna i dessa upplevelser aktörerna emellan, med ett teoretiskt avstamp i DRC-typologins idealtyper av krisstödjande organisationer. Studien operationaliserar syftet genom att konkretisera fem relevanta variabler under samverkan: de (1) behov, och (2) insatser och roller som karaktäriserar organisationerna – enligt DRC-typologin – som direkta influenser på de (3) utmaningar, (4) fallgropar, och (5) framgångsfaktorer som de upplevt under aktuell samverkan. DRC-typologin används flitigt inom krisberedskapsforskningen och ämnar att genom fyra idealtyper av organisationer öka förståelsen för det extremt heterogena organisationslandskapet, där inblandade organisationer kan ha vida skilda kapaciteter, strukturer, och möjligheter att bistå med krisstödjande insatser.  Uppsatsens undersökande moment utgörs av en fallstudie grundad i 13 djupt kvalitativa intervjuer av representanter för organisationer involverade i Myndigheten för Samhällsskydd och Beredskaps två samverkansavtal under 2020. Majoriteten av dessa organisationer har någon form av anknytning till Norrbottens län, på grund av den bakomliggande kartläggningsrapporten publicerad av Region Norrbotten i början av 2021 som sådde fröet för den här vidarestudien inom området. Analysen av intervjuerna (som transkriberades till totalt runt 6000 ord) sker genom en innehållsanalytisk metodologi: författaren tar fram tio retoriska forskningsfrågor knutna till de framtagna variablerna och genomför en meningskoncentrering av det transkriberade materialet, för att på så vis förstå kärnan av det empiriska materialet. De intervjuade aktörerna klassificeras genom DRC-typologins idealtyper, och deras uppfattningar av de fem variablerna redogörs för (i en begränsad form). Resultatet av intervjuerna visar bland annat ett stort antal upplevda utmaningar – den variabel som de svarande var mest benägna att diskutera under intervjuerna – men ger också ett viktigt, akademiskt mikroperspektiv på offentliga och civilsamhälleliga aktörers upplevelser av samverkan. Författaren diskuterar detta vidare – med inslag av egna insikter, tolkningar, och slutsatser knutna till de identifierade upplevelserna – i uppsatsens avslutande del. / This thesis recounts a sample of the experiences of civil society and public sector organizations during the cross-sector cooperative agreements instigated by the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency (SCCA) at the beginning of the Coronavirus pandemic in 2020, the purpose of which were to strengthen Swedish crisis-response and minimize the societal and humane costs of Covid-19. The civil society parties of this agreement all have different organizational structures, internal policies, and areas of operation – a difference that prior research in the area seldom acknowledge. The experiences of actors within these two sectors bound together by cooperative agreements has been studied before, but these studies tend to illustrate their findings through the perspective lenses of the public sector – something that has been described as a problematic trend within the field. The purpose of this thesis is to illustrate crisis-response organizations’ experiences and perceptions of quality of cross-sector cooperative agreements and the differences in these perceptions between the parties, with a theoretical starting point in the DRC-typology’s classifications of crisis-response organizations. The study operationalizes its purpose by concretizing five relevant variables related to cooperation: the (1) needs, and (2) contributions and roles which characterizes these organizations – according to the DRC-typology – as direct influences on the perceived (3) challenges, (4) failures, and (5) successes experienced during these cooperative agreements. The DRC-typology is frequently used within crisis-response research to increase the understanding of individual organizations within an extremely heterogenous landscape using four distinct categories that differentiates between organizations by how they are structured and their capacities to provide aid during a crisis.  The investigatory element of this thesis is comprised of 13 deeply qualitative interviews with representatives of organizations involved in SCCA’s two cross-sector cooperative agreements during 2020. Most of these organizations are in some way connected to Norrbotten County, the primary reason being the surveying study published by the regional government of Norrbotten County in early 2021 planting the seed for this deeper exploration of the topic. The analysis of the interviews (which, transcribed, totaled around 6000 words) is done through a contextual methodology: the author asks the text ten rhetorical question tied to the study’s variables and performs a concentration of the transcribed material to gain access to the contextual core of said material. The interviewed parties are categorized through the DRC-typology, and their perceptions of the five variables are presented (in a limited fashion). The results of the interviews show that involved parties experienced many challenges during the cooperation – the variable interviewees were most prone to discuss – but also contributes an academically important micro-perspective of public- and civil society actors’ experiences of cooperative agreements. The author then discusses these results further – including subjective opinions, interpretations and conclusions tied to these experiences – in this paper’s closing chapter.

This study will present an analysis regarding regions effect on crime in rural areas. Thefour regional crime prevention organizations: police, the Swedish National Council forCrime Prevention (BRÅ), the county administrative board (länsstyrelse) and regions(regioner), all have a direct or indirect relation with handling crime in rural areas and/orhow it can be prevented. Through the lens of regional crime prevention, using previousresearch and interviews, the study tries to create the first reflections regarding howcrime prevention efforts in rural areas can be presented in the region’s context.Region’s new assignments, finalized in 2019, has had a distinct impact on all parts ofregional politics in Sweden. The inquisitive nature of the study is a telling sign that thisis uncharted ground in the Swedish context, and maybe the rest of Scandinavia andEurope. Because of this, the study creates an effort in explaining parts of regional crimeprevention in a rural context to consider the regions’ place within it.The study presents crime-related issues in rural areas, how the region’s processes forregional development function and a discussion regarding motivations surroundingcrime preventions place within regional development and regions. The study formulatesan attempt at a new framework of holistic dependency for crime in rural areas. Thisframework is dependent on four different recommendations, the topics of which canbe relevant for continued analysis and development regarding handling crime in ruralareas in the regional context. The four recommendations for rural crime prevention inthe regional context are: 1. Clarify whether the regional development strategy can include crime preventioninterventions based on identified crime prevention themes in regionaldevelopment, especially themes around more effective use of civil society as acrime prevention actor. 2. Investigate whether specific regions can change their responsibilities towards thestate to create better strategies based on their unique characteristics. 3. Clarify the crime prevention networks which regions take part in and how theycan be better used to prevent crime in Norrland's sparsely populated areas. 4. Interview all regional development directors and coordinators to develop thecase study presented / Denna studie kommer att presentera en analys av regioners effekt på brottslighet pålandsbygden. De fyra regionala brottsförebyggande organisationerna: polis,Brottsförebyggande Rådet (BRÅ), Länsstyrelsen och Regioner, har alla en direkt ellerindirekt relation till hantering av brottslighet på landsbygden och/eller hur det kanförebyggas. Genom att undersöka regionala brottsförebyggande åtgärder och tidigareforskning, försöker studien skapa de första reflektionerna kring hur brottsförebyggandeinsatser på landsbygden kan genomföras i regionala sammanhang.Regionens nya uppdrag, slutförda 2019, har haft en tydlig inverkan på alla delar avregionalpolitiken i Sverige. Studiens undersökande karaktär är ett talande tecken på attdetta är okänd mark i svenska sammanhang och kanske resten av Skandinavien ochEuropa. På grund av detta skapar studien ett försök att förklara delar av regionalbrottsförebyggande i ett landsbygdssammanhang för att överväga regionernas platsinom dessa sammanhang.Studien presenterar brottsrelaterade frågor i landsbygd, hur regionens processer förregional utveckling fungerar och en diskussion om motivationer kringbrottsförebyggande åtgärder förekommer inom regional utveckling och regioner.Studien formulerar ett försök till ett nytt ramverk av holistiskt beroende för brottslighetpå landsbygden. Detta ramverk sammanställs av fyra olika rekommendationer, varsämnen anses vara relevanta för fortsatt analys och utveckling när det gäller hantering avbrottslighet på landsbygden i regionala sammanhang. De fyra rekommendationerna förförebyggande av brottslighet på landsbygden i regionala sammanhang är: 1. Klargöra ifall den regionala utvecklingsstrategin kan inkluderabrottsförebyggande arbete baserat på identifierade brottsförebyggande teman iregional utveckling, speciellt teman kring effektivare användning avcivilsamhället som en brottsförebyggande aktör. 2. Utreda ifall specifika regioner kan förändra sitt uppdrag gentemot stat för attbättre kunna skapa strategier utefter sina unika egenskaper. 3. Klargöra de brottsförebyggande nätverk vilket regioner tar del av och hur de kanbättre användas för att förebygga brott i Norrlands glesbygd. 4. Intervjua alla regionala utvecklingsdirektörer och samordnare för att utvecklafallstudien som presenterats.

This master’s thesis in ethnology aim to enlighten the driving forces behind why a local football club, in a segregated residential area, outside of Stockholm in Sweden, chooses to develop its association in a more social direction. This is a cultural study of why football, as a cultural phenomenon, is expected to be able to solve social problems, and more generally how is sport considered a tool and a solution to social problems? Why is football expected to be able to solve segregation in a socio-economically vulnerable areas, of those who lead the sports activities? The empirical material of this essay has been collected through oral interviews from leaders of the association and government officials. Material from the association's development documents, state active board members from the association, government documents, and news articles have also been analyzed. By using the Political Discourse Theory by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe (2008 [1985]), the situations for how the sports activities have been designed can be seen as made in relation to the general hegemonic discourse on the social benefits of sport. It is also possible to discover how government grants work as guidelines and point out what the sports movement should perform under state supervision. Logics of Critical Explanation in Social and Political Theory (2007), by Jason Glynos and David Howarth, are used in the analysis and especially their fantasmatic logic has given this study an insight into the idea or perception that football leaders have of the outside world, in this case the idea of the social benefit of sport. Which in turn can explain why they in turn invest their commitment in and attract their drive from these ideas because the conviction is about being able to change the socio-economic situation in their local area. In the end, however, it turns out that neither sport nor football alone cannot serve as the solution in the fight against child poverty, criminal activity, and segregation. Sport’s simply does not have all the characteristics required to reform, challenge, or question a social order created or even built on inequality and segregation. But this in no way takes sport into account in contexts where it can socially contribute to a community that can play a significant role for its participants in their everyday lives.