The thesis entitled "Legal aspects of organizing music events" deals with musical performances from the perspective of organizers, performers, but also the wider public. The aim is to identify the legal issues that must be seen to by the organizer of musical performances and to evaluate the operation and use of the services of collective rights management societies and to evaluate the impact of copyright infringement and attitude of the society to its violation. The introductory chapter provides an overview of the legislation and discusses copyright and certain organizations that work in this field. The second chapter describes the activities of collective rights management companies. Equally important is the third chapter, which deals with license agreements and the different types of licenses. The final chapter applies the theoretical knowledge gained from previous chapters into practice.

The Sámi are a marginalized group in Sweden, there are a lot of preconceptions of them as the indigenous group of Sweden, like most States that has indigenous groups living within their boarders, clashes with the majority population will occur. The Swedish State has created management municipalities to help the Sámi gain control over some specified collective rights. The Sámi has, for example, collective rights assigned to them specifically because they are a people who internationally and nationally are recognized as the indigenous people of Sweden. This thesis sets out to investigate what rights the Sámi have to use their language and language education in connection to the management municipalities, and if Sweden, as a state that holds itself so high concerning the rights of indigenous peoples and a guardian of human rights for all, actually grant the Sámi the rights they are entitled to. I will do so by using a qualitative method and content analysis method which will draw on a liberal theory of collective rights. The research will show, that Sweden has indeed established the management municipalities to maintain rights assigned to the Sámi, however it does not provide all rights reserved and in some cases it actually violates the rights for the indigenous population.

The aim of the present paper is to better understand the reality of religious pluralism, itscauses and the possibilities by which this situation could be maximized in the sense oftrying to reach a satisfactory agreement for all parties involved through reflections onpluralism. Corollary, it seeks to deepen the understanding on the topic ofmulticulturalism with a focus on the field of religious and political theory on topics suchas minorities, religious and cultural pluralism, liberal multiculturalism. In trying tosolve this spinney theoretical inquiry I chose to focus on a case study about theOrthodox Church’s traditional values that represent the keystone of what the Churchpreaches, with a strong focus on collective interests to the detriment of individual rights,intolerance of religious minorities.

Submitted by Marlene Aparecida de Souza Cardozo (mcardozo@pucsp.br) on 2016-11-22T12:47:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Franco Cândia.pdf: 1747930 bytes, checksum: d6b8c35867e80d29630b0f99ca0fc629 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-22T12:47:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Franco Cândia.pdf: 1747930 bytes, checksum: d6b8c35867e80d29630b0f99ca0fc629 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-04 / The present work represents, above all, an attempt to observe the group’s rights (diffuse, collective and individual rights homogeneous) through the lens of the theory of social systems by Niklas Luhmann, giving concretion, as part of the semantics of collective trusteeship, the high abstraction and complexity of this social theory that has universal purpose, i.e. hogging any social phenomenon. The main focus of the thesis is not only point to the existence of a collective deficit in collective custody carried out by organizations that are on the periphery of the system of law (e.g. Public Prosecutor, Public Defender’s Office, Offices of the Union, the states and municipalities, unions, associations etc.), but also suggest referrals to mitigate this deficit, especially from the conception of the collective agreement as intersystemic coupling that enables collective legal decision. It is supported, among other things, the need to explore better the intersystemic relationships, mainly with the system of interaction, science and the economy, therefore the legal-collective decision can produces lower risk and greater social adequacy (legitimacy) / O presente trabalho representa, acima de tudo, uma tentativa de observar os direitos de grupos (direitos difusos, coletivos e individuais homogêneos) pelas lentes da teoria dos sistemas sociais de Niklas Luhmann, dando concreção, no âmbito da semântica da tutela coletiva, à elevada abstração e complexidade desta teoria social que tem propósito universal, ou seja, pretende açambarcar todo e qualquer fenômeno social. O foco principal da tese não é apenas apontar para a existência de um deficit coletivo na tutela coletiva realizada pelas organizações que se encontram na periferia do sistema do direito (v.g. Ministério Público, Defensoria Pública, Procuradorias da União, estados e municípios, sindicatos, associações etc.), mas também sugerir encaminhamentos para mitigar esse deficit, especialmente a partir da concepção do acordo coletivo como acoplamento intersistêmico que viabiliza a decisão jurídico-coletiva. Sustentamos, entre outras coisas, a necessidade de se explorar melhor as relações intersistêmicas, sobretudo com o sistema de interação, a ciência e a economia, a fim de que a decisão jurídico-coletiva produza menos risco e tenha maior adequação (legitimidade) social

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Paula de Castro.pdf: 1460936 bytes, checksum: ee297ce6a8ca754e7f3783284a4df85d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-21 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The two main objectives of this study are: (i) advocate the application of punitive damages under the collective protection and (ii) submit, albeit briefly, some procedural implications of the application of punitive damages in class actions. To do this we started the work by mentioning the importance of protection of collective rights in a broad sense and presenting a panorama of several standards that deal with collective rights in a broad sense. In a second step, we analyze the evolution of liability and punitive damages as to present a new legal institution to be used for the prevention of collective damage. Finally, starting from the assumption that punitive damages can be used in the context of collective protection, some practical procedural aspects are mentioned in the application of punitive damages in class actions / Os dois principais objetivos do presente trabalho são: (i) defender a aplicação da indenização punitiva no âmbito da tutela coletiva e (ii) apresentar, ainda que de forma breve, algumas implicações processuais da aplicação da indenização punitiva nas ações coletivas. Para tanto, iniciamos o trabalho mencionando a importância da tutela dos direitos coletivos em sentido amplo e apresentando um panorama de diversas normas que tratam dos direitos coletivos em sentido amplo. Em um segundo momento, analisamos a evolução da responsabilidade civil e apresentamos a indenização punitiva como um novo instituto jurídico a ser utilizado para a prevenção de dano coletivos. Por fim, partindo-se do pressuposto de que a indenização punitiva pode ser utilizada no âmbito da tutela coletiva, mencionamos alguns aspectos processuais, de ordem prática, da aplicação da indenização punitiva nas ações coletivas

La dimension collective des enjeux globaux, telles que la crise écologique, et la satisfaction de certains besoins, nous invite à nous tourner vers d'autres cultures, dans une perspective de l'anthropologie juridique, afin de repenser notre conception des droits de l'Homme, et améliorer leur effectivité. L'analyse des textes et des pratiques juridiques boliviennes relatives aux droits sur les biens, en particulier la terre, rend manifeste l'influence des cultures indigènes dans la formation du Droit. On observe un processus de transculturation du Droit étatique par le Droit indigène. Les peuples indigènes originaires paysans se voient reconnaître, grâce à leur lutte, des droits collectifs qui permettent de protéger leur territoire et exercer sur celui-ci un autogouvernement. La consécration en Droit interne du « Vivir Bien » comme principe recteur des politiques publiques, et de la « Madre Tierra » comme bien collectif et sujet de droit met en évidence l'influence potentielle des cultures indigènes en Droit international de l'Environnement, devenu une catégorie suis generis régit par un Droit hybride, et qui laisse déjà entrevoir une certaine transculturation juridique. / No English summary available. / La dimensión colectiva de los retos globales, como la crisis ecológica, y de la satisfacción de determinadas necesidades, nos invitan a mirar hacia otras culturas, desde la perspectiva de la antropología jurídica, para repensar nuestra concepción de los derechos humanos y mejorar su efectividad. El estudio de los textos y las prácticas jurídicas bolivianas relativos a los derechos sobre los bienes, en especial la tierra, pone de manifiesto la influencia de las culturas indígenas en la fonación del Derecho. Se observa un proceso de transculturación del Derecho estatal por el Derecho indígena. Los pueblos indígena originario campesinos se ven reconocidos, gracias a su lucha, derechos colectivos que permiten proteger su territorio y ejercer en éste un autogobierno. La consagración en Derecho interno del Vivir Bien como principio rector de las políticas públicas y de la Madre Tierra como bien colectivo y sujeto de derecho evidencia la influencia potencial de las culturas indígenas en el Derecho internacional del Medio Ambiente, en la actualidad convertido en una categoría sui generis regida por un Derecho híbrido, y en el que ya se percibe cierta transculturación jurídica.

Increased immigrant movement from conflict stricken areas to the liberal west, has led to challenges involving increasing multicultural group claims on the liberal democratic state, leading to the destabilization of its foundation. The conflict lay in the opposing world views culturally, ethnically and religiously that the new citizens have, seeing the “group” first and foremost whereas the individual in western democracy has always been seen as the principal rights recipient. The purpose of this study has been to examine the challenges multicultural group claims from immigrants have had on the liberal democratic state on a theoretical level and what possible approaches that should be used to resolve this challenge from the standpoint of the liberal democratic state. To answer this on a theoretical level the study uses a qualitative text analysis of three acclaimed political philosophers on the subject, the communitarian Charles Taylor, the egalitarian liberal philosopher Brian Barry and the liberal philosopher Will Kymlicka whom takes a middle ground on the subject of multicultural group rights.   The results show us that though the three philosophers have different outlooks on the grounds of their opinion on group rights and claims, in the case of immigrants they agree to a large extent. They agree that, whilst the liberal democratic state and the immigrants both wish for complete integration as citizens, the liberal democratic state will treat immigrants the same as the majority, as individual rights recipients. All this whilst making required efforts for the simplification of the integration process. That is why acceptance of certain multicultural rights regarding food, culture, traditions and language in the “private” sphere as well as certain exceptions in the “official” sphere can be accepted, as long as they adhere to the liberal democratic framework of free association, whilst normative multicultural group claims cannot.  So we find that a communitarian philosophy which encourages multicultural group claims actually does agree that the liberal democratic state’s current approach in the case of immigrants is enough.

L'objectif poursuivi dans ce mémoire est de montrer que le néo-républicanisme possède les outils les plus efficaces pour penser la réconciliation des droits individuels, fondement des États de droits occidentaux contemporains, et des droits collectifs que peuvent légitimement réclamer les collectivités nationales. Dans cette visée, et comme de nombreux auteurs libéraux se sont attaqués à cette question dans les dernières décennies, j'expose d'abord trois stratégies libérales pour traiter cette possible réconciliation tout en faisant ressortir leurs faiblesses respectives. J'avance qu'aucune de ces stratégies ne permet vraiment de comprendre comment un régime de droits collectifs et un régime de droits individuels peuvent être articulés de façon cohérente. J'argue ensuite que le néo-républicanisme, parce qu'il comprend la liberté non pas comme l'absence d'interférence, mais comme un statut de non-domination, permet de voir que les droits collectifs des groupes nationaux et les droits individuels sont nécessairement compatibles, parce qu'ils s'organisent en fonction du même idéal. Les droits d'un individu et ceux de sa collectivité nationale sont, d'une certaine manière, les deux faces d'une même médaille, la non-domination individuelle dépendant de la non-domination du groupe national auquel l'individu appartient. En dernier lieu, je soutiens que cette compréhension du rapport entre les deux régimes de droits devrait se traduire par un ensemble de mesures institutionnelles concrètes dont la plus importante est la reconnaissance d'un droit, pour les collectivités nationales, à l'autodétermination. / The purpose of this M.A. research is to show that neo-republicanism provides the most efficient tools to think the reconciliation of a system of individual rights, upon which western contemporary states and their rule of law are based, and of a system of collective rights that can legitimately be claimed by national collectivities. Since the issue of the compatibility of individual and collective rights has mainly been tackled by liberals, I begin by presenting three liberal strategies to deal with this possible reconciliation and I try to highlight their insufficiencies. I claim that none of those strategies actually provide a consistent way to understand how a system of individual rights and a system of collective rights can coherently be articulated. I then argue that neo-republicanism, for it conceptualizes liberty not as the absence of interference, but as the absence of domination, makes apparent that national collectivities’ rights and individual rights are necessarily compatible since they spring from the same ideal. The rights of an individual and the rights of its national collectivity are, in a way, the two sides of the same coin, for individual non-domination depends upon the non- domination of the national group to which the individual belongs. Lastly, I claim that grasping the relationship between the two systems of rights in this manner should be reflected by a set of concrete institutional measures, the most important being the recognition of a right, for national collectivities, to self-determination.

This thesis focuses on the collective dimension of human rights. The focus of the interpretation is the analysis of the case law of the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights. The work focuses on three rights protected by the European Convention on Human Rights. These rights are freedom of thought, conscience and religion, adjusted in Art. 9 of the ECHR, and the freedom of assembly and association, enshrined in Art. 11. The first part briefly describes the evolution of the concept of human rights. More is devoted to two different sources, which had a great influence on rather individualistic conception of human rights. This is the Reformation and the Enlightenment. It also describes the documents, in which the human rights were firstly enshrined. These are the American Declaration of Independence, the Virginia Declaration of Rights, the Charter of Rights and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. In addition, it focuses on the adoption of the first international documents containing provisions on human rights, and on whether in these conventions or declarations the collective rights are enshrined. The conclusion of the first chapter presents the definitions of collective rights and also counter- arguments which are heard against this...

O presente estudo tem como objetivo discutir o mandado de segurança coletivo como verdadeira demanda a serviço da tutela processual de direitos coletivos em sentido amplo. Nesse sentido, as intenções principais residem em destacar o mandamus coletivo naquilo em que o distingue do mandado de segurança individual. Desse modo, são propositalmente lançados problemas que acentuam essas substanciais diferenças entre os dois institutos, o que passa pela discussão da natureza jurídica, dos direitos tutelados, da legitimidade, da coisa julgada, da litispendência, do procedimento (especialmente no tocante ao deferimento de liminares), da intervenção de terceiros e da desistência. É evidente que a construção do trabalho não prescinde da análise da Lei 12.016/2009, primeira lei a regulamentar o mandado de segurança coletivo cujo fundamento de validade, até então, se concentrava apenas na Constituição Federal (art. 5o, inc. LXX). Essa Lei trouxe várias disposições acerca do writ coletivo, fracassando, no entanto, em dialogar diversos de seus pontos com o microssistema de tutela coletiva. / The aim of this dissertation is to discuss the class mandamus writ as an action for the protection of collective rights. It seeks to underline the distinction between the individual and the class mandamus writ with a focus on the latter. In order to emphasize the substantial differences between the two institutes, particularly with regard to their nature, the rights they protect, res judicata, pendency, other procedural issues (particularly in relation to interim injunctions), joint of parties and quitclaim, the dissertation proposes questions related to these topics. It is clear that this dissertation cannot dispense with the analysis of Lei 12.016/2009, which was the first act to regulate the class mandamus writ. Until the enactment of that act, the class mandamus writ fundament of validity was exclusively the art. 5, LXX of the Federal Constitution. Although, this act has brought many provisions on the class mandamus writ, it failed in establishing a dialogue with the collective redress microsystem.