This thesis investigates both substantive and procedural issues pertaining to allegations of crimes committed by UN peacekeepers in three African countries, Somalia, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Under the current UN Model Status-of-Forces Agreements, criminal jurisdiction over peacekeepers rests with their sending States. However, although the UN has no criminal jurisdiction, it has been the Office of Internal Oversight Services that has conducted investigations. It is argued that every Status of Force Agreement and every Memorandum of Understanding should contain specific clauses obligating Troop-Contributing Countries to prosecute and the UN to follow-up. If rape, murder, assault, and any other crimes by UN peacekeepers go unpunished, the message sent to the victims is that peacekeepers are above the law. Rape is the most commonly committed crime by peacekeepers, but is usually considered as an isolated act. The procedural issue of prosecuting peacekeepers is investigated in order to establish whether troops can be caught under the ambits of the criminal law of the Host State to hold UN troops criminally accountable for their acts. The laws relative to the elements of each crime and the possible available defences under the three Host States, and the criminal law of South Africa as a Troop-Contributing Country, are discussed. The apparent lack of prosecution is investigated and existing cases of prosecution discussed. Alternatives to the unwillingness by States with criminal jurisdiction under the Status of Forces Agreement or under the Memorandum of Understanding are considered. Considering the current rules related to crimes committed by peacekeepers, the argument put forward is that crimes by peacekeepers must be dealt with completely and transparently though a Convention aiming at barring Troop-Contributing Countries who do not meet their obligations under international law from participating in future operations of peace. This thesis, furthermore, suggests a tripartite court mechanism to fill the lacunae in the law relating to the prosecution of peacekeepers. It considers the issues of reserving jurisdiction over peacekeepers to the Troop-Contributing Countries which are reluctant to prosecute repatriated alleged perpetrators. The victims’ importance in criminal proceedings and their their right to a remedy are highlighted. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL.D.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-12T10:57:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Santos Pereira.pdf: 2620162 bytes, checksum: a23388865de795b188c375b77743073d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-12T10:57:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Santos Pereira.pdf: 2620162 bytes, checksum: a23388865de795b188c375b77743073d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-21 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This scientific paper is the result of a personal – that later became professional – journey that aimed at understanding the reason why teeanged boys and girls kept being murdered in poor suburban neighborhoods in the state of São Paulo. As we could not analyze the lethal violence against children and teenagers in the whole state of São Paulo, we narrowed the objective to understand the reasons why the extermination takes place in the city of São Paulo. The dissertation is organized in three chapters. Chapter 1 is aimed at analyzing historically the development of childhood and adolescence in the Brazilian prism. This chapter has shown evidence of how violations of children and adolescente’s rights along with the lack of social policies aimed at this target group can contribute to the murder of these people. There were countless forms of thoughts and interventions in regards to the social vulnerabilities related to Brazilian childhood and adolescence such as Discipline; Coercion; Baby hatching; boarding school; child's code; Universal Declaration of the Rights of Children and Adolescents; Income distribution policies; Philanthropy; Charity; FEBEN; CASA Foundation; Child and Adolescent Statute; SINASE among many others. After having analyzed the data, the second chapter aimed at checking the lethal violence against children and adolescents in the city of São Paulo. This study addressed lethal violence across all age groups and regions of the country, taking into account all existing sides of this problem. Finally, we have analyzed the data from the 2012 to 2014 PPCAAM / SP management, which showed other profiles of children and adolescents to be exterminated in São Paulo. Only this collected data could support the study, however we believe that for a further research development and depth, interviews were carried out with professionals that work in the program as well as adolescents who have already been threatened with death. The interviews have shown that, according to these teenagers, death is nothing but a detail in communities of São Paulo, especially for those involved with some illicit activity. The popularized thought that "the only good indian is a dead indian understood through a cultural prism relating to thieves in Brazil] also affects children and adolescents. Both interviewees said they felt this in their relationship with the population and the police. According to these professionals, management and fund raising issues hinder the development of the Program, and this lethal violence fiercely attacks adolescence / Este estudo científico é fruto de uma jornada pessoal e posteriormente profissional que intrinsecamente despertava compreender porque meninos e meninas adolescentes eram constantemente assassinados nos bairros e periferias do Estado de São Paulo. Como não conseguiríamos analisar a violência letal contra crianças e adolescentes no Estado inteiro, delimitamos compreender os motivos pelos quais o extermínio ocorre no município de São Paulo. A dissertação foi dividida em três capítulos. O capítulo 1º analisou historicamente o desenvolvimento da infância e adolescência no cenário brasileiro. Este trajeto fez com que tivéssemos uma ideia de como as violações dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes, e a escassez de políticas sociais destinadas ao público podem contribuir para o assassinato destes sujeitos. Foram inúmeras formas de pensamentos e intervenções quanto as vulnerabilidades sociais referentes à infância e adolescência brasileiras. Disciplina; Coerção; Roda dos Expostos; Internato; Código do Menor; Declaração Universal dos Direitos das Crianças e Adolescentes; Assistencialismo; Filantropia; Caridade; FEBEM; Fundação CASA; Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente; SINASE, e tantas outras. Com todo o material pesquisado, o segundo Capítulo analisou a violência letal contra crianças e adolescentes na cidade de São Paulo. Este estudo abordou a violência letal em todas as faixas etárias e regiões do país, levando em consideração todas as facetas existentes. Por fim, analisamos os dados da gestão entre 2012 a 2014 do PPCAAM/SP, que mostrou outros perfis de crianças e adolescentes sob risco de serem exterminados em São Paulo. Estes dados por si só já enriqueceriam o estudo, porém acreditamos que para desenvolvimento da pesquisa, foram realizadas entrevistas com profissionais de atuação no programa, e adolescentes que já estiveram ameaçados de morte. As entrevistas mostraram que segundo os adolescentes a morte chega a ser um “mero detalhe” nas comunidades de São Paulo, principalmente para aqueles envolvidos com alguma atividade ilícita. A ideia popular de que “bandido bom é Bandido morto” também atinge crianças e adolescentes. Ambos entrevistados afirmaram sentir isto na relação com a população e a polícia. Na concepção dos profissionais, questões de gestão e financiamento impedem o desenvolvimento do Programa, e a violência letal ataca ferozmente a adolescência

Prenant appui sur le Statut de Rome et les textes de référence issus des instances de la Francophonie, cette thèse vise à mettre en lumière la contribution de cet acteur, dans le processus de lutte contre l’impunité. Il s’agit, en effet, de démontrer que les crimes, d’une extrême gravité, prévus et punis par le Statut de Rome sont aux antipodes des valeurs humanistes prônées par la Francophonie.Regroupant 80 Etats et gouvernements (54membres, 3 associés et 23 observateurs) dont 55 sont Parties au Statut, disposant d’un vaste réseau institutionnel et comptant 274 millions de locuteurs à travers le monde, la Francophonie, en dépit de ses imperfections, est tout autant légitime que capable pour insuffler le processus de mise en œuvre du Statut. Pour corriger les imperfections de la Francophonie, cette thèse a insisté, tout particulièrement, sur la nécessité de créer, dans chaque État, des organes ayant pour compétence de mobiliser tous les acteurs susceptibles d’être impliqués dans la mise en œuvre du Statut de Rome. / On the basis of the Rome Statute and the reference or authoritative text from bodies or instances of Francophonie, this dissertation aims to highlight the contribution of this author in the fight against impunity. In fact, this is necessary to demonstrate that extremely serious offences laid down or defined and punishable by the Rome Statute are the clear opposite of humanistic values promoted by the International Organization of the Francophonie (IOF).The IOF consists of 56 states and governments, as well as 23 observers, 3 associates and 54 members in 5 continents. With 55 of members being states parties to the Rome Statute, sharing a wide institutional network and having 274 millions of people speaking a common language. The IOF, in spite of its imperfections, is equally legitimate and has the capacity to provide fresh momentum for the Rome Statute implementation process.To overcome the shortcomings of the present system of Francophonie, this dissertation particularly insists on the need or the importance to create in member’s states authorities or departments in order to mobilize and involve actors or partners to the implementation of the Rome Statute.

A internacionalização do terror no Cone Sul, durante as décadas de 70 e 80, consistiu na integração dos esforços de um grupo de países para combater um ―inimigo‖ comum: o comunismo. Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai – com apoio dos Estados Unidos – associaram suas forças militares e serviços secretos para desenvolver um plano de combate internacional contra a ―subversão comunista‖: a denominada Operação Condor. Através dela internacionalizou-se o terrorismo de Estado instaurado nesses países, disseminando a insegurança, a violência e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos em toda a região sul-americana, dando origem a uma verdadeira ―multinacional do terror‖. O Plano Condor visou evitar que a atuação das organizações guerrilheiras existentes nesses países pudesse levar a uma revolução semelhante à ocorrida em Cuba. A Argentina foi um importante ator dessa rede internacional de terror. Perseguiu, reprimiu e colaborou, de forma sistemática e com requintes de violência, na perseguição e no aniquilamento dos opositores do regime ditatorial argentino, bem como dos países vizinhos. Com o golpe de Estado de março de 1976, instalou-se na Argentina a ditadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando o terrorismo do Estado e gerando um clima de insegurança e medo em toda a sociedade argentina. Nesta fase instaurou-se uma política estatal que cometeu diversos crimes de lesa humanidade, no marco do genocídio para alguns, ou do politicídio de vários militantes de movimentos de oposição, tornando-se esta a tática mais utilizada para combater as ideias ―subversivas‖. Milhares de cidadãos abandonaram o país tomando o rumo do exílio para salvar suas vidas, a de seus familiares e para seguir combatendo, desde o exterior, os usurpadores da liberdade na Argentina e lutando pela volta da democracia ao país. / The internationalization of terror in the Southern Cone, between the 70‘s and the 80‘s, was the integration of efforts of a group of countries to combat a ―common enemy‖: the communism. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay – with support from the United States – connected its military forces and secret services to develop a plan to combat internationally the ―communist subversion‖: the named Operation Condor. It internationalized the State terrorism introduced in those countries, spreading insecurity, violence and disrespecting human rights in the entire South American region, giving rise to a genuine ―multinational of terror‖. The Operation Condor aimed to avoid that those guerrillas organizations, active in its countries, could lead to a revolution similar to which occurred in Cuba. Argentina was an important actor from that international network of terror. It persecuted, repressed and collaborated systematically and with refinements of violence in the harassment and the annihilation of enemies of the Argentinean dictatorial regime, such as from its neighbouring countries. With the coup d‟état of March of 1976 in Argentina it was installed the civil-military dictatorship named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional that trivialized State terrorism and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and fear for the Argentine society as whole. This stage introduced a State policy that committed several crimes against humanity, within the framework of genocide for some, or of the politicide of several militants of the opposition movements, making it the most widely used tactic to combat the ―subversive‖ ideas. Thousands of citizenships abandoned this country taking the road of exile to save their own lives, as well as their families‘ and to keep fighting against, from abroad, the usurpers of freedom in Argentina and struggling for the return of democracy to the country. / La internacionalización del terror en el Cono Sur, durante las décadas del 70 y 80, consistió en la integración de los esfuerzos de un grupo de países para combatir un ―enemigo‖ común: el comunismo. Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguay y Uruguay – con el apoyo de los EE.UU. – asociaron sus fuerzas militares y sus servicios secretos para desarrollar un plan de combate internacional contra la ―subversión comunista‖: la denominada Operación Cóndor. Mediante ella se internacionalizó el terrorismo de Estado antes esos países, diseminando la inseguridad, la violencia y el desprecio de los derechos humanos a toda la región sudamericana, originando una verdadera ―multinacional del terror‖. El Operativo Cóndor estuvo destinado a evitar que las acciones de organizaciones guerrilleras existentes en esos países pudieran llevar a una revolución semejante a la que ocurrió en Cuba. La Argentina fue un importante actor de esa red internacional del terror. Persiguió, reprimió y colaboró, sistemática y violentamente, en la persecución y en el aniquilamiento de los opositores del régimen dictatorial argentino, así como lo de los países vecinos. Con el golpe de Estado de marzo de 1976, se estableció en la Argentina la dictadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando el terrorismo de Estado y generando una atmosfera de inseguridad y de miedo a toda la sociedad argentina. En esta fase se introdujo una política estatal que cometió diversos crímenes de lesa humanidad, en el marco del genocidio para algunos, o del politicidio de varios militantes de movimientos de oposición, convirtiéndose esta la táctica más utilizada para combatir las ideas "subversivas". Miles de ciudadanos abandonaron el país tomando el rumbo del exilio para salvar sus vidas, la de sus familiares y para seguir combatiendo, desde afuera, los usurpadores de la libertad en la Argentina y luchando por el regreso de la democracia al país.

A internacionalização do terror no Cone Sul, durante as décadas de 70 e 80, consistiu na integração dos esforços de um grupo de países para combater um ―inimigo‖ comum: o comunismo. Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai – com apoio dos Estados Unidos – associaram suas forças militares e serviços secretos para desenvolver um plano de combate internacional contra a ―subversão comunista‖: a denominada Operação Condor. Através dela internacionalizou-se o terrorismo de Estado instaurado nesses países, disseminando a insegurança, a violência e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos em toda a região sul-americana, dando origem a uma verdadeira ―multinacional do terror‖. O Plano Condor visou evitar que a atuação das organizações guerrilheiras existentes nesses países pudesse levar a uma revolução semelhante à ocorrida em Cuba. A Argentina foi um importante ator dessa rede internacional de terror. Perseguiu, reprimiu e colaborou, de forma sistemática e com requintes de violência, na perseguição e no aniquilamento dos opositores do regime ditatorial argentino, bem como dos países vizinhos. Com o golpe de Estado de março de 1976, instalou-se na Argentina a ditadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando o terrorismo do Estado e gerando um clima de insegurança e medo em toda a sociedade argentina. Nesta fase instaurou-se uma política estatal que cometeu diversos crimes de lesa humanidade, no marco do genocídio para alguns, ou do politicídio de vários militantes de movimentos de oposição, tornando-se esta a tática mais utilizada para combater as ideias ―subversivas‖. Milhares de cidadãos abandonaram o país tomando o rumo do exílio para salvar suas vidas, a de seus familiares e para seguir combatendo, desde o exterior, os usurpadores da liberdade na Argentina e lutando pela volta da democracia ao país. / The internationalization of terror in the Southern Cone, between the 70‘s and the 80‘s, was the integration of efforts of a group of countries to combat a ―common enemy‖: the communism. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay – with support from the United States – connected its military forces and secret services to develop a plan to combat internationally the ―communist subversion‖: the named Operation Condor. It internationalized the State terrorism introduced in those countries, spreading insecurity, violence and disrespecting human rights in the entire South American region, giving rise to a genuine ―multinational of terror‖. The Operation Condor aimed to avoid that those guerrillas organizations, active in its countries, could lead to a revolution similar to which occurred in Cuba. Argentina was an important actor from that international network of terror. It persecuted, repressed and collaborated systematically and with refinements of violence in the harassment and the annihilation of enemies of the Argentinean dictatorial regime, such as from its neighbouring countries. With the coup d‟état of March of 1976 in Argentina it was installed the civil-military dictatorship named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional that trivialized State terrorism and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and fear for the Argentine society as whole. This stage introduced a State policy that committed several crimes against humanity, within the framework of genocide for some, or of the politicide of several militants of the opposition movements, making it the most widely used tactic to combat the ―subversive‖ ideas. Thousands of citizenships abandoned this country taking the road of exile to save their own lives, as well as their families‘ and to keep fighting against, from abroad, the usurpers of freedom in Argentina and struggling for the return of democracy to the country. / La internacionalización del terror en el Cono Sur, durante las décadas del 70 y 80, consistió en la integración de los esfuerzos de un grupo de países para combatir un ―enemigo‖ común: el comunismo. Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguay y Uruguay – con el apoyo de los EE.UU. – asociaron sus fuerzas militares y sus servicios secretos para desarrollar un plan de combate internacional contra la ―subversión comunista‖: la denominada Operación Cóndor. Mediante ella se internacionalizó el terrorismo de Estado antes esos países, diseminando la inseguridad, la violencia y el desprecio de los derechos humanos a toda la región sudamericana, originando una verdadera ―multinacional del terror‖. El Operativo Cóndor estuvo destinado a evitar que las acciones de organizaciones guerrilleras existentes en esos países pudieran llevar a una revolución semejante a la que ocurrió en Cuba. La Argentina fue un importante actor de esa red internacional del terror. Persiguió, reprimió y colaboró, sistemática y violentamente, en la persecución y en el aniquilamiento de los opositores del régimen dictatorial argentino, así como lo de los países vecinos. Con el golpe de Estado de marzo de 1976, se estableció en la Argentina la dictadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando el terrorismo de Estado y generando una atmosfera de inseguridad y de miedo a toda la sociedad argentina. En esta fase se introdujo una política estatal que cometió diversos crímenes de lesa humanidad, en el marco del genocidio para algunos, o del politicidio de varios militantes de movimientos de oposición, convirtiéndose esta la táctica más utilizada para combatir las ideas "subversivas". Miles de ciudadanos abandonaron el país tomando el rumbo del exilio para salvar sus vidas, la de sus familiares y para seguir combatiendo, desde afuera, los usurpadores de la libertad en la Argentina y luchando por el regreso de la democracia al país.

Magister Legum - LLM / Even though sexual violence has always been a part and parcel of conflicts and atrocities throughout the ages, it never found any interpretation by subsequent tribunals who were responsible for prosecuting offenders.The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu was the first of its kind to give jurisprudential recognition and interpretation to sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide respectively. This case was important for the following reasons:1. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to an act of genocide; 2. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to a crime against humanity; and 3. It was the first case to define rape within an international context.Following the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu many tribunals gave recognition to the extent of which sexual violence takes place during atrocities by correctly convicting accused for either participating in sexual violence or aiding and abetting to sexual violence. Amidst the various interpretations on what constitutes sexual violence and how it is defined, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone all either conceptualised sexual violence as genocide, war crimes or/ and crimes against humanity.At the same time, the development of sexual violence as either a crime against humanity or a war crime did not end with the courts. The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu sparked a fire in the international community, which led to it paying more attention to the place of sexual violence in treaty law. Taking into account that rape is listed as a crime against humanity in both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda statutes, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the International Criminal Court statutes both list more than one form of sexual violence as a crime against humanity. It is interesting to note that the latter two treaty developments took place only after the International Criminal Tribunal conceptualised sexual violence as a crime against humanity.Thus apart from merely listing rape as a crime against humanity, the Statute establishing the Special Court for Sierra Leone, states in article 2(g) that sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy and any other form of sexual violence constitutes a crime against humanity. The Statute establishing the International Criminal Court states in article 7(1)(g) that rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilisation or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity constitutes a crime against humanity. The interpretation of these acts is further guided by the ‘Elements of Crimes’ which are annexed to the International Criminal Court statute.Once again it is interesting to note that the ‘Elements of Crimes’ for these acts are similar to how the International Criminal Tribunals (both the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda tribunals) conceptualised various acts of sexual violence.On the other hand, the definition of genocide remained the same as it was defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948. This definition does not expressly mention any form of sexual violence as a form of genocide.However, once again, the trial chamber in the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu set the benchmark for sexual violence to constitute a form of genocide by way of interpretation. The definition of genocide did not subsequently change in the Statute establishing the International Criminal Court.Based on these premises, this thesis attempts to investigate the similarities and differences in sexual violence as a form of both genocide and a crime against humanity,by addressing the following question:What are the essential and practical differences between sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide and what is the legal effect of the differences, should there be any? Chapter 1 highlights the historical overview and developments of sexual violence as genocide and crimes against humanity, while chapter 2 investigates how sexual violence can amount to a form of genocide. Chapter 3 assesses the advances made in sexual violence as a crime against humanity, while chapter 4 importantly draws a comparative analysis between sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity. Chapter 4 draws this comparison by weighing up four differences and four similarities in sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity.Chapter 5 highlights the conclusion and provides an answer for the research question that is posed above. Here it is concluded that even though there exist multiple differences in sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide, there are also multiple similarities which could possibly amount to a better chance for conviction of an accused under a crime against humanity than genocide. Chapter 5 also provide possible recommendations for the consequences that might flow should sexual violence as a crime against humanity be fairly similar to sexual violence as genocide.

The child protection system includes foster care. Yet some foster children are neglected, physically or emotionally abused and are used to obtain Foster Care Grants. The essence of this study is to develop a thorough and comprehensive understanding from the frame of reference of social workers on the factors that contribute to the neglect and abuse of foster children as well as their suggestions about possible interventions. The qualitative research approach was applied. The researcher utilised purposive sampling to select social workers. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to gather information and data was analysed. It is clear from the findings that the foster care system needs to be reviewed to minimise or stop neglect and abuse of foster children. / Social Work / M.A. (Social Work)

Summary in English, Tswana and Zulu / The researcher aimed to examine female perpetrator motives for becoming drug mules. The aim was accomplished through the use of a qualitative study, case research. Collection of data occurred via semi-structured interviews with seven participants. Purposive sampling was employed to aid with the selection of participants, and thematic analysis used as a means to analyse the data collected. The study found that motivations differed amongst all participants; nonetheless, the primary findings indicate that participants chose to become drug mules mainly due to financial strain. The other themes identified included monetary rewards and the influence of social networking relationships. The most common finding was the involvement of Nigerians in all participants becoming drug mules. Further research, and the need for intensive educational drives in communities and schools regarding drug mules, formed the recommendations derived from the study. / Boikaelelo jwa patlisiso eno ke go tlhatlhoba mabaka a a dirang gore basadi ba ikamaganye le go tsamaisa diokobatsi tse di seng kafa molaong. Boikaelelo jono bo fitlheletswe ka go dirisa patlisiso e e leng kaga boleng,, go dirisiwa boemo jo go ithutiwang ka jone ka ntlha ya gore ke jone bonang le dintlha tse di tlhokegang, tse di maleba mme di re naya dintlha tse di feletseng kaga se go batlisisiwang ka sone. Patlisiso eno e kaga basadi ba le supa bao re kgonneng go batlisisa ka bone. Patlisiso eno e sekaseka kafa batsayakarolo ba tshelang ka gone go ya kafa ba tlhalositseng ka gone,, go akareletsa le tsela eo ba neng ba tshela ka yone fa ba sale bannye le ka moo ba godileng ka gone, ga mmogo le botshelo jwa bone jwa jaanong le ka moo ba tshelang ka gone jaaka batsamaisi ba diokobatsi tse di seng kafa molaong. Patlisiso eno gape e sekaseka le kwa ba tswang teng, seemo sa bone sa loago le ikonomi, ba lelapa ga mmogo le ditsala tse ba ikopanyang le tsone, patlisiso eno e batlisisitse le gore a go na le dilo dipe tse dingwe tse di bakang gore ba tsamaise diokobatsi tse di seng kafa molaong. Go kgobokanya tshedimosetso go dirilwe ka go dira dipotsolotso le batsayakarolo ba supa. Setlhopha se se tlhophiwang se dirisiwa go tlhopha batsayakarolo. Ka ntlha ya gore setlhogo seno ke kaga batsamaisi ba diokobatsi, mokgwa ono o ne o le maleba go tlhatlhoba batsayakarolo ba ba oketsegileng. Mmatlisisi o akanyeditse gore a botsolotse batho ba ka nna lesome, kwa bofelong go ile ga nna le basadi ba ka nna sometlhano ba ba ileng ba kopiwa go tsenela patlisiso eno mme ba le supa ke bone fela ba dumetseng go tsenela patlisiso eno. Go ile ga dirisiwa tlhatlhobo ya thematic e le go tlhatlhoba tshedimosetso e e kgobokantsweng. Le fa gone patlisiso e ne e le ka ga boemo jo go ithutiwang ka jone, tlhatlhobo ya thematic e nnile yone e e thusang thata ka gonne e ne e le bonolo go ka dirisiwa ka ntlha ya gore ke yone eo e nang le dintlha tse dintsi tseo di batlegang. Mabaka a a dirang gore ba tlhophe tiro ya go tsamaisa diokobatsi a ne a sa tshwane go batsayakarolo botlhe le fa go ntse jalo go bonagetse gore lebaka la konokono leo le ba dirang ba tlhophe tiro eno ke ka ntlha ya mathata a madi/maemo a ikonomi a a sa tlhomamang. E re ka mathata a madi le maemo a ikonomi a a sa tlhomama di aname seo se ama motho yo o mo maemo ao fela thata, ke ka moo patlisiso e bontshitsheng gore maemo ao e ka nna a nako e telele kana a nako e e khutshwane. Mathata a tsa madi a nako e e telele a bakwa ke go tlhoka tiro nako e e telele le ditshono tse di tlhaelang tsa go bona tiro ka ntlha ya go sa nne le bokgoni jwa tiro, mme mathata a tsa madi a nako e khutshwane a bakwa ke ditiragalo tse di sa bonelwang pele tseo maemo a tsone a ka baakangwang ka bonako. Patlisiso e ne e bontsha lebaka le lengwe la go bo basadi bano ba dira tiro eno e ne e le ka gonne tiro eno e dira madi ka bonako ga e tshwane le tiro ya nako e e tletseng. Ba bontshitse gore ba tlhotlhelediwa le ke balosika, batho ba ba ratanang le bone ga mmogo le ditsala. Lebaka le lengwe le le kgatlhang le le fitlheletsweng go batsayakarolo botlhe ke go nna le seabe ga Ma-Nigeria mo go direng gore ba tsamaise diokobatsing tse di seng kafa molaong. Patlisiso eno e tlhomamisitse gore Ma-Nigeria ke one a a tshamekang karolo e kgolo mo tirong eno e re ka e le bone badiri ba diokobatsi tseno le gore ke bone ba ba nayang tiro eno ya go tsamaisa diokobatsi. Basadi botlhe ba ba dumetseng go tsenela patlisiso eno ba bontshitse bosupi jwa seno. Go tlile go dirwa patlisiso e e tseneletseng ka ga batsamaisi ba diokobatsi. Go na le tshedimosetso e ntsi malebana le batsamaisi ba diokobatsi, segolobogolo jang mo basading. Ntle le seo, go tshwanetswe ga rutiwa batho mo go tseneletseng kaga batsamaisi ba diokobatsi mo baaging ga mmogo le kwa dikolong, thuto eno e tla lebisediwa thata kwa malapeng, ba ba tlhokomelang malapa ka tsa madi ga mmogo le go ba thusa gore ba kgone go dira ditshwetso tse di siameng. / Injongo yalolu cwaningo ukuhlola izimbangela ezenza abantu besifazane bashushumbise izidakamizwa. Le njongo iye yafezwa ngokusebenzisa uhlobo lokucwaninga lokuhlola ngokucophelela, kanye nocwaningo olumba lujule ngoba lushaya ngqo kulokho okucwaningwayo, lunembile futhi lunikeza isithombe esicacile sendaba ecwaningwayo. Leli phepha locwaningo lusekelwe ocwaningweni olwenziwe kwabesifazane abayisikhombisa. Lolu cwaningo luye lwahlola izindaba zokuphila zababambiqhaza njengoba babezilandisela bona ngokwabo, kuhlanganise isikhathi beseyizingane nendlela abakhuliswe ngayo, impilo yabo bengabantu abadala nokuphila kwabo njengabashushumbisi bezidakamizwa. Ucwaningo lugxile nasekuphileni kwabo kwangaphambili, izimo zomnotho nezenhlalo, umndeni nabangane, ucwaningo luye lwahlola ukuthi zikhona yini ezinye izinto okungenzeka ziyingxenye yezimbangela ezenza bashushumbise izidakamizwa. Ukuqoqwa kwedatha kwenziwa ngezingxoxo ezihleliwe nababambiqhaza abayisikhombisa. Abacwaningi baye bazikhethela ngokwabo abantu abazobamba iqhaza. Ngenxa yokuthi isihloko sigxile kulabo abashushumbisa izidakamizwa, le ndlela ibifaneleka ukuze kuxoxwe nababambiqhaza abengeziwe. Umcwaningi obehlose ukuxoxa okungenani nababambiqhaza abayishumi, ekugcineni kuyiwe kwabayishumi nanhlanu okuthe kubo kwaba nabayisikhombisa abavume ukubamba iqhaza. Indlela ehlakaniphile yokuhlaziya isetshenzisiwe ukuhlaziya idatha eqoqiwe. Nakuba ucwaningo belugxile ocwaningweni olumba lujule, ukuhlaziya okuhlakaniphile kube usizo ngoba bekuvumelana nezimo okusizile ekunikezeni idatha enemininingwane eminingi. Izimbangela bezihlukile kubo bonke ababambiqhaza, noma kunjalo okuyinhloko okutholakele kulolu cwaningo kubonisile ukuthi ababambiqhaza bakhetha ukushushumbisa izidakamizwa ngenxa yokuthwala kanzima ngokwezomnotho nangokwezimali. Ngenxa yokuthi ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali nangokwezomnotho kuyinto ebanzi futhi kuhlobana nomuntu othwele kanzima, kuye kwatholakala ukuthi ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali/ngokwezomnotho kungachazwa ngokuthi ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezezimali okuthatha isikhathi eside nokuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali kwesikhashana. Ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezimali okuthatha isikhathi eside kwenziwa ukuhlala isikhathi eside ungasebenzi kanye nokuntuleka kwamathuba emisebenzi ngenxa yokungabi namakhono, kuyilapho ukuthwala kanzima ngokwezemali kwesikhashana kudalwa izimo ezingalindelekile ezenza kudingeke isisombululo esisheshayo. Okunye futhi okutholakele ukuthi ababambiqhaza babekhuthazwa izinzuzo ezingokwezimali ukuthi bangaceba ngokushesha ngokungafani nokusebenza isikhathi esigcwele. Abantu abaphila nabo nsuku zonke bayingxenye yembangela ebagqugquzele ukuba bashushumbise izidakamizwa, kulaba kungabalwa umndeni, ophathina babo nabangane abadlale indima ebalulekile ekuthonyeni abanye ababambiqhaza ukuba bashushumbise izidakamizwa. Okuthakazelisayo okutholakale kubo bonke ababambiqhaza ukuthi abantu abadabuka eNigeria babe nesandla ekubeni kwabo abashushumbisi bezidakamizwa. Ucwaningo luqinisekisile ukuthi abase-Nigeria badlale indima enkulu ekubeni abaxhasi noma abagcini bezidakamizwa ezithuthwa ababambiqhaza. Lokhu bekufakazelwa yibo bonke ababambiqhaza okuxoxwe nabo. Izincomo zalolu cwaningo zihlanganise ucwaningo olwengeziwe oluzokwenziwa kulabo abashushumbisa izidakamizwa. Alwanele ulwazi olukhona mayelana nabashushumbisi bezidakamizwa, ikakhulukazi kubantu besifazane. Ngaphandle kwalokho, kufanele kube nemikhankaso yokufundisa emiphakathini nasezikoleni ngokuphathelene nokushushumbisa izidakamizwa, le mikhankaso yokufundisa izogxila kakhulu emndenini, ezikhungweni ezinikeza kanye nasekwenzeni ukukhetha okufanele. / Criminology and Security Science / M.A. (Criminology)

[pt] A tese objetiva examinar a responsabilidade internacional do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes perpetrados por agentes estatais, no contexto do regime militar (1964-1985), a partir da jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (Corte IDH). A análise considerará os precedentes normativos e jurisdicionais que embasaram as condenações do Estado brasileiro nos casos Julia Gomes Lund e outros vs. Brasil (2010) e Vladimir Herzog e outros vs. Brasil (2018). Em um primeiro momento, vislumbra-se apresentar o cenário de emergência das normativas internacionais relacionadas à responsabilidade penal dos indivíduos e à responsabilidade dos Estados. Uma vez apresentado o panorama normativo global, será elencado o case law da Corte IDH referente às graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas, de modo sistemático e massivo, por meio dos aparatos burocráticos de poder estatais. Conforme será aventado, apenas em casos específicos, a Corte IDH utiliza conceitos atinentes ao direito penal internacional como base interpretativa das obrigações consubstanciadas na Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, construindo um verdadeiro diálogo entre esse ramo do direito e a normativa dos direitos humanos. Finalmente, a pesquisa se concentrará nos supracitados julgados, separados por quase uma década, mas que possuem em comum o contexto no qual os fatos dos casos ocorreram. Destacadamente, o caso Herzog traz em seu bojo a qualificação dos crimes contra a humanidade – um passo significativo, em relação ao caso Gomes Lund, para ativistas e operadores do direito no âmbito doméstico. Sob esse viés, o presente trabalho pretende investigar em que medida o enquadramento dos crimes contra a humanidade possui o condão de fortalecer as iniciativas em prol da responsabilidade criminal dos agentes do regime ditatorial e de ensejar a contestação de estruturas e práticas repressivas ainda vigentes.A tese objetiva examinar a responsabilidade internacional do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes perpetrados por agentes estatais, no contexto do regime militar (1964-1985), a partir da jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (Corte IDH). A análise considerará os precedentes normativos e jurisdicionais que embasaram as condenações do Estado brasileiro nos casos Julia Gomes Lund e outros vs. Brasil (2010) e Vladimir Herzog e outros vs. Brasil (2018). Em um primeiro momento, vislumbra-se apresentar o cenário de emergência das normativas internacionais relacionadas à responsabilidade penal dos indivíduos e à responsabilidade dos Estados. Uma vez apresentado o panorama normativo global, será elencado o case law da Corte IDH referente às graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas, de modo sistemático e massivo, por meio dos aparatos burocráticos de poder estatais. Conforme será aventado, apenas em casos específicos, a Corte IDH utiliza conceitos atinentes ao direito penal internacional como base interpretativa das obrigações consubstanciadas na Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, construindo um verdadeiro diálogo entre esse ramo do direito e a normativa dos direitos humanos. Finalmente, a pesquisa se concentrará nos supracitados julgados, separados por quase uma década, mas que possuem em comum o contexto no qual os fatos dos casos ocorreram. Destacadamente, o caso Herzog traz em seu bojo a qualificação dos crimes contra a humanidade – um passo significativo, em relação ao caso Gomes Lund, para ativistas e operadores do direito no âmbito doméstico. Sob esse viés, o presente trabalho pretende investigar em que medida o enquadramento dos crimes contra a humanidade possui o condão de fortalecer as iniciativas em prol da responsabilidade criminal dos agentes do regime ditatorial e de ensejar a contestação de estruturas e práticas repressivas ainda vigentes. / [en] The thesis aims to analyze the international responsibility of the Brazilian State for crimes perpetrated by State agents, in the context of the military regime (1964-1985), based on the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACourtHR). The analysis will consider the normative and jurisdictional cases that served as precedents to the Brazilian State s convictions in the cases Julia Gomes Lund et al. vs. Brazil (2010) and Vladimir Herzog et al. vs. Brazil (2018). Initially, will be presented the emergency scenario of international regulations related to the criminal responsibility of individuals and the responsibility of States. Once the global normative panorama is presented, will be introduced the case law of the Inter-American Court regarding the serious violations of human rights perpetrated, in a systematic and massive way, through the bureaucratic apparatus of State power. As will be explained, only in specific cases, the Inter-American Court uses concepts of international criminal law as an interpretive basis for the obligations embodied in the American Convention of Human Rights, building a dialogue between this area of Law and the human rights normative. Finally, the research will focus on the aforementioned judgments, separated by almost a decade, but which share the context in which the facts of the cases occurred. Notably, the Herzog s case considers the qualification of crimes against humanity – a significant step, in relation to the Gomes Lund s case, for activists and legal practitioners in the domestic sphere. Under this bias, the present work intends to investigate to what extent the framing of crimes against humanity has the power to strengthen initiatives in favor of the criminal responsibility of the agents of the dictatorial regime and the contestation of repressive structures and practices still valid.

Vi alla känner igen ordspråket “Borta bra men hemma bäst” men hur sant är det egentligen?  Turism har alltid funnits i någon form och kommer alltid att finnas i någon form. Som en konsekvens av globaliseringen under de senaste decennierna har länder runt om i världen kommit närmare än någonsin. Gränser är mer öppna än någonsin och i stort sett alla får och kan resa. Vissa upplever dock vissa resmål som farliga och skrämmande. Speciellt kvinnor. Denna studie syftar till att undersöka vilka faktorer som har störst påverkan när det kommer till vad som får kvinnor att känna sig trygga under sina resor. Vad har kvinnor för upplevelser av sina tidigare resor och vilka vanliga rädslor finns? Denna studie syftar till att söka svar på hur mycket kvinnors uppfattning om säkerhet väger upp i deras val av resmål, vilka faktorer som är viktigaste och vilka faktorer som gör att kvinnor avstår från en viss destination. Vidare är det av intresse för oss att i vår studie undersöka hur stor skillnad det är mellan äldre och yngre kvinnors val av resor. Studien bygger på ett frågeformulär samt litteraturanalys. Enkäten fick totalt 224 svar från svenska kvinnor i olika åldrar. Resultaten visar delade meningar om hur viktiga vissa faktorer är för säkerhetsuppfattning vid val av resmål. De tydligaste mönstren som resultaten tar fram är att kvinnor föredrar att resa i sällskap istället för ensamma. Dessutom är kvinnors största faktor när de väljer resmål bekvämlighet inte säkerhet, även om säkerhet fortfarande är en viktig faktor. Den mest påverkande faktorn som skapar den rädsla som kvinnor upplever är massmedier som tidningsartiklar och sociala medier. / There is a common Swedish saying that being abroad is good but at home is still always the best. Tourism has always existed in some form and is always going to exist in some form. As a consequence of the globalization of the last decades countries around the world have become closer than ever. Boarders are more open than ever before and pretty much everyone is allowed and capable to travel. However, some experience certain destinations as dangerous or scary. Especially females.  This study aims to research which factors have the biggest impact when it comes to what makes women feel safe during their travels. What do women have as an experience of their earlier travels and what common fears exist? This study aims to seek answers on how much women's perception of safety weighs up in their choice of destination, what factors are most important and what factors cause women to refrain from a particular destination. Furthermore it is of interest how big of a difference there is between older and younger women's choice of travel. The study is based on a questionnaire as well as literature analysis. The questionnaire got a total of 224 answers from Swedish women of different ages.  The results show divided opinions on just how important certain factors are for safety when choosing a destination. The most significant patterns that the results show is that women prefer to travel accompanied instead of alone. Furthermore, women's biggest factor when choosing a destination is comfort not safety, even though safety is still an important factor. The most influencing factor that creates the fear that women experience is mass media such as newspaper articles and social media.