The aim of this inquiry is to investigate which ideals of democracy that three proposals for strengtening the democracy in the European Union consists of and to judge if the desired effects of the proposals are reachable. The method that is used is an analysis of ideas and contents. Theories that are used are deliberative and particiapatory ideals of democracy. The theories are used to investigate if the ideas in the proposals correspond to the ideals of deliberative and participatory democracy. The major result is that the proposals fail to fulfil the ideas of the theories. The reason is that the proposals are lacking ideas of how to make the citizens more aware and active in politics. The point of departure in the proposals is that the European Union will be more democratic if the people are brought in to the politics, but they do not suggest how people should form opinions through communication and become conscious and competent in political issues through participation. It is also likely that the effects of the proposals not are reachable to all the citizens. Only the ones who have an interest in communicating and participating in European politics will be gained by the proposals.

The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working totransfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for inframe of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which weused was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a uniquenormative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean- has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitativeapproach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and contentanalysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the BarcelonaProcess; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by theTacis programme. To this end, we were to answer the following questions: Can weidentify transfer of norms in the written bilateral agreements with these states, andare there any normative demands? Can we on the basis of our study answerwhether the EU holds a normative power to influence these countries to change, inaccordance with the normative theory? The agreements that we studied was thebilateral agreements that the EU signed with these States. In order to makeManners five norms (peace, freedom, democracy, rule of law and human rights),which he argues that EU is based on measurable; we used the Freedom Housefreedom index, and also by a historical study the development of the country. Theresults we found were the following; in all the studied bilateral agreements wefound clear - but to varying degrees - the transfer of norms. Although it differs indegree of regulatory requirements and also in the formulation of how the country iscommitted to abide by and comply with the normative requirements differaccording to the agreements, we can find the so-called "carrot and stickrelationship" that Manners believes that the EU use in the transfer of norms. Threeof the states that we investigated under the Freedom House freedom index did notdeveloped in a democratic way did, and the positive steps taken cannot be directlytraced back to the EU's efforts. It may also be due to other States or other forcesinfluence. We can’t, through our study confirm that Manners is right in these statesbut we can’t either rule out the possibility that the EU through the writtenagreements has changed the norms of the state in question, although progressseems to go very slowly. / Vi ämnade med denna uppsats undersöka hur den Europeiska Unionen arbetar för att överföranormer till stater man slutit avtal med och ger stöd till inom ramen för Barcelonaprocessenoch Tacis-programmet. Den teori som vi använde var Ian Manners teori om "EU som en uniknormativ makt". Syftet var att undersöka om EU - som Manner menar - har haft en normativmakt att påverka stater till normativ förändring. Vi använde ett kvalitativt angreppssätt medhjälp av en multipel fallstudie och kvalitativ text- och innehållsanalys. De stater som utgjordegrunden för vår studie var inom Barcelonaprocessen; Marocko och Tunisien samtAzerbajdzjan och Armenien inom Tacis-programmet. Följande frågeställningar skullebesvaras; Kan vi se överföring av normer i de skrivna avtalen med dessa stater, ställs detnormativa krav på länderna? Kan vi utifrån vår undersökning ge svar på huruvida EU inneharen normativ makt att påverka dessa länder till förändring? De avtal som vi studerat var debilaterala avtal som EU tecknat med dessa stater mellan 1995 och 1996. För att göra Mannersfem normer, (fred, frihet, demokrati, rättsstat och mänskliga rättigheter) som han menar attEU grundar sig på, mätbara, så använde vi å ena sidan Freedom House frihetsindex, menockså en historisk studie av landets utveckling. De resultat vi kom fram till var att vi i alla destuderade bilaterala avtalen fann tydliga - men i varierande grad - överföringar av normer frånEU till länderna. Vi kan i avtalen se att man ställer krav på att länderna ska utvecklasdemokratiskt och verka för mänskliga rättigheter, fred och rättssamhället. Vi kan även finnaspår av det s.k. "piska och morot förhållande" som Manners menar att EU använder sig av irelationen med andra stater.Tunisien, Armenien och Azerbajdzjan har enligt Freedom House frihetsindex inte utvecklasmot en demokratisk riktning till 2006. I Marocko fann vi att en viss positiv förändring skett ienlighet med EU:s normer och att vi även kan se en marginell utveckling mot demokratiskaprinciper. Resultatet visar även att vi inte kan härleda de få positiva steg som tagits, till EU:sBarcelonaprocess och Tacis-program. Den positiva utveckling vi kan se kan också bero på attandra aktörer eller krafter haft påverkan på landet i fråga. Det vi kan säga är att EU inomramen för Barcelonaprocessen och Tacis-programmet är benägna att verka normativt mot defyra staterna, då de ställer krav på normativ förändring genom de undersökta avtalen. Vad vidäremot inte kunnat bekräfta genom vår studie, är att EU - i enlighet med Manners normativateori - verkligen kunnat förändra normer i de stater vi studerat.

This essay focus on the European Union and its democracy both from a national perspec­tive and from an international perspective. Furthermore, the essay center on the con­cept of democratic deficit, this in order to study the European Union´s status regarding the democratic legitimacy. This study intends to nuance the problems that previous research and previous researchers have de­fined as democratic deficits in the European Union and ends up in conducting a textual anal­ysis of the latest European Union treaty, the Lisbon Treaty. The aim is that by using previous research on the democratic deficit in the European Union examine whether the Lisbon Treaty has enhanced the EU's position regarding democratic legitimacy. In other words, my study aims to identify what the deficit is and if it exists. The results show that the Lisbon Treaty has been trying to improve the democratic legitimacy and that some practical adjustments have been made, but it also show that there is much that still can be improved before citizens have full democratic rights.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att analysera opinionsskillnaderna mellan arton olika europeiska länder med fokus på klimatförändringar. Med avsikt att studera hur postmaterialismen har påverkat människors åsikt och se om det finns en koppling mellan denna förändring och deras inställning till klimatförändringarna. För att kunna svara på denna fråga har undersökningen använt statistikdata från European Social Survey. Resultatet visar att det finns en skillnad i ländernas åsikter om klimatförändringar och där det finns en likhet mellan postmaterialism och deras åsikt om klimatet. Studien hittade dock en starkare koppling mellan människors utbildningsnivå och deras inställning till klimatförändringar. Denna korrelation blev uppenbar i Östeuropa eftersom de inte hade samma ekonomiska tillväxt som norra och centrala Europa, men detta hade liknande åsikter som sina andra länder. / The aim of this study has been to analyse the opinion differences of eighteen different European countries, with the focus on climate change. With the intentions to study how the postmaterialism has affected people’s opinion and see if there is a link between this change and their attitude about climate change. In order to answer this question, the study has used statistic data from European Social Survey. The result finds that there is a difference in countries opinion about climate change and where there is a like between postmaterialism and their opinion about the climate. However, the study did find a stronger connection between people’s level of education and their attitude towards climate change. This correlation became palpable in Eastern Europe since they have not had the same economic growth as the northern and central Europe, but this hade similar opinions as their other countries.

The purpose of the essay is both to bring forward the threats images, sectors, actors and referents that can be found at the European border between 2007-2010 and to explore whether they change during this period. Furthermore, the essay also intends to review the Copenhagen School’s theory of securitization. The analysis of the essay will be done on the European commission’s “Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges”, a rapport that focus on the European border and its enlargement. The frame of analysis will be the Copenhagen School’s theory of Securitization with the acknowledgement of the critic brought forward by Johan Eriksson and Thierry Balzacq. The Copenhagen school brings forward with their theory, the importance of the discourse of security and thus presents actors and referents which are involved in the process. They also include different sectors in which the different threats images may appear. All of this will be crucial for my examination of the theory as a hole. Furthermore, the essay will modify its methodology to include some of the critic. The purpose is to test if the theory can give a satisfying view of the threat images, sectors, actors and referents at the European border, with a qualitative and a quantitative method. In conclusion, the essay found that the securitization actor during the period between 2007-2010 was the commission itself and the reference object was EU and indirect its members states. The functional actors was the organization PKK and the UN, who with their actions changes the security dynamic in the region. Furthermore, the threat images that was constantly present in the rapports, was organized crime which was consistent with the result that the most found sector was the military sector. These results can be linked to the work of Peter Andreas who argues that the American and European border have shifted from a military tasks to policing tasks. This task change is something that also can be related to Johan Eriksson’s work regarding the change of task in the Swedish security. My final conclusion is that the Securitization theory most be seen as a framework for analyses. Further discussions are need regarding the theories concepts. I notice there are three fundamental discussions that need to be focused on; the focus on the securitized threats images, the lack of including the context and the focus on the speech act.

What is the European Union (EU) and which countries should be part of it in the future? These questions became topical during the first part of the 21st century when political and geographical changes hasten the need to decide the nature of the European cooperation. In the European Constitution, that never come into force, the European values that a key role but was taken away in the succeeding Lisbon Treaty. Nevertheless EU continues to expand, recently to the East and non-European countries asTurkey are now on the “waiting-list”. What is then the European Identity in the changedEurope of today?   The President of the Commission has during the years had great influence on EU's view upon the European identity. For example, Jacques Delors was prominent in urging for European togetherness over national borders. Still, the current president, José Manuel Barroso, has new political and geographical situations to consider. That raises the question whether this new era might have an impact upon the president’s view of the European identity.   How to relate to the European identity is something that the sociologist Gerard Delanty investigates. Foremost is his focus upon the historical rise of “Europe” and in addition the European identity effect European immigrants. Delanty has also created four models for European identity of “thick” and “thin” categories. The models systematize different views upon the European identity.   This essay investigates how these models can be used as an instrument to categorize the different views upon the European identity that has been used by official sources within EU in the past, and compare these to the view which is expressed by Barroso today. The result is that Barroso’s view upon the European identity correlates to a great extent with the view of the 1950’s and 1960’s. That is, that the European identity should be based upon moral values as democracy and human rights. In contrast, the view in the 1980’s and beginning and 1990’s was a greater focus upon similarities in ancient history and multi-cultureEurope. In this way, Barroso’s view is similar to the early EU, however, not to the more recent opinions about European culture.

The primary purpose of this thesis is to study how political agents construct and give meaning to the concepts of democracy, representative democracy and referendums. The starting point of the thesis is the pressing issue whether or not Sweden should hold a referendum on the new EU constitution. To analyze this question my choice of method is critical discourse analysis and the topical theories revolve around democracy and responsibility. My study shows that there are three different discourses in this debate: “the democratic process”, “the representative democracy” and “the concept of democracy”. However, the meaning of the concepts in these discourses varies depending on which side the political agents are on. It is obvious that the concepts are not fixated and that they are used as catchphrases to define ideological motives. In addition, the concepts are used differently to enhance certain values in a democracy. The result of this study shows the paradox and conflicting values that are associated with the concepts. This means that the notion of democracy changes depending on what the agents want to perceive. The political agents who do not support a referendum often refer to what a representative democracy symbolizes. Agents who support a referendum consider the democratic process as an incentive for a democratic ideal. In this context, the discourse of democracy does not arise from a primary level but rather a secondary. This implies that the criteria for a liberal democracy are fulfilled and the debate revolves around abstract values.

Uppsatsen syfte är att ta reda på ifall den Europeiska Unionens (EU) handelspolicy för den interna respektive den externa marknaden följer den liberala retoriken som förs av unionen. Det är en komparativ fallstudie som använder sig av idealtyper för att ge en nyanserad bild av unionens handelspolicy. Det teoretiska ramverket som används för att framställa dessa idealtyper är merkantilism samt liberalism. Idealtyperna appliceras sedan på de två fallen. Fokus för studien ligger på tiden mellan Lissabonfördraget och 2012 innan den senaste utvidgningen till 28 medlemsstater ägde rum. I analysen kan man se delar av båda teorierna i varierande grad. Avslutningsvis diskuteras i vilken grad de båda teorierna influerar EU:s handelspolicy för den inre samt yttre marknaden. I resultatet kan man se att liberalismen genomsyrar stora delar av EU:s handelspolicy, men att det finns merkantilistiska undertoner i ett flertal olika områden. / The aim with this thesis is to find out whether the European Union (EU) trade policy for the internal and the external market comply with the liberal rhetoric that is conducted by the Union. It is a comparative case study based on ideal types to give the reader a nuanced view of EU:s trade policy. The theoretical framework that is being used to produce the ideal types is mercantilism and liberalism. Consequently, the ideal types are being applied on the two cases. The focus of the study is the time between the Lisbon Treaty and 2012, before the recent enlargement to 28 member states took place. In the analysis, one can see portions of both theories in varying degrees. Finally, the extent of how liberalism and mercantilism influences EU:s trade policy for the internal and the external market is being discussed. The result of the thesis show that liberalism influence most parts of the trade policy, but there are also some mercantilist undertones in several areas.

Visa-liberalisation agreements are commonly used as an incentive by the EU to encourage cooperation within the realm of border and migration management with its neighbouring countries. The ultimate aim of these agreements is to reduce irregular migration to Schengen territory, something that has been percieved as an increasingly urgent issue for European policy makers in the wake of the 2015 'migration crisis'. However, the use of visa liberalisation agreements in such a fashion appears contradictory considering that most irregular migrants in the EU most likely are visa-overstayers. This essay takes of in this apparent puzzle and argues that securitisation theory might help us better understand this discrepancy. While the construction of the migrant as a security threat in Europe has been thoroughly examined, differences in securitisation between grups of irregular migrants are often left out of the discussion or only implicitly mentioned. By examining the discourse and practices of a central EU agency in regard to border and migration management, FRONTEX, this thesis shows that visa-overstayers are routinely left out of the securitised discussion on irregular migration, thus rendering EU policies asymmetrically occupied with irregular migration by means of 'illegal entry'. However, the thesis also uncovers a more conplex set of ideas that show that although visa-overstayers are not conceptulised as threats to security in discourse on par with other categories of irregular migrants, visa-goers and other travellers are, too, incresingly subjected to a rationale of survaillance and risk.

Global energy transitions and rises in demand for critical raw materials (CRMs) are predicted to reshape global politics in yet uncertain but profound ways. With CRMs being vital for Europe’s decarbonization process, the present study sets out to examine the EU’s geopolitical discourse by taking an inquisitive yet critical stance focusing particularly on the new “geopolitical” Commission’s geopolitical reasoning on CRMs. Building upon critical geopolitics, a discourse analysis was conducted on 9 European Commission communications (2019–2020). Three key observations were made: first, a ‘geopolitical’ and ‘assertive’ EU is crucial in an increasingly ‘fragile’, ‘polarized’ and ‘competitive’ world. Second, securing CRMs is a ‘security question’, requiring ‘strategic approaches and partnerships’, notably with ‘resource–rich regions’ and particularly with Africa. Third, the EU’s narrative is ambiguous. While classical geopolitical assumptions are distinguishable, it remains questionable whether the EU will depart from its familiar path of liberal cooperation, multilateralism and trade when scouting for CRMs, although its role as a “benign ally” can be questioned. Further studies on the EU’s geopolitical reasoning, along with its actual practice in the area of CRMs, are warranted. Likewise, a critical reading of reports and foresight preceding EU policymaking is encouraged, to better comprehend how the EU’s dominating geopolitical discourse on CRMs and subsequent practice is produced in the first place.