The translation of metaphors has been analyzed and discussed for several decades, but there are not many multilingual studies that examine how metaphors are translated. The present study takes a cognitive approach to metaphor and investigates how translators at the European Commission handle metaphorical expressions and the underlying conceptual metaphors in political discourse. The source text is the English language version of the policy document A European Agenda on Migration, and the Swedish and Spanish language versions of it are included as target texts. The study identifies the conceptual metaphors that conceptualize migration and other topics that are closely related to the European migrant and refugee crisis of 2015 and the translation procedures that are used. A total of six translation procedures were found in the target texts, and the most used procedure in the Spanish target text was to retain both the conceptual metaphor and the metaphorical expression, whereas the most used procedure in the Swedish target text was to replace the metaphorical expression with a completely different one and thereby using a different conceptual metaphor. The parallel analysis of all three language versions also revealed that non-metaphorical expressions in the source text were occasionally replaced with metaphorical expressions in the target texts, which proves that adding a conceptual metaphor is one of many translation procedures. The most frequently used source domains in the source text, i.e. water, enemy and applied force, were transferred to both target texts. Some source domains were eventually lost, but a couple of new ones, such as disease and weight, were added instead.

Integration är ett omtalat fenomen över hela Europa i och med den ökande globaliseringen som bidrar till att människor av flera olika skäl rör sig över landsgränser i större utsträckning än någonsin. Ett gemensamt krafttag krävs för att invandrare ska integreras och inkluderas fullt ut i sina värdsamhällen, vilket gynnar både invandraren i fråga och samhället i stort. I föreliggande studie analyseras Europeiska kommissionens handlingsplaner för integration med avsikt att skapa en djupare förståelse för vad kommissionen ser som de främsta verktygen för att uppnå framgångsrik integration för invandrare. EU-kommissionen har publicerat två handlingsplaner, en från 2016, strax efter flyktingkrisen, och sedan ett uppföljande plan år 2020. Syftet med studien är att identifiera vilka verktyg för integration som bör prioriteras enligt EU-kommissionen, hur detta förändrats över tid samt hur det skiljer sig alternativt överensstämmer med Diaz integrationsmodell som utgör studiens teoretiska ramverk. Diaz integrationsmodell förklarar integrationsprocessen utifrån sju dimensioner som appliceras på texterna i enlighet med textanalys med inriktning på kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Studiens resultat visar att kommissionen företrädesvis prioriterar åtgärder kopplade till den ekonomiska dimensionen vilket syftar till arbetsmarknadsåtgärder och ekonomisk självständighet. Europeiska kommissionen har i den senare handlingsplanen ett betydligt större fokus på att själva utföra åtgärder inom kommunikativ integration vilket innebär språkkunskap och tillgång till information. Utifrån detta dras slutsatsen att handlingsplanerna förändras i takt med att behovsbilden ändrats några år efter flyktingkrisen då många invandrare anlände till Europa. Vidare tycks kommissionen prioritera sådana åtgärder som gynnar samhället i stort, främst kopplade till ekonomisk välgång, medan exempelvis politisk integration är lågprioriterat trots handlingsplanernas tydliga koppling till politiska aktörer. / Integration is a well-known phenomenon all over Europe as a result of the increasing globalization that contributes to people moving across boarders more than ever. A joint effort is necessary for immigrants to integrate into their host societies which benefits not only the immigrant but the society overall. This thesis analyses the European Commission’s Action Plan on Integration in order to create a profound understanding of the main tools for integration of immigrants according to the Commission. The Commission has published two action plans, one from 2016, shortly after the refugee crisis, and one from 2020. The aim of the thesis is to identify which tools for integration are prioritized, how this changes over time and how it relates to Diaz integration model which is the theory that is used in the thesis. Diaz integration model explains the integration process in seven dimensions. The dimensions are used as a tool to interpret the texts in accordance with a qualitative content analysis. The results suggest that the Commission mainly prioritizes efforts related to the economic dimension, meaning workforce measures and economic self-sufficiency. The European Commission increases their focus on communicative integration in the latter action plan and intends to implement more measures to ensure improved language skills and better access to information. This leads to the conclusion that the action plans changes as the needs and requirements for integration tools changes a few years after the refugee crisis when many immigrants arrived to Europe. The commission seems to prioritize measures that favor the entire society, mainly referring to economic welfare, while for example political integration is low priority despite the  plans association with political actors.

This study examines the European council and its connection to CFSP and the European identity. It will give a perspective of the change in common foreign-security policy from the Maastricht Treaty to the Lissabon treaty. The study will reproduce a perspective through time and describe the main ideas in CFSP and make a connection to how it created a European identity. The empirical material will conclude the European council results. To give more perspective, an idea analysis will be operating to capture the ideas of the various materials describing European identity and the CFSP. Henceforth using the empirical material to conclude a result for the analysis. For the analysis to be complete subjects such as normative power and actorness will have a part in the work in CFSP. Social constructivism as a theory will help to understand the power that European identity has in international cooperation. To conclude this, abstract the study will structure a difference in the work of the CFSP and its strategy to promoted democracy, and peace.

I den här uppsatsen har en konflikt mellan grundläggande EU-rättsliga värden utforskats genom en studie av den europeiska utredningsordern. Konflikten består i användandet av principerna om ömsesidigt förtroende och erkännande på straffrättens område, samtidigt som dessa principer ibland kolliderar med respekten för mänskliga rättigheter så som de definieras inom unionen. För att ge principerna om ömsesidigt förtroende och erkännande fullt genomslag skulle ett beslut om att begära en viss utredningsåtgärd från en annan stat behöva erkännas och verkställas utan någon extra prövning i den verkställande staten. För att ge mänskliga rättigheter fullt genomslag skulle å andra sidan den verkställande staten behöva göra en sådan prövning. Den här konflikten har tidigare utforskats i samband med den europeiska arresteringsordern, medan utredningsordern inte har fått samma uppmärksamhet. Det har kunnat konstateras att det finns många likheter mellan den europeiska arresteringsordern och utredningsordern, men att den senare också står inför helt egna utmaningar. Det finns nämligen stora skillnader mellan ett verkställande av ett överlämnade av en person till en annan stat, och ett verkställande av en utredningsåtgärd, så som till exempel en husrannsakan. Detta gör att den praxis som finns avseende den europeiska arresteringsordern måste behandlas med försiktighet. / In this essay a conflict between fundamental values of the European Union law has been explored through a study of the European Investigation Order. The conflict consists of the use of the principles of mutual trust and recognition within the area of criminal law, when these principles might collide with the respect for human rights as they are defined within the Union. I order to give full weight to the principles of mutual trust and recognition it would be necessary for the executing state to recognize and execute a decision of an investigative measure emanating from the issuing state without any further substantial assessment. For human rights to be adequately protected, it might however be necessary for the executing state to make that very assessment before executing the investigative measure in question. This conflict has already been explored in connection with the European Arrest Warrant, but the European Investigation Order has not yet received the same attention. There are many similarities indeed between the two, but the European Investigation Order also has completely unique challenges. One must keep in mind that there are great differences between an extradition decision and an execution of an investigative measure, as for example a search. This makes it essential to treat the Investigation Order as its own, viewing the case law regarding the Arrest Warrant with some precaution.

The purpose of this study was to examine if the criticism aimed at the Swedish media was justified or not. The Swedish media’s coverage of the EU is a heavily debated subject between scientists and politicians alike. The coverage has come under fire for being irregular and for only focusing on the national part of the European union. The study has it stand point in the following research questions: “How frequent is the coverage of the EU”, “what differs in the reporting from an election year and a regular year”, “How much space is the EU given in the newspapers”, “Who is behind the information” and “What subjects is the coverage about and who gets to talk”. The study aimed itself at Swedish local newspapers from three different regions of Sweden.    The study used a quantitative content analysis to identify the difference in the reporting during week 22 through the years 2013, 2014 and 2015. By doing this the study found that there was a major difference in the reporting from the election year, 2014, and the other two years where there were no elections. It also found that politics and economics where popular subjects to cover and that Swedish EU-politicians were the most popular persons in the articles. The study also aimed to see if the criticism the media got for only covering the national part of news in from the EU. This the study found was mostly true when it came to local newspapers and also that the EU news mostly took up a large piece of space in the papers because of all the information that had to be in the articles to explain the complexity of the European union. The conclusion of this study is that the Swedish local news media’s coverage of the EU is underwhelming but also hard to improve because the EU also has problems in its information flow and that the Swedish local media tends to use the national angle to sell the news.

No description available.

This paper aims at analyzing and understanding the political conflict between the EU and member states Hungary and Poland that has increased in recent years. Though this paper's focus will be on the different understanding and application of democracy, its meaning and values. By understanding the different approach to democracy, through liberal democracy and illiberal democracy, one may understand the conflict better and its implication for European integration. This paper analyses the democratic development in Hungary and Poland, the theories behind their development and its response from the EU. The importance of understanding the core values of democracy and understanding of it, be it liberal democracy or illiberal democracy, is not to be underestimated. Only by understanding these differences in core values can we understand the conflict of Rule of Law between the EU and its illiberal member states. This paper concludes that the negative democratic development in these states and their governments' public philosophical and political narratives for their reforms are not in coordination with neither reality nor public opinion. It also finds that the development of illiberal democracies within the EU is a threat to future European integration and the normative legitimacy of the EU in internal and foreign matters.

Circular and digital transformations are key focal points in the European Commission's regulations and directives, as evidenced by the proposed Ecodesign for Sustainable Products Regulation. This regulation aims to reduce the environmental impact of products throughout their life cycles. To facilitate this objective, the implementation of digital product passports has been put forward as a means to seamlessly exchange product information. However, the ambiguity and absence of an implementation timeline in the ESPR framework hinder producers' preparedness for the expected information requirements in a digital product passport. Consequently, the extent of producers' compliance with the implementation schedule, along with the associated actions, challenges, and opportunities, remains uncertain. This study conducted two sequential qualitative phases to address these issues. The initial phase examined the anticipated information requirements and implementation timeline, while the subsequent phase assessed producers' current information collection practices.The findings reveal that producers effectively collect the majority of the 29 anticipated information elements mandated by a digital product passport, categorized as traceability, product-related, environmental, and circular information. However, producers’ information collection practices are not aligned with the implementation timeline due to limited prior knowledge of forthcoming regulations. Producers are taking measures such as collaboration, enhanced transparency, and effective management of end-of-life products and facilities to comply with the requirements. Challenges include balancing transparency with safeguarding sensitive information, information gathering across the supply chain, and managing the inclusion of essential information. On the other hand, opportunities arise in improved decision-making, innovation, extended product lifespan, and continuous learning. This research contributes to understanding the anticipated information requirements of digital product passports and provides valuable guidance for producers' data collection efforts. / Cirkulär och digital transformation är centrala fokuspunkter i Europeiska Kommissionens- förordningar och direktiv, vilket tydligt framgår i förslaget Ecodesign för hållbara produkter. Syftet med denna förordning är att minska produkters miljöpåverkan under hela deras livscykel. För att underlätta detta föreslås implementering av digitala produktpass för sömlöst utbyte av produktinformation. Men otydlighet i ESPR förslaget och avsaknad av en tidsplan för implementering hindrar producenternas förberedelse inför de förväntade informationskraven i ett digitalt produktpass. Följaktligen är det oklart i vilken utsträckning som producenter följer tidsplanen och vilka åtgärder, utmaningar och möjligheter som är förknippade med detta. I denna studie så genomfördes två sekventiella kvalitativa faser för att ta itu med dessa problem. Den första fasen undersökte de förväntade informationskraven och tidsplanen för implementering, medan den andra fasen bedömde producenternas nuvarande praxis för informationsinsamling. Resultaten visar att producenterna effektivt samlar in majoriteten av de 29 informationselement som förväntas krävas i ett digitalt produktpass, kategoriserade som spårbarhet, produktrelaterad information, miljöinformation och cirkulär information. Dock är producenters praxis för informationsinsamling inte anpassad till tidsplanen på grund av begränsade förkunskaper. Producenterna vidtar åtgärder såsom samarbete, ökad transparens samt effektiv hantering av uttjänta produkter och anläggningar för att uppfylla kraven. Utmaningar inkluderar att balansera transparens med företagskritisk information, insamling av information genom hela leverantörskedjan samt att hantera inkludering av nödvändig information. Även möjligheter uppstår, såsom förbättrade beslutsprocesser, innovation, utökad produktlivslängd och kontinuerligt lärande. Detta examensarbete bidrar till förståelsen av förväntade informationskrav för digitala produktpass och ger värdefull vägledning för producenters informationsinsamling.

In 2020, the corona virus was officially classified as a pandemic. Most countries’ economywas badly affected, and many companies were in need of state aid to survive. However, due to the European single market and its competition policy, the European commission has strict state aid rules. Hence, because of the circumstances, the commission implemented a temporary framework for state aid, which enabled for economic assistance that would normally not be in accordance with the competition policy. Because some countries had expressed concern for more generous state aid rules to threaten the single market, the commission needed to be strategic with their communication, in order for the member states to see it as necessary and legitimate. The aim of this study is to illustrate and analyze how the commission framed the temporary state aid rules to legitimize it. The method of use isframing analysis. The main results are that the two frames the commission used to legitimize the temporary state aid rules were that the crisis needed to be solved mutually, and the fact that it was an economic crisis. In conclusion, the commission framed the temporary state aidrules by alluding to common interests among the member states, such as the importance of European cooperation and the single market. They did this to legitimize the temporary state aid rules.

During its years, the European Union (EU) has experienced several different crises that have challenged its association and put democracy at risk. The financial crisis in 2009 and the migration crisis in 2015 are two difficult periods that caused a split between the member states. In 2020, the Union faced another crisis when the world witnessed the birth of the COVID-19 pandemic. To protect public health, states have introduced state of emergency (SoE) that gives the political government more power to make quick decisions and restrict residents' democratic freedoms. Discussions about how the pandemic affects democracy in the EU have been raised. This study aims to examine different views on how EU democracy is affected by the pandemic. The purpose is to identify how five different representatives of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and intuitions reason about the pandemic's effect on EU democracy. In addition, the purpose is to compare differences and similarities between their different points of view. To generate a result, the interviews were analyzed through previous research and a theoretical framework of Utilitarianism and Consequentialism. The theories analyze through a normative ethics perspective that determines what action is morally right based on the consequences of it. The results show that the pandemic has caused an acceleration of anti-democratic development and a higher concentration of power within the governments. The respondents in the study believe that the pandemic has acted as an accelerator of anti-democratic development in countries where this was already going on before the pandemic struck. Moreover, SoE has caused practical changes in democratic processes, such as restricting participation and democratic freedoms, increasing disinformation, and limiting trust-building between countries. The difference identified was that respondents from institutions did not consider that SoE harms EU’s democracy, but instead is morally right to implement. However, respondents from NGOs defined the implementation of SoE as detrimental to democracy in the EU and questioned whether it is morally right in terms of its consequences for democracy. / Den Europeiska unionen (EU) har under sina år genomgått flera olika kriser som utmanat dess association och satt demokratin på spel. Finanskrisen 2009 och Migrationskrisen 2015 är två svåra perioder som orsakade ett splittrat EU. År 2020 ställdes unionen inför ännu en kris när världen bevittnade födelsen av COVID-19 pandemin. För att skydda folkhälsan har stater infört undantagstillstånd som ger det politiska styret mer makt för att ta snabba beslut och begränsar invånares demokratiska friheter. Diskussioner kring hur pandemin påverkar demokratin i EU har lyfts. Denna studie ämnar till att granska olika synvinklar på hur EU:s demokrati påverkas av pandemin. Syftet är att identifiera hur fem olika företrädare för icke-statliga organisationer och institutioner resonerar kring pandemins effekt på EU:s demokrati. Dessutom är syftet att jämföra skillnader och likheter mellan deras olika synvinklar. För att generera ett resultat analyserades intervjuerna genom tidigare forskning och ett teoretiskt ramverk av Utilitarism och Konsekventialism. Teorierna analyserar utifrån normativ etik som bestämmer vad som är moraliskt rätt genom konsekvenser av handlingar. Resultatet visar att pandemin har orsakat en accelerering av antidemokratisk utveckling och en högre koncentration av makt. Respondenterna i studien anser att pandemin har fungerat som en accelerator av antidemokratisk utveckling i länder där detta redan pågick innan pandemin. Sedermera har undantagstillstånd orsakat praktiska förändringar i demokratiska processer så som begränsning av deltagande och demokratiska friheter, ökning av desinformation och begräsning av förtroendeskapande mellan länder. Skillnaden som identifierades var att företrädare från institutioner inte ansåg att undantagstillstånd skadar EU:s demokrati utan i stället är moraliskt rätt. Företrädare för icke-statliga organisationer definierade däremot implementeringen som skadlig för demokratin i EU och ifrågasatte om det är moraliskt rätt utifrån dess konsekvenser som skapas för demokratin.