The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism. On the other hand Vänsterpartiet, Socialdemokraterna and Centerpartiet are in favour of multiculturalism whereas Folkpartiet, Kristdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet, and Moderaterna contain more than one integration theory.

The main purpose of this analytic study which has a theoretical focus, Is to find out if the two Swedish parties Socialdemokraterna (s) - The Social Democrats - and Folkpartiet (p) - The Liberal Party - has taken position ideologically or strategically to the new sex-degree grading scale. The theory section describes the concepts of ideology and strategy. Despite the talk of the death of the ideologies, this don't need to be the case, they only adjust över time. The second key-point of this essay is strategy, a model based on Frostbergs reasoning illustrates this. A number of problem areas are presented. The politicians are driven by a desire to to realize their preferences and sometimes come strategic actions necessary. On the other side are the voters who will assess the degree of contact and the credibility of what the different parties presents. The material is based upon a varied mix of sources. Socialdemokraterna stands for a theory of equality while Folkpartiet has its roots in the liberal ideas. These two parties have previously done deals in heavy issues, this in a political land of sometimes unexpected decisions and alliances. The school is central to the Government and is a constant  topic of discussion and criticism. Something must be done because the Swedish school has been unsuccessful in quality intemationally. A model is used to illustrate and analyze the outcome of the result of the two parties if they has acted ideologically or strategically in the case of the grade-system. The answer is that (fp) has acted ideologically because they have a clear link to their ideal-type determination. Socialdemokraterna have acted strategically in relation to ideological points as well in their overall opinion explanation with the school had to give up on a number on of points.

The purpose with this essay is to examine the Liberal Party and the Left Party´s views on homework, if the parties considers that homework affects the schools plan for equivalence and if the parties disagreement can be related to their different ideologies. To answer the purpose I have used following questions: How do the Liberal Party and the Left Party define the concept of homework?, What is the purpose of homework in primary schools according to the Liberal Party and the Left Party?, What are the arguments for and against homework and do homework affects the schools plan for equivalence according to the parties? and Can the parties' views on homework be related to their respective ideologies? The method used is a qualitative textual analysis with focus on the idea analysis. The material consist of relevant newspaper articles, news and debate clips and the parties various party programs, during the time frame of 2006-05-31 - 2013-10-14. To answer the purpose I also used different types of discourse theories, equivalence theory and the ideologies liberalism and reformist socialism as theories. The results shows that the Liberal Party and the Left Party have different views about what a homework should be considered as and that both parties thinks that homework can affect the schools plan for equivalence, but they have different perceptions about how. The Left Party believes that homework should be done during school time and The Liberal Party believes that homework should be done after school. Their different views and values regarding homework can also be relate to their different ideologies. A possible idea that I also can find from the results is that the parties different opinions can be based on that they refers to pupils of different age groups when they discuss the topic of homework.

The purpose of this essay is to find out if Alliansen has lost their Bourgeoisie collective identity. The comprehensive questions of this essay are: Does liberalism or conservatism dominate the manifesto of Alliansen from 2006-2010 compared to the manifesto 2014-2018? Have Alliansen changed their ideological views to the centre of the political spectrum in their manifesto from 2006-2010 compared to the manifesto 2014-2018?   The method used in this essay is a qualitative dimensional study. The results of the essay show that conservatism dominates both manifestos of Alliansen and show that the ideological view of Alliansen has not changed. Alliansens view of human beings in their manifesto from 2006-2010 is pessimistic and so is Alliansens manifesto from 2014-2018 and therefore closer to the conservative ideology than the ideology of liberalism. Alliansens view of society is collectivistic in both the manifesto 2006-2010 and the manifesto 2014-2018 and therefore also closer to the conservative ideology than the ideology of liberalism.

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Syftet med arbetet är att utreda begreppet ordningsbetyg och belysa det ur olika infallsvinklar. Tanken är att ge läsaren en klarare bild av vilka fördelar och nackdelar det kan finnas med ett ordningsbetyg. Vidare vill vi undersöka vilka attityder det finns gentemot ett ordningsbetyg från skolpersonals sida. Vi har intervjuat åtta personer som befinner sig i olika skolmiljöer. Fyra på högstadiet och fyra på gymnasiet. I urvalsgruppen återfinns både skolledare och lärare. Dessa intervjuer har vi sedan tolkat kvalitativt för att få svar på vår frågeställning kring ordningsbetyg. Sammanfattningsvis kom vi bland annat fram till att ordningsbetygen är ett komplext verktyg som skulle kunna föra mig sig både positiva och negativa effekter. Även om en del medelbråkiga elever skulle komma att skärpa sig så framkom det att de värsta förmodligen inte skulle ta notis om ytterligare ett betyg och eventuellt få problem vid en anställningsintervju i framtiden. / The purpose of the essay is to examine grades in behaviour from several different angels. The general idea is to examine both positive negative effects of a grade in behaviour and help the reader to more clearly understand these effects. Further we aim to examine which attitudes teachers, the school’s management and students have towards a grade in behaviour.

This study looks at the meeting between secularization, Christian political mobilization, and national socialism in Western Sweden during the first half of the twentieth century. The study follows the ideological developments of the Christian newspaper Göteborgs Stifts-Tidning, their organization into the political party Kyrkliga Folkpartiet and their increasing ties to both the Swedish and German national socialism parties and ideologies during the 1930s. Using a hermeneutical method, the study examines the newspaper Göteborgs Stifts-Tidning over almost 40 years to track ideological developments and a changing world view. The results showthat Göteborg Stifts-Tidning saw itself as upholders and defenders of religion against the forces of secularization brought in by the modern political parties, particular socialism, later the jews. They viewed the conservatives and later the national socialists as possible allies against secularization.

<p>The aim of this paper is to empirically examine the ideological trends and positioning of the Swedish liberal party with the Danish social liberal party. This paper also aims to analyze the reasons behind the trends. By examine the development in these two Nordic liberal sisterparties, this paper contributes to our understanding of why and how party change is initiated. The paper commences with an intuitive notion that the Swedish party has in fact, made a lurch towards the right, during the past ten to fifteen years while the Danish party has retained their social-liberal position in the centre of the Danish political spectrum. The questions then asked are: can this hypothesis be verified empirically? If so, how can this phenomenon of divergence, be explained?</p><p>The method used in this thesis is process-tracing and the empirical material does to a large extent rely on interviews with central agents as they are specified in the theory of each party. The starting point of the paper is theory on party change, which identifies the important agents, goals and determinants of party policy.. It rely on rational choice assumption, pays regard to institutional boundaries and is placed somewhere in the category of new institutionalism.</p><p>This thesis argues that it is empirically unquestionable that the Swedish party de facto has made a lurch to the right during the last decade, while the Danish party has shown significant stability in their ideological position. The thesis further argues that the development in the Swedish party can be explained through a shift of primary goals, from policy-seeking toward vote-maximising, while the Danish party’s primary goals have since the beginning of the nineties until now, remained primarily policy-seeking. This explains why their ideological trend has kept a stable course. The paper concludes by stating that the divergent development within the two parties is explainable on the basis of the institutional organisation within each party, together with the different political environments they are occupied in.</p>

<p>Title: Similarities or differences within the centre-right? A study of the potential for party fusions within in the Swedish centre-right</p><p>Author: Charlie Weimers</p><p>Aim: The thesis seeks to find the potential for party fusions within the Swedish centre-right by analyzing the ideological similarities and differences between the parties.</p><p>Method/Material: In the thesis, four dimensions of the parties’ ideologies are analyzed: view of man, theory for societal structures, fiscal theory and moral values. The results of the study of the ideologies are then compared. The investigation is done with the party manifestos as starting point and with the analysis of ideas as theoretical tool.</p><p>Main Results: The comparative analysis, based on the parties’ ideological views, shows specific party constellations are more probable than others. The biggest ideological similarities are to be found between the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, out of which I conclude that these two parties have the best potential for a fusion. The Moderate Party and the Christian Democratic Party also have clear similarities, thus there is a potential for fusion to a certain degree. The Moderate Party also shows some similarities with the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, hence the possibility for a merger can not be excluded. My conclusion is based upon social liberalism and neo-conservatism as ideal types, which gives the Christian Democratic Party a position to the right. Thus, it would possible to claim that this party has the least options regarding fusion partners. The Moderate Party has the most alternatives, since the party is in a kind of “middle ground” between social liberalism and neo-conservatism.</p><p>Number of pages: 49</p><p>Course: Political Science C</p><p>University: Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, Karlstad University</p><p>Period: Fall, 2006</p><p>Tutor: Anders Broman</p><p>Keywords: centre-right, Sweden, party fusion, ideology, Moderate Party, Liberal People’s Party, Christian Democratic Party, Centre Party</p>

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